Six Children Killed as School Bus Crashes into Tree in Haryana

The driver is believed to have been drunk. The Haryana government has ordered a probe into the incident.

New Delhi: Six children died when a school bus collided with a tree in Haryana’s Mahendragarh on Thursday morning (April 11).

A show-cause notice has been issued to the school and some other schools that remained open on Thursday despite a public holiday on account of Eid, news agency PTI reported.

Meanwhile, the Haryana government has ordered a probe into the incident.

According to NDTV, the driver is believed to have been drunk.

The bus was carrying students from classes 4 to 10. They were from to GL Public School.

At least 12 injured students have been admitted to a local hospital, the news outlet reported. Two others, who are said to be in a critical condition, have been moved to a Rohtak hospital, it said.

“We are investigating the drink driving claims and have conducted a medical test on the driver. The bus’s fitness certificate was not renewed,” senior police officer Arsh Verma told NDTV. Official documents show that the bus’s fitness certificate had expired six years ago in 2018.

Remembering Sheela Barse: A Champion for Child Rights and Juvenile Justice

It is impossible to write on children’s issues without citing Sheela Barse and all her PILs. Her work on women prisoners in the early 1980s could be considered path-breaking.

Sheela Barse, a journalist and activist renowned for her advocacy on behalf of children’s rights, women prisoners, and various other causes, passed away on the night of Monday, March 25, in Pune at the age of 84. Below is a tribute to her remarkable life and tireless dedication to social justice.

I was informed last night [March 25] of the passing on of Sheela Barse. I am fully aware that this name may not mean a lot to the new generation of activists. Law researchers may have heard of her and referred to orders with her name.

But for me, I am feeling a sense of loss. I have not met Sheela for over 30 years and yet I feel I never quite lost touch with her in my heart and mind. Every time I think of or mention juvenile justice, Sheela’s is the name that comes to my mind. I was delighted to find an interview with her in LiveLaw which was feisty as she has always been. I recall her as I think child labour – because that’s why I got to meet her in 1986.

It is impossible to write on children’s issues without citing Sheela Barse and all her PILs. Her work on women prisoners in the early 1980s could be considered path-breaking. A simple internet search is enough for that. But like many feisty fighters of people’s rights, she remains unknown to most of the larger public. I doubt that whether my own children or even my spouse recognise the significance of her life, despite their relationship with me.

I realised as I spoke to many young activists, they were unable to recall her. How do we make people like Sheela Barse as much a national heritage in the minds of the public she spent her life fighting on behalf of, as the sportspersons and actors or even other ‘celebrities’? My yoga teacher, with whom I was talking about Sheela said, ‘How come we do not know her? Our children, of course, never will. That is so sad indeed!’

It was 1986 and the draft child labour law was under way. Rajeev Gandhi was the Prime Minister and P.A. Sangma the labour minister. The new terms – ‘Prohibition’ and ‘Regulation’ – were to be added to the amended child labour law. My friend Neera Burra and I met at the Indian Social Institute, Delhi, where we both worked. Neera introduced me to Vasudha Dhagamawar, who had just set up Multiple Action research Group (MARG), and whom I worked with for 10 years. Neera and Walter Fernandes, the Director of Indian Social Institute, were busy with a research project on child labour. I knew nothing on the issue. But, as my first assignment with MARG, I was roped in to coordinate a huge national conference on child labour. I was given an assistant, a typewriter and a room. The mandate of the conference was to argue the draft law.

The luminaries who co-convened this conference were Tara Ali Baig (SOS Children’s Villages), Sharadchandra Gokhale (CASP) and, of course, Walter Fernandes and Vasudha Dhagamwar. I only remember being totally overawed by them all to begin with. Sadly, except for Walter, we have lost all of them.

Among the invitees was Sheela Barse. She was already quite a legend. Even before she arrived there were stories about her – how she had jumped over factory walls in Bhiwandi to discover children working there, travelled alone into ‘dangerous’ spaces and filed cases in court.

When she arrived, she was direct and outspoken – and told off anyone she was unhappy with. She was a tall and imposing woman with a quicksilver mind and oozed confidence and stature. As co-ordinator of the national conference, I was expected to ‘deal’ with her. Anyone can imagine how overwhelming it can be for a 25-year-old to meet such person. I cannot remember what she was annoyed with, but do recall the feeling of terror when she stamped her feet in irritation.

India would not have had a juvenile justice law had it not been for Sheela Barse who filed for children to be treated differently in criminal cases.

