Indian PSU Sold Arms, Equipment Worth Over $5 Million to Myanmar Junta in 6 Month Period: Report

Bharat Electronics Limited transferred the equipment “knowing that the Myanmar military is the end user, and that it is committing ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity,” said Justice for Myanmar.

New Delhi: An investigation by a group of activists has revealed that the Indian public sector undertaking Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) has exported $5 million worth of military end-use goods, technology and technical documents to be used by the Myanmar junta in the six months between November 2022 and April 2023.

The investigation was conducted by Justice for Myanmar (JFM), a covert group of activists which has campaigned to “dismantle the Burmese military’s business practices and systemic corruption”.

In a press release, it said that BEL, which falls under the Indian Ministry of Defence, has continued to supply arms and dual-use goods and technology to the Myanmar military junta. The supply was uncovered through the database of Panjiva, a global trade data company that has details of global commercial shipments.

“BEL, which maintains a branch office in Myanmar, transferred the equipment knowing that the Myanmar military is the end user, and that it is committing ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity,” the group said.

The shipments “may aid and abet the junta’s international crimes” and are a “continuation of India’s flagrant disregard for its obligations under international human rights and humanitarian law and its commitments under the Wassenaar Arrangement”, JFM added.

In October 2021, another JFM investigation showed that BEL sold “a gun mount and an optical device” to Myanmar in July of that year, about four months after the junta seized power.

In the latest expose, JFM said that BEL’s exports to Myanmar during the six-month period were “spread across seven shipments, with three being sent to the Myanmar military directly, three sent to the arms brokers Mega Hill General Trading, and one sent to Alliance Engineering Services.” JFM said the connections of the two arms brokers to the junta were previously exposed by it.

The Indian government owns 51.14% of BEL, which also has a several high profile investors like Goldman Sachs, Vanguard, BlackRock, Canada Pension Plan, California Public Employees’ Retirement System and California State Teachers Retirement System.

“BEL’s institutional shareholders should divest from the company because of its continued supply of dual use goods and technology to the Myanmar military, in line with their international human rights responsibilities,” JFM said.

The group’s spokesperson Yadanar Maung said the Indian government and its state-owned arms companies are “continuing business as usual in Myanmar, equipping and profiting from the junta as it commits acts of terror against the people”.

“By selling arms and equipment to the junta, India is choosing to ignore the voices of the Myanmar people, the legitimate National Unity Government, civil society, UN resolutions and its responsibilities under international law.”

“It is crucial that India’s Quad partners and other allies step up and start using their leverage to stop India’s abhorrent support for the junta,” he added.

While India has repeatedly called for a transition to democracy in Myanmar since the coup, it had also remained engaged with the military junta and bilateral visits have continued to take place.

UN expert had unveiled $1 billion ‘death trade’

In May, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews had said that the Myanmar military has imported “at least $1 billion in arms and raw materials to manufacture weapons since the coup in February 2021”.

India was among the top five countries exporting arms, either directly to the military or through brokers, the report said. The UN Special Rapporteur said that entities in India were estimated to have sold $51 million worth of arms, dual-use goods, raw materials and manufacturing equipment for domestic arms manufacturing to the Myanmar military. Of this, BEL alone was responsible for more than $33 million, Andrews estimated. Another defence PSU, Bharat Dynamics Limited, sold arms worth more than $3.5 million, the report said.

The UN Special Rapporteur’s report said BEL has sold arms worth more than $33 million to Myanmar’s military. Photo: OHCHR

The Indian entities were well behind their counterparts in Russia (exports worth $406 million), China ($267 million) and Singapore ($254 million).

“A total of 22 unique suppliers based in India shipped arms to the Myanmar military. India’s continuing transfer of materials used in surveillance, artillery, and, probably, missles—all manufactured by state-owned entities—arguably runs afoul of its obligations under customary international law and international humanitarian law. India should have the requisite knowledge that the Myanmar military is committing probable war crimes given the substantial international reporting on this subject,” the report said.