She was relentless. (PIL on rights of children in custodial institutions Sheela Barse v. Children’s Aid Society & Maharashtra 1987 AIR 1987 SC 656, (1987) 3 SCC 50; Children below 18 years kept in jail, the court called for complete information and directed strict compliance in Sheela Barse (I) v. UOI (1986) 3 SCC 596; physically and mentally retarded children and abandoned or destitute children kept in jails, Sheela Barse (II) v. UOI (1986) 3 SCC 632; PIL on behalf of children in police lock-ups (1986) 3 SCC 596 PIL against minor children in jail, Sheela Barse v. UOI (1987) 1 SCC 76; PIL against jailing of mentally ill children in West Bengal, Sheela Barse v. UOI (1993) 4 SCC 204; PIL against lodging delinquent children in regular jails, Sheela Barse v. UOI 25 ACC 370).

She was also one of the early activists to have reported and fought sexual exploitation of children. Remember the Freddy Peats Case in Goa? Her PIL against international organised Child Sex Exploiters Sheela Barse v. Goa & UOI, exposed the pedophilias in India. This led to the prosecution of the foreign perpetrators who were extradited and the German Police Tape recorded her evidence in Frankfurt where she was invited. She was part of drafting of several of the policies and laws in her life time and continued to fight for the causes she so believed in.

I remember you Sheela Barse! You are not forgotten! Zindabad!

This article was originally published on the author’s blog.

UN Says More Children Killed in Gaza Than Four Years of Global Conflict Combined

‘This war is a war on children. It is a war on their childhood and their future,’ said Philippe Lazzarini, head of the UN agency for Palestinian refugees.

New Delhi: More children have been reported killed in the war raging in Gaza than in four years of conflict around the world, the United Nations has said.

“The number of children reported killed in just over 4 months in Gaza is higher than the number of children killed in 4 years of wars around the world combined. This war is a war on children. It is a war on their childhood and their future,” said Philippe Lazzarini, head of the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, on X (formerly Twitter).

“#ceasefireNow for the sake of children in #Gaza,” he added.

According to AFP, his post referenced United Nations numbers showing that 12,193 children had been killed in conflicts worldwide between 2019 and 2022.

It compared that to reports from the health ministry in Hamas-run Gaza indicating that more than 12,300 children died in the Palestinian territory between last October and the end of February, the report said.

India Has the Highest Rate of ‘Zero-Food’ Children After Guinea and Mali, Reveals Study

The study estimated the prevalence of zero-food children – where they haven’t consumed anything at all in a 24-hour span – in India is at 19.3%. The figures are much lower in Bangladesh (5.6%), Pakistan (9.2%), DR Congo (7.4%), Nigeria (8.8%) and Ethiopia (14.8%).

New Delhi: India’s prevalence of “zero-food” children – where they haven’t consumed anything at all in a 24-hour span – is comparable to the rates in the west African nations of Guinea, Benin, Liberia and Mali, the Telegraph reported, citing a study that used data from the Union health ministry’s National Family Health Survey for 2019-2021.

The study estimated India’s prevalence of zero-food children at 19.3%, the third highest after Guinea’s 21.8% and Mali’s 20.5%.

The figures are much lower in Bangladesh (5.6%), Pakistan (9.2%), DR Congo (7.4%), Nigeria (8.8%) and Ethiopia (14.8%).

The study was conducted using health surveys across 92 low-income and middle-income countries at various times between 2010 and 2021. The research was conducted by population health researcher S.V. Subramanian from Harvard University and his colleagues, and was published in JAMA Network Open, a peer-reviewed journal.

It revealed that South Asia has the highest prevalence of zero-food children, estimated at 8 million, with India alone accounting for over 6.7 million, as reported by the newspaper.

Lack of feeding care to infants

Health experts familiar with child nutrition issues in India told the Telegraph the deprivation of food leading to zero-food children is likely to reflect not a lack of access to food but the inability of many mothers to provide appropriate feeding care to their infants.

Zero-food children are infants or toddlers aged between six months and 24 months who have not received any milk or solid or semisolid food over a 24-hour period.

Across the 92 countries, over 99% of the zero-food children had been breastfed, indicating that almost all the children had received some calories even during the 24-hour period during which they had been deprived of food.

But at six months, breastfeeding is no longer sufficient to provide children with the nutrition they require, said the report.

Children then need adequate protein, energy, vitamins and minerals through additional food along with breastfeeding.

“The numbers highlight… the urgent need for tailored interventions to address this issue,” said Subramanian and his colleagues said in their paper.

They said that more research was needed to unravel “the underlying causes” of zero-food prevalence, the barriers to optimal adequate child-feeding practices, and the ways socioeconomic factors might influence child-feeding behaviour.

Vandana Prasad, a paediatrician and public health specialist who was not associated with the study, told the daily that many infants and toddlers are deprived of complementary feeding because their mothers’ circumstances prevent them from providing the children with feeding care.

“It is not easy to feed children who are six months old – it takes time and energy, and many of the women in households where zero-food children might have been found don’t have the support they require for adequate complementary feeding,” Prasad said.

In economically disadvantaged households, whether in rural regions or urban slums, mothers often find themselves balancing responsibilities to earn wages and carry out household chores. This leaves them with insufficient time to dedicate to complementary feeding for their children.

Maternity entitlements and childcare services could help address the issue but many women don’t have access to such services, said Prasad, who’s also a technical adviser to the Public Health Resource Network, a non-government agency that has shown through studies in Odisha how crèches can help reduce under-nutrition levels in children from vulnerable households.

Cultural issues and the lack of information, too, may in some instances affect complementary feeding practices, she said.

Findings from the previous study

Subramanian and his colleagues had last year generated India’s first estimate of the prevalence of zero-food children, based on the 2019-2021 health survey data.

The study revealed that nearly two among every 10 infants or toddlers in India face the risk of not receiving any food whatsoever for a full day, the Telegraph had reported. And this revealed virtually no change in this measure of food deprivation since 2016, it said.

The percentage of “zero-food” children increased from 17.2% in 2016 to 17.8% in 2021.

The sampled children were aged between six months and 23 months who hadn’t eaten any food with substantial calorific content for at least an entire day.

“The data contained something unusual and unexpected — we don’t expect young children between six months and 23 months to go entirely unfed for a whole 24 hours,” Subramanian had told the daily.

“We don’t know how long the deprivation lasted in each child sampled — that’s a limitation in the data. But we’d expect a child to receive at least some food over a whole day,” Subramanian said. “The absence signals severe food deprivation.”

This study sampled over 600,000 households, and included questions that probed what food children aged six to 23 months had consumed over the previous 24 hours.

Both the 2016 and 2021 surveys had multiple identical questions asking whether the child had consumed any of a variety of solid or liquid foods. An answer of “no” to all the food questions for a child meant the child received no food in the preceding 24 hours.

According to the report, the analysis has yielded an estimated headcount of 5.9 million zero-food children in the six-23 months age group in India in 2021. Uttar Pradesh had the highest prevalence (27.4%) of zero-food children, followed by Chhattisgarh (24.6%), Jharkhand (21%), Rajasthan (19.8%), and Assam (19.4%).

Bengal is one of around 20 states where the prevalence of zero-food children has decreased since 2016. In Bengal specifically, the proportion dropped from 12.1% in 2016 to 7.5% in 2021, the report said.

Goa had the most substantial drop from 18.9% to 5.1%, it added.

This study was published in eClinicalMedicine, a member of The Lancet family of journals.

A Devastating Situation for the Children of Gaza

UNICEF’s chief of communication for the State of Palestine, Jonathan Crickx, presented a press briefing in which he described the circumstances that children in the Gaza Strip are living.

New Delhi: On February 2, 2024, UNICEF’s chief of communication for the State of Palestine, Jonathan Crickx, presented a press briefing in which he described the circumstances that children in the Gaza Strip are living.

Crickx’s report outlines a staggering estimate – 17,000 children, constituting 1% of the displaced population, are grappling with the repercussions of war. These are not just statistics; the narrative is underscored by personal stories, such as that of 11-year-old Razan, who witnessed the destruction of her family in the early weeks of the war.

The report sheds light on extended families’ challenges amid conflict as they attempt to care for orphaned children. The sheer lack of essential resources – food, water, and shelter – amplifies the distress of these families, making it a formidable task to care for additional children immediately.

The report concludes with a powerful assertion that these children are innocent bystanders in a conflict they have no part in.

Read Crickx’s summarised statement below.

§

“This corresponds to 1% of the overall displaced population – 1.7 million people.

“Of course, this is an estimation since it is nearly impossible to gather and verify information under the current security and humanitarian conditions.

“I returned from Gaza this week. I met many children, each one with her or his own devastating story to tell.

“Of 12 children I met or interviewed, more than half of them had lost a family member in this war. Three had lost a parent, of which, two had lost both their mother and their father. Behind each of these statistics is a child who is coming to terms with this horrible new reality.

“11 year old Razan was with her family in her uncle’s house  when it was bombed in the first weeks of the war. She lost almost all her family members. Her mother, father, brother, and two sisters were killed. Razan’s leg was also injured and had to be amputated. Following the surgery, her wound got infected. Razan is now being taken care of by her aunt and uncle, all of whom have been displaced to Rafah.

“In a center where unaccompanied  children are hosted and cared for, I also saw two very young children aged 6 and 4. They are cousins and their entire respective families were killed in the first half of December. The four year old girl – in particular – is still very much in shock.

“I met these children in Rafah. We fear that the situation of children who have lost their parents is much worse in the North and the Center of the Gaza Strip.