The report said that the sales not only breach the Wassenaar Arrangement but also potentially contravene India’s non-binding commitments under it. The specific munitions and equipment that India has transported fall within the categories listed as sections 1 to 5 of the revised “List of dual-use goods and technologies and munitions list.” Myanmar is arguably a “cause for serious concern” to Wassenaar’s Participating States, though it is unclear whether there is consensus on this point, the UN Special Rapporteur said.

An India representative told the Special Rapporteur that “India has never been, nor is, a major source of arms to Myanmar, and India has been fulfilling our past obligations. Our exports are very clearly scrutinized… We consider what is in the interest of the people of Myanmar.”

Karnataka: Congress Raises 19 Lakh ‘Missing’ EVMs, Wants Election Commission Summoned

H.K. Patil said he was speaking on the most significant concerns of Indian democracy currently: non-transparency around electoral bonds and doubts being raised across the country about EVMs.

New Delhi: Even as the BJP-led Karnataka government mulls over whether or not to allow Halal meat, in what appears to be the latest row in the series of political attempts to corner Muslims in the state, the chief opposition Congress raised the issue of over alleged 19 lakh “missing” electronic voting machines (EVMs) from the coffers of the Election Commission of India (ECI) between 2016 and 2019. 

During a special debate on electoral reforms in the state assembly, former rural development minister and senior Congress legislator H.K. Patil cited RTI responses to press the speaker to seek clarification from the ECI over the matter. 

Speaking to The Wire, Patil said that he was speaking on the most significant concerns of Indian democracy currently: non-transparency around electoral bonds and doubts being raised across the country about EVMs. 

“I requested the speaker to summon the ECI. It is answerable to people. When I made an accusation in a forum like the state assembly, I did it with utmost seriousness,” said Patil. 

Following the debate, the speaker Vishweshwar Hegde Kageri on Tuesday agreed to summon the ECI and seek an explanation. 

Patil cited RTI responses received by Mumbai-based activist Manoranjan Roy from Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) and the Electronics Corporation of India Limited (ECIL) – both public sector units that manufacture EVMs – and the ECI. Based on the responses, Roy assessed that there are more than 19 lakh EVMs that were supplied by the PSUs to the ECI but were not marked as “received” by the poll panel. Roy’s PIL on the matter, seeking an explanation from the ECI, is being heard in the Bombay high court since 2018.

“According to the ECI’s response on June 21, 2017 to Roy’s RTI application, the election authority received 10.5 lakh EVMs from BEL between 1989-90 and 2014-15. The ECI also stated that it received 10,14, 644 EVMs from ECIL between 1989-90 to 2016-17,” Patil told The Wire while explaining how the discrepancy appeared in the RTI.

“Roy also received BEL’s response on Jan 2, 2018 that said it had supplied 19,69,932 EVMs to ECI between 1989-90 and 2014-15. Similarly, ECIL’s RTI response dated Septemebr 16, 2017 stated it has supplied 19,44,593 EVMs to the ECI between 1989-90 and 2014-15,” he added.

“Which means the ECI did not receive 9,64,270 EVMs that the BEL said were delivered and 9,29,449 such machines that the ECIL said it had supplied to the ECI,” Patil said.

Also Read: Whereabouts of 19 Lakh EVMs Not Known, Reveals RTI-Based Court Case

He said Roy’s RTI query had also asked the two PSUs for a year-wise break up of machines that were supplied. “The figures that emerged from the year-wise break up are replete with gross disparities. The cumulative number of missing EVMs comes to around 19 lakh, which includes 62,183 EVMs that BEL claimed to have dispatched to the ECI in 2014 but not acknowledged as received by the poll regulator.”

“The RTI responses indicate a big fraud. One can’t be silent on this as it puts a question mark on the legitimacy of Indian democracy. Unfortunately, the ECI has only given unclear answers at the Bombay high court in the last 10 hearings. It has not deemed the issue important enough to clarify all the doubts,” Patil said.