“In the middle of a conflict, it is common for extended families to take care of children who lost their parents. But currently, due to the sheer lack of food, water or shelter, extended families are distressed and face challenges to immediately take care of another child as they themselves are struggling to cater for their own children and family.

“In these situations, immediate interim care must be made available at scale while keeping children connected to or tracing their families so that they can be reunited when the situation stabilizes.

“Razan, like most of the children who went through such a traumatic experience, is still in shock. Each time she recalls the events, she falls in tears and gets exhausted. Razan’s situation is also particularly distressing since her mobility is severely limited and specialized support and rehabilitation services are not available.

“Children’s mental health is severely impacted. They present symptoms like extremely high levels of persistent anxiety,   loss of appetite, they can’t sleep, they have emotional outbursts or panic every time they hear the bombings.

“Before this war, UNICEF was considering that more than 500,000 children were already in need of Mental Health and Psychosocial support in the Gaza Strip. Today, we estimate that almost all children are in need of MHPSS, more than 1 million children.

“UNICEF and its partners have provided mental health and psychosocial support to more than 40,000 children and 10,000 caregivers since the beginning of this conflict. I attended one of these activities and it is really a relief to see children play, draw, dance, sing and smile. It helps them to cope with the terrible situation they are going through. But of course, this is far from sufficient when we see the scale of the needs.

“The only way to have this mental health and psychosocial support delivered at scale is with a ceasefire. Before this war, in 2022, the child protection cluster led by UNICEF provided this support to nearly 100,000 children. It is possible to scale up now. We have done it before. But it is not possible under the current security and humanitarian conditions.

“Before I conclude, I would like to add just one thing. These children don’t have anything to do with this conflict. Yet they are suffering like no child should ever suffer. Not a single child, whatever the religion, the nationality, the language, the race, no child should ever be exposed to the level of violence seen on the 7th of October, or to the level of violence that we have witnessed since then.”

India Will Need at Least Nine Years to Clear the Backlog of Pending POCSO Cases: Study

As per a study by the India Child Protection Fund, each of the over 1,000 fast track special courts, set up in 2019 to exclusively deal with POCSO cases, are clearing only 28 cases on average every year, falling short of the target of 165.

New Delhi: India will need at least nine years to clear the backlog of cases pending under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, finds a new study.

A study by the India Child Protection Fund (ICPF), titled ‘Justice Awaits: An Analysis of the Efficacy of Justice Delivery Mechanisms in Cases of Child Sexual Abuse in India’, said that only 3% of cases under the POCSO Act resulted in convictions in 2022.

The Ministry of Women and Child Development had in 2019 announced that the government would set up these fast-track courts using the ‘Nirbhaya Fund’. These courts were aimed at exclusively dealing with cases under POCSO.

At that time, legal and child rights experts had cautioned that merely setting up fast-track courts would not help unless more judges were appointed or public prosecutors trained and sensitised to deal with such cases.

As per the ICPF study, each of the over 1,000 such courts in the country are clearing only 28 cases on average every year, falling short of the target of 165, the Hindu reported.

In Maharashtra, it might take up to 2036 for a child to get justice in a POCSO case. By January this year, the state had 33,073 such cases pending in the fast-track courts, Deccan Herald reported, citing the study.

In states such as Arunachal Pradesh and Bihar, it could take more than 25 years to bring the pending cases to closure, the report noted.

In Andhra Pradesh, a complainant will have to wait till 2034 as the state has 8,137 pending cases, while in Rajasthan and Jharkhand, it will take till 2033, with 8,921 and 4,408 cases, respectively, the daily reported.

Overall, on an average, only 28 POCSO cases were disposed of by each fast track special court (FTSC) in 2022. And India has a total of 2.43 lakh POCSO cases pending in its fast track courts, as on January 2023.

The average expenditure for the disposal of each case was Rs 2.73 lakh, the newspaper said.

Karnataka (919) and Goa (62) are the two states with the least number of pending cases. A complainant can hope for justice by 2024 in these states, the report added.

UP: Caste-Based Violence in an Upper Primary School Exposes Deep-Rooted Discrimination

A school principal had a long list of complaints regarding discriminatory practices against chamar students. However, in this case, despite evidence, a controversial compromise was brokered by the local police that led to the suppression of the incident.

It was a rainy September afternoon. Principal Anita Katiyar assembled the students of Sonepur Upper Primary school, in Uttar Pradesh’s Chitrakoot district, after lunchtime. It was brought to her attention that some students played in the rain and got drenched. This playful behaviour upset her to no end. She pulled the truants aside – class 8 students Tara and her four girlfriends. Then she brought out a bamboo stick and beat the five drenched girls in front of the gathered students. She beat them till they were black and blue. Tara took the worst beating. Her arm was swollen, nose was bleeding, and her thighs were badly bruised.

No one understood why principal Katiyar got so angry. Yes, Tara and her friends got a little wet but who can resist a little dance in the first winter rains! The girls cried and howled and screamed but their principal did not stop thrashing them. Tara grabbed the bamboo stick from her teacher’s hands. Enraged, principal Katiyar snapped the cane into two and resumed the beating. Splinters flew into Tara’s face and bloodied her nose.

“How dare you <thwack>!”

“Do you think you’re my equal <thwack>!”

You see, Tara Devi was a chamar [Scheduled Caste] student, from the chamar basti in Sonepur. So were her friends Anchal and Anjali.

While some may argue making everything about caste, so let me stop you right there, as this situation is about caste.

Even 15 years ago, it was about caste.

In Sonepur, Patels (or Kurmis and Katiyars) were numerous and dominant. They influenced almost everything in the village. It was not hard to guess why the chamar basti in Sonepur had no pakka roads or functional sewers, or why Katiyar remained at her post in Sonepur Upper Primary despite a long list of complaints compiled over a decade. Principal Katiyar didn’t even live in the village, but she was feared by chamar students.

Over a decade ago, we are told, a group of chamar students was forced to drop out of school because of her violent temper. Some of them went to schools far away from their own village. Some never went to school again, like Prema’s little brother. He was in class 8 when principal Katiyar, then only a senior teacher, ruthlessly beat him. He left the school suddenly, without even sitting for the final exams.

Principal Katiyar was not just violent. She was an avowed casteist. It was her habit to make chamar students come early to school and sweep the floors and clean the toilets. She made them cut the grass in the school compound. She flatly refused to get on with the school’s cooks, who were also chamar. The school’s most recent cook, Sangeeta, quit her job in a ragey huff when the principal hit her with the hot ladle she was using to make dal. Katiyar was upset that a lowly chamar school cook could possess the latest touch screen smartphone. Suddenly short of a cook, the principal forced Tara and her chamar friends to cook midday meals for the whole school.

When a few concerned people brought these things to the notice of the district’s Basic Shiksha Adhikari (BSA), they calmly replied, “It is part of our national cleanliness campaign. Children must take responsibility to keep their school clean.” Is cleaning a job only for the chamar students? Are cooking school meals and cutting grass also part of this cleanliness drive? These questions remain unanswered.

On September 20, when principal Katiyar was raining down blows on Tara, a few students ran to her basti to fetch her family members. “Go, call whoever you want. Tell whoever you want to. It doesn’t matter,” principal Katiyar shouted. Minutes later, Tara’s mother Sumitra Devi and aunt Suneeta rushed to the school. Father Keshav stayed at home; he knew he would lose his temper and do something rash. Aunt Suneeta caught hold of principal Katiyar’s dupatta to resist the attack on her niece. Later, the principal wrote to the BSA, lodging a complaint about aunt Suneeta. The report said that principal Katiyar was threatened in her own school and that she felt unsafe now, that too in her own school.

Mother Sumitra went to the police to lodge a complaint the next day, accompanied by the district’s social workers. Local reporters also came, to talk to Tara, Anchal, and Anjali and their families. The girls described the violence and talked about their principal’s discriminatory behaviour over the years. The reporters took videos of Tara’s injuries and wrote righteous social media posts, which became viral. In so many years of oppressive behaviour, no one had actually dared to report Katiyar to the authorities. This incident had the potential to become a national issue. Under pressure, principal Katiyar and the local police needed to take some visible action about the incident.

Just when justice seemed around the corner, things in Sonepur took a chilling but unsurprising turn. The local police brokered an inexplicable samjhauta [deal] between principal Katiyar and Tara’s family. These were the terms of the compromise: 1) all evidence, including videos and posts, taken by social workers and journalists will be deleted; 2) Tara will apologise to her principal; 3) the police complaint against principal Katiyar will be withdrawn; 4) principal Katiyar will file a complaint against Tara’s family for threatening her safety.

Does this make sense to you, dear reader?

Unable to comprehend the turn of events, social workers and journalists returned to Sonepur in search of the ‘truth’. Clouds of explanation were hovering all over the chamar basti, each one more bizarre than the other. Tara’s father Keshav explained to everyone that principal Katiyar was a patient of high blood pressure, who was unfairly provoked by his daughter. When no one was listening, he muttered to himself, “We are only poor labour, who are we to complain. I have other children whose futures I have to think about.”