Bombay high court. Photo: PTI

The issue of ‘missing EVMs’ was first highlighted by Frontline in 2019 in a detailed story about Roy’s RTI responses and his PIL at the Bombay high court. “The RTI documents highlighted glaring discrepancies in all three operations—procurement, storage and deployment—and also pointed to grave financial irregularities to the tune of Rs.116.55 crore,” the Frontline report said.

“The appalling mismatches spread to payments too. A cumulative assessment of payment statements obtained for transactions between the ECI and BEL for the 10-year period from 2006-07 to 2016-17 shows that the ECI’s ‘actual expenditure’ on EVMs is Rs 536,01,75,485, while BEL’s RTI reply dated September 20, 2017, claims it received a payment of Rs 652,56,44,000 from the ECI for the corresponding period. That is an excess payment of Rs.116.55 crore,” the report said.

Speaking with Frontline, Roy had said that his PIL is intended to only seek clarity on the mismatches so that the ever-growing clamour against rigging through EVMs and malfunctioning of those machines can be put to rest. “Where have the excess machines supplied by BEL and ECIL actually gone and what is the secret behind the excess money received by BEL? The fact of the matter is that neither the ECI nor the SECs have a robust system to procure, store, deploy EVMs and also destroy malfunctioning and unwanted EVMs,” he said.

The controversy over ‘missing’ EVMs only escalated after the ECI’s response to another RTI application by Roy. The ECI on July 21, 2017 said that it had not sold any EVMs as scrap, and added that EVMs procured in 1989-90 were destroyed by manufacturers themselves. Also, those that the ECI received between 2000-2005 were either outdated or irreparable. Roy believed that most of the missing EVMs appear to be still in the ECI’s possession even if it has not been acknowledged as “received”. 

Since the Karnataka assembly debate, senior Congress leaders have been raising their pitch to seek better clarity on the issue. 

In Karnataka, former speaker and senior Congress leader Priyank Kharge told The Print that as the IT minister, he had requested the EC to allow an ethical hackathon of EVMs by the subject experts but the request was turned down.

BJP leaders in the assembly like Arvind Bellad defended EVMs but Congress leaders retorted to say that only the EC should respond to the serious allegations and not the ruling party leaders.

Indian PSU Sold Air Defence Station to Myanmar Junta in July: Activists’ Forum

The Bharat Electronics Limited shipment in July “included a gun mount and an optical device”.

New Delhi: Indian public sector unit (PSU) Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) has exported a remote-controlled air defence station to Myanmar this July, an activists’ forum that monitors the Junta’s arms purchases has claimed, citing a New York-based global data trade company. The BEL falls under the Indian Ministry of Defence.

According to a news report in The Irrawaddy, the deal between the Junta and the arms manufacturer – of which the India government is the majority shareholder – was confirmed by the activist forum Justice for Myanmar (JFM).

The JFM, on October 5, had quoted the New York-based global trade data company Panjiva to claim that the BEL shipment was carried out through a Myanmar-based company, Mega Hill General Trading Co. The news report said Mega Hill, as per its website and the leaked data, “has procured or attempted to procure items for Myanmar’s Navy.”

As per Panjiva, the BEL shipment in July “included a gun mount and an optical device”.

The news report quoting JFM said, “The shipment (by BEL) was made with full knowledge that the item can aid and abet the military’s ongoing atrocities.”

Citing the JFM statement that BEL “has made multiple shipments to Myanmar’s military for a coastal surveillance system since February 1 coup,” the report added, “The JFM said BEL has not responded to questions on its ongoing arms supplies to Myanmar’s military.”

As per the JFM, the listed value of the BEL’s air defence shipment is over $600,000 “and was probably purchased as a test run, potentially leading to a larger future purchase”.

The news report also highlighted that a month before the BEL shipment was exported to Myanmar, the Indian government abstained from voting on a UN general assembly resolution seeking a ban on arms sales to Myanmar.

JFM’s latest statement is a continuation of a statement released in June, in which it had said that BEL till then had sent to the Myanmarese military at least seven shipments which included electro-optic systems, radar video extractor receivers, VHF communications systems, graphics processors, workstation hardware, server storage and batteries.