Anchal and Anjali, Tara’s closest friends and fellow victims of the principal’s unrestrained violence, changed their statements entirely. “We were totally at fault. Ma’am told us not to play in the rain but we just refused to listen. It was Tara who started it, she slapped the principal.” At the end of September, principal Katiyar selected Anchal and Anjali to represent Sonepur Upper Primary in sports day festivities being held at another school in the district. Tara was left behind.

The other two teachers at the school, Shobha Devi and Rakhi Singh, told everyone that the incident was made up, and nothing of that sort had ever happened at the school. Social workers and journalists were left wondering how Tara got all those injuries. Was it an elaborate set up by a disgruntled chamar student against an honourable teacher with decades of unblemished service?

Finally, social workers and journalists went to principal Katiyar to hear her version of the incident. At first, she refused to talk to the impartial observer-outsiders. Then she accused them of making up lies to disturb the harmony of Sonepur. When the observer-outsiders showed her videos and posts, she grumbled, “Didn’t I tell the police to delete the evidence!” Slowly, she told us what actually happened.

“Look, it was a routine thing. The girls were jumping about in the rain and I was pleading with them not to. We found a snake there a few days earlier, what if it appeared again? Who will protect them? I asked them to get out of the rain for their protection but I don’t know what happened to Tara. She jumped at me, almost striking me. I had to defend myself. It wasn’t even anything serious. I was laughing the entire time. The children were laughing too. But as soon as I defended myself, Tara’s family came to her rescue and jumped at me. They threatened me. Everyone in her family appeared out of nowhere, ma, chacha-chachi, mama-mami, bhaiyya! Their children don’t even go to this school, so what were they doing there, I ask you?”

Why did the police come then?

“In my 27 years of service, such a thing has never happened. Isn’t it obvious that this is the mischief of that chamar student? That is what they do, misbehave, misbehave, misbehave. They have no culture, no manners. They lie all the time. Why do you think I keep the staff room locked? Because they steal. They don’t come here to learn, they disrupt and distract. Their family members are always in and out of the school. One day they take that girl away to fill the Aadhaar form, another day they will take her away for some agricultural work. They don’t really want education. Just because the government has given them reservation, look how they behave. They just want the reservation, without putting in the work. How will you understand what it is to teach students like them!”

What was the result of the police investigation?

“Look, the police told me I didn’t have to put up with such behaviour. The police asked me to strike their names off the school list. But I didn’t want to do that. They have four-five months to go. I won’t see them again. And I have made it clear that that the girl’s education has nothing to do with me.”

Tara Devi is still enrolled at Sonepur Upper Primary school. Principal Katiyar takes no notice of her. Other children are given guides to aid them in their preparation for exams, she is given nothing. When she submits her notebook for correction, the principal checks it and throws it on the floor. The school has not appointed a cook yet, so Tara and her friends continue to make meals for the whole school. They are also cutting the grass, sweeping the school, and cleaning the toilets. They are the ‘quota’ kids.

Note: This is not a work of fiction. This is entirely factual. Names, characters, events, and incidents are rooted in harsh reality.

Chitrakoot Collective is a feminist research collective documenting women’s working lives, access to leisure and mental health. Their Instagram handle is @chitrakootcollective

‘One Child Is Killed Every 10 Minutes in Gaza,’ Says Save the Children Country Director

Jason Lee told Karan Thapar that in the last 28 days, more children have been killed in Gaza than in all the world’s conflicts since 2019.

“This week, one child has been killed every 10 minutes in Gaza. Last week, it was one child every 15 minutes. I dread to think what will be the situation next week,” says Jason Lee, Save the Children’s country director for the Occupied Palestinian Territories.

In a 25-minute interview with Karan Thapar for The Wire, Lee, who was speaking from East Jerusalem, said that in the last 28 days, more children have been killed in Gaza than in all the world’s conflicts since 2019. There can be no more horrifying indication of the enormity of the plight facing the children of Gaza.

He was asked about the accuracy and reliability of the death toll figures, particularly because US President Joe Biden has cast doubt on the overall death count.

Although Philippe Lazzarini of the UNRWA has said that the death count is reliably accurate, Lee gave several reasons for accepting the death count put out by the Hamas Ministry of Health in Gaza. It aligns with the death counts from earlier Hamas-Israel wars, although, in overall terms, it’s much greater this time.

Lee gave graphic details of the conditions in hospitals, how long they can function, and what will happen when they completely run out of standby fuel and generators. He said that could happen in 48 hours. That means many of the patients in those hospitals – and particularly young children – will face the prospect of a slow painful death.

He also spoke about the situation that children are facing, especially those who have not been injured. He talks about the drastic shortage of clean water and the fact that children are now relying on brackish water or saline water from old, disused wells. The threat of a public health catastrophe is looming and getting closer every day.