Also read: ‘Everything Has Been Destroyed’: Myanmar Artists on the Coup’s Impact

As per a news report then, JFM spokesperson Yadanar Maung, in a statement accompanying the June report, had said that the Indian government “is awarding legitimacy to the junta through BEL’s business in Myanmar, enabling the junta’s nationwide campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar”.

In August, an AFP report quoting an activist group had said that more than 1,000 civilians had lost their lives since the February 1 coup in Myanmar.

India shares a 1,643-km-long border with Myanmar. In the last few months, several people from the border areas of that country have slipped into the Indian side, particularly to Mizoram, because of the Myanmarese military’s action on civilians and the ongoing clash with armed groups fighting for reinstatement of democracy in that country since the coup that toppled the Aung San Suu Kyi led elected government.

ECIL Directs Disclosure of Information About EVM and VVPAT Deployment in 2019 Elections

The information was previously denied by the company’s central public information officer.

In September 2019, Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative reported that the Bharat Electronics Ltd. (BEL) did a volte face under the Right to Information (RTI) Act about supplying information relating to Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) and Voter Verified Paper Trail Units (VVPATs) deployed during the 2019 general elections. After demanding copying charges to provide the information I requested, the central public information officer (CPIO) returned the money, claiming that BEL did not hold some of the information and that disclosing names of engineers deputed to provide technical support for these machines at the constituency-level would endanger their lives. The CPIO also denied access to operational manuals relating to these machines.

The CPIO of the Electronics Corporation Ltd (ECIL), which also supplied EVMs and VVPATs for use during the same elections, had also denied information sought in an identical RTI application.

Now, in a welcome turnaround, the ECIL’s first appellate authority (FAA) has upheld my first appeal and directed its CPIO to provide access to all information which had been denied earlier.

Meanwhile, the BEL’s FAA directed the CPIO to transfer the queries relating to the number of EVMs and VVPATs deployed during the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections to the Election Commission of India (ECI) but upheld his decision to reject information about engineers and operational manuals used.

Also Read: BEL Refuses to Disclose EVM, VVPAT Data Even After Demanding Fees. What Does It Mean?

After being rejected by the BEL and ECIL, I had submitted an identical RTI application to the ECI’s CPIO. He did not bother to reply for more than 40 days. Now, I have filed a first appeal and am waiting for the FAA’s decision in this case. The ECI’s CPIO is also required to reply to similar queries transferred to him by BEL’s CPIO.

A tale of three RTI interventions

After closely scrutinising some of the election-related information and statistics that the ECI published, on  June 17, I decided to file two identical RTI applications seeking the following information from BEL and ECIL which neither they nor the ECI have placed in the public domain:

“I would like to obtain the following information pertaining to the Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs), Voter Verified Paper Audit Trails (VVPATs) and Symbol Loading Units (SLUs) supplied by your company for use during the recently concluded General Elections to the Lok Sabha, under the RTI Act:

1) The maximum number of votes recordable on each EVM supplied for use in the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections,

2) The maximum number of votes printable on each VVPAT Machine supplied for use in the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections,

3) The district-wise number of Control Units of EVMs transported across India for use in the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections,

4) The district-wise number of Ballot Units of EVMs transported across India for use in the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections,

5) The district-wise number of VVPATs transported across India for use in the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections,

6) The district-wise number of thermal paper rolls used in VVPATs transported across India for use in the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections,

7) A clear photocopy of the List of Engineers with name and designation, deputed for carrying out tasks relating to the preparation of EVMs and VVPATs that was sent to every District Election Officer in India for the purpose of the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections,

8) A clear photocopy of the List of Senior Level Engineers with name and designation, deputed for supervision and coordination during the preparation of EVMs and VVPATs that was sent to every District Election Officer in India for the purpose of the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections,

9) The total number of SLUs used by your Team(s) of Engineers during the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections,

10) A clear photocopy of the official document handed over to every District Election Officer during the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections containing details of every SLU allocated to your team(s) of Engineers,

11) A clear photocopy of the User Manual prepared by your company, pertaining to the VVPAT machines used during the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections, if any,

12) A clear photocopy of the User Manual prepared by your company, pertaining to the SLUs used during the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections, if any,

13) A clear photocopy of the application filed with the Office of the Patent Controller for securing a patent on VVPAT, if any, along with the postal address of such office, and

14) A clear photocopy of the application filed with the Office of the Patent Controller for securing a patent on SLU, if any, along with the postal address of such office.”