He discussed the cumulative impact on children’s well-being and mental state, resulting from living under an Israeli blockade in Gaza since 2007-2008, which amounts to 16 years.

Wearing Bracelets to Avoid a Mass Grave: A Palestinian Icon Bears Witness

Of 6,546 Palestinians who have been killed in Israeli air strikes in Gaza so far, 2,704 are said to be children. Forsaken by western powers, they have one steadfast witness to their suffering – Palestinian cartoonist Naji al-Ali’s iconic symbol of resistance – witness-child Handala.

In most parts of the world, the young exchange friendship bands that signify undying love, but in Gaza, a young girl wears a bracelet given by her father knowing that it is an acceptance of the reality that death might visit them any moment.

In a matter-of-fact way she tells journalists that everyone in her family is wearing identical string bracelets. This, she says, will help them identify the remains of family members in the event that any one of them is killed in an Israeli air strike. That would mean saving their loved ones from the final fate of an unmarked mass grave meant for unidentified bodies. A last-ditch stand to claim in death the dignity of being human denied to them in life.

These bracelets are a preparation for death that Gazans have fashioned in over 18 days of bombing by Israel, among the severest air strikes witnessed in our times, which shows no signs of any let-up. Quite the contrary, in fact. Today’s news reports mention that Israel carried out a ‘limited’ ground campaign in Gaza last night.

Two years ago, when an Israel-Hamas ceasefire was declared after 11 days of air strikes, both sides suffered losses. However, there were greater casualties among children in Gaza (two in Israel and more than 60 in Gaza). The brittle world inhabited by Gaza’s children had prompted the UN secretary general to exclaim, “If there’s a hell on earth, it is the lives of the children in Gaza.”

And now? On October 25, Gaza’s health ministry issued a statement that of the 6,546 Palestinians who had been killed in Israeli air strikes so far, 2,704 were children. Images of the hunched shoulders of male volunteers, cradling tiny forms in their arms, point to the new architecture of loss, matching the bombed landscape that Israel has willed with impunity in Gaza. Moreover, Israel’s act of cutting off water, electricity, food and fuel supplies, which is against international law, has given rise to an unprecedented humanitarian crisis.

Handala Tells Tales

The children of Gaza have been forsaken by imperious western powers that want the world to think of Israeli bombs raining down on their fragile bodies as just punishment. But there is one figure – fittingly, a child, a boy – who promises to be a witness to the young ones’ suffering caused by each successive strike. In fact, this child has been a steadfast witness to the history of dispossession that has marked Palestinians in over five decades.

Handala. Photo: Wikipedia

The child’s name is Handala and he is 10 years old. He is a cartoon character who was sketched to life by the Palestinian political cartoonist, Naji al-Ali, a towering presence across the Arab world for almost three decades until he was assassinated, in London, in 1987. It was through the figure of the “witness-child” Handala in the cartoon frame that the uncompromisingly independent and sharp cartoonist unpacked his arsenal. Whether it be the story of the cruelty underlying Israel’s occupation of Palestine, the self-righteous and self-serving stance of western powers, the frequent vacillation of the region’s regimes on the Palestine question, or the pain of the common people, which was his pain as well, he was always there to bear witness.

If, 36 years after Naji al-Ali’s killing, the iconic Handala continues to symbolise the spirit of Palestinian resistance, it is because he ‘embodies’ the experience of every dispossessed Palestinian, including the artist, in his very inception.

Handala, named after a local plant with deep roots, bitter fruit and a stubborn tendency to grow back when cut, is a barefoot urchin wearing frayed clothes. He reminds you of a child in a refugee camp. Most importantly, he stands with his back to the viewer, and his hands are clasped behind his back. The set of shoulders suggests a stance of digging in, not giving in.

Naji al-Ali visualised him as a 10-year old. It was how old he was when he and his family were forced to flee Palestine during the nakba – catastrophe – of 1948 that led to Israel’s creation, turning more than 750,000 Palestinians into the dispossessed. The path away from home led them to the refugee camp.

Handala, on a wall in Bilin, a Palestinian village. Photo: Public domain/Wikimedia Commons

Also read: As Israel Kills Thousands of Civilians in Gaza, Remember the ‘International Community’ Helped It Do So

Naji al-Ali’s story

Naji al-Ali grew up in the Ayn al-Hilwa refugee camp in southern Lebanon. It was where the youngster experienced a political awakening, expressing political ideas through drawing, initially on prison walls and then on paper. His talent for drawing was first recognised by the Palestinian poet and journalist Ghassan Kanafani, launching him on a path that would draw the ire of the powerful and shower him with the love of common people.

About the birth of Handala, he said:

“I gave birth to this child in the Gulf and I presented him to the people. His name is Handala and he has promised the people that he will remain true to himself. I drew him as a child who is not beautiful; his hair is like a hedgehog who uses his thorns as a weapon.

Handala is not a fat, happy, relaxed, or pampered child, he is barefooted like the refugee camp children, and he is an ‘icon’ that protects me from making mistakes. Even though he is rough, he smells of amber. His hands are clasped behind his back as a sign of rejection at a time when solutions are presented to us the American way.

Handala was born ten years old, and he will always be ten years old. At that age I left my homeland, and when he returns, Handala will still be ten, and then he will start growing up. The laws of nature do not apply to him. He is unique. Things will become normal again when the homeland returns.

I presented him to the poor and named him Handala as a symbol of bitterness. At first he was a Palestinian child, but his consciousness developed to have a national and then a global and human perspective. He is a simple yet tough child, and this is why people adopted him and felt that he represents their consciousness.”

In 1984, during a conversation with Egyptian novelist and journalist Radwa Ashour, he admitted:

“[…]That child was like a splash of fresh water on my forehead, bringing me to attention and keeping me from error and loss. He was the arrow of the compass, pointing steadily to Palestine. Not just Palestine in geographical terms, Palestine in its humanitarian sense – the symbol of a just cause, whether it is located in Egypt, Vietnam or South Africa.”

As to when Handala’s face would be visible to the world, the cartoonist and political activist had a simple answer – “when dignity is not threatened and when the Arabs regain their sense of freedom and humanity.”

Drawing a Line

Graffiti portrait of Palestinian cartoonist, Naji Al Ali in Ramallah on the 25th anniversary of his assassination, on March 24, 2012. Photo: Amer shomali, CC BY-SA 3.0/Wikimedia Commons

Today, the people of Gaza, all of them refugees from other places, are being described as “human animals”. Stripped of dignity, their very survival hangs in the balance, and the children of “human animals” dutifully wear bracelets knowing what it means.

But, with a few exceptions, the powers that be in the West are blind and deaf to their plight. Across the world people are marching on the streets calling for a ceasefire, but their governments, with one eye on domestic political compulsions, have ears only for the sound of bombs pounding Gaza.

Naji al-Ali knew what he was doing when he sketched the figure of Handala, the boy’s compressed shoulders indicating that he was preparing himself for the long haul. Today, as the spirit of Handala finds himself a lonely witness to the suffering of Gaza’s children, he knows that the world would not be seeing his face any time soon.

But, Handala being Handala, is true to himself. If he cannot be a witness to the lives of Gaza’s children, he will bear testimony to their deaths. That is the reason for his existence.

NCPCR Seeks Removal of ‘Controversial’ Book From Darul Uloom Deoband’s Curriculum

The child rights body has said that Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi’s book Bahishti Zewar legitimises sexual relations with minors and should be blocked under section 69A of the IT Act.

New Delhi: The National Commission for the Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR), acting on a complaint it received against a book included in Darul Uloom Deoband’s curriculum, has written to the district administration of UP’s Saharanpur asking for the text to be removed from the Islamic seminary’s syllabus, the Deccan Herald reported

According to the commission, the book legitimises sex with minors and is in violation of the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act. 

“The commission is in receipt of a complaint against the fatwas issued by Darul Uloom Deoband. The fatwa references a book titled Bahishti Zewar. The book contains content regarding children that is objectionable, improper and illegal and the book is also alleged to be taught to children in madrasas,” the commission said in a letter to the district commission and senior superintendent of police, Saharanpur on July 14. 

The commission said that the material should be blocked under section 69A of the IT Act which allows the Union government to ask any of its agencies or an intermediary to block public access to any information generated stored on any computer resource. 

The child rights body has asked for a copy of all the books prescribed in the syllabus and an ‘action taken’ report from the district administration in four days. This is the commission’s second complaint since January last year when it had written to the administration about the presence of several fatwas on the Darul Uloom’s website, the Deccan Herald report said. 

NCPCR chief Priyank Kanoongo said that the book legitimises sexual relations with minors. “By minors, we mean girls who are yet to reach puberty. There are passages that say that men do not have to bathe after such an act to read namaz. There are several such references,” Kanungo told the Deccan Herald.

Interestingly, a chapter in the NCERT-prescribed English textbook for Class 11th on child marriage and sexual relations with a minor has gone under the NCPCR’s radar. The chapter, titled Ranga’s Marriage, is about a man in his mid-twenties who marries an 11-year-old and has two children with her before she turns 15. 

Meanwhile, opposition leader Asaduddin Owaisi has criticised the NCPCR for pushing a soft Hindutva agenda over the past few years, ThePrint had reported. Kanoongo has also been called out for turning the NCPCR’s focus away from ensuring child rights and meddling in political warfare that is outside the commission’s purview.