Representative Image. Credit: PTI

Representative Image of a VVPAT. Photo: PTI

ECIL CPIO’s RTI reply:

The ECIL’s CPIO did not send a signed reply. Instead, he uploaded some text on the RTI Online Facility without a signature replying as follows:

1) RTI Queries 3, 4, 5 & 6: ECIL’s CPIO claimed that information about EVMs and VVPATs despatched to the Lok Sabha constituencies and the number of thermal paper rolls used for printing the ballots is not readily available and they will be sent as soon as they are received.

2) RTI Queries 7 & 8: The CPIO denied access to the list of Engineers who were stationed in the constituencies to do prepare the EVMs and VVPATs for polling and their superiors who supervised the whole exercise claiming that it was personal information exempt under Section 8(1)(j) of the RTI Act.

3) RTI Queries 10 & 12: The CPIO rejected access to the User Manual of the Symbol Loading Units and the official document related to them, handed over to the district administration after the candidate information is loaded on the EVMs and VVPATs. The CPIO says that it is classified information and attracts Section 8(1)(a) and 8(1)(d) of the RTI Act. Section 8(1)(a) exempts information which will prejudicially affect security and strategic interests of the State. Click here for the ECIL-related RTI application and reply.

First appeal sent to ECIL and the FAA’s order

Aggrieved by the ECIL CPIO’s unsigned reply, I submitted a first appeal with the FAA in September, arguing as follows:

1) ECIL’s CPIO had committed an procedural error by not sending a signed reply;

2) As more than three months had passed since the completion of the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections, information relating to RTI Queries 3-6, that is, constituency-wise deployment of EVMs, VVPATs and thermal paper rolls used in VVPATs should now be available for disclosure;

3) The List of Engineers deployed by ECIL at the constituency-level cannot be treated as personal information whose disclosure would violate their privacy because they were performing public duties;

4) The VVPAT and Symbol Loading Unit User Manuals and VVPAT patent application are also information that must be in the public domain and that the CPIO had not issued a speaking order justifying how the exemptions were attracted.

The FAA examined the issues raised in the appeal and directed the CPIO to collect all the information and supply it under the RTI Act. However, the FAA has not specified a time limit for compliance.

First appeal sent to BEL and the FAA’s order

Aggrieved by the BEL CPIO’s decision to reject access to the information sought in a similar RTI application, despite demanding additional fees initially, I had submitted a first appeal with the FAA in September, 2019 arguing as follows:

1) It is difficult to understand as to why the CPIO who initially charged additional fees calculating the exact number of page for every RTI query, later on claimed that he did not hold the information about the constituency-wise deployment of the EVMs and VVPATs; 

2) It is not clear as to how the disclosure of details of Engineers deputed would endanger their lives; and

3) The CPIOs’ revised reply denying access to most of the information which he was prepared to disclose initially indicated that he was under pressure from some internal or external agency to change his stance.

The BEL’s FAA upheld the CPIO’s refusal to supply information relating to the engineers deployed, the operating manuals relating to VVPATs and SLUs and the application submitted for claiming a patent on the VVPATs. However, she directed the CPIO to transfer the first part of the RTI application to the ECI to answer queries relating to the constituency-wise details of deployment of EVMs, VVPATs and thermal paper rolls used in VVPATs.

Engineers of ECIL check EVMs stored at a strong room in Agartala. Photo: PTI

ECI’s treatment of the RTI application

As both BEL and ECIL had initially rejected my request for information about EVMs and VVPATs deployed during the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections and the list of engineers deputed to render technical support, I submitted an RTI application with the ECI seeking similar information. After the ECI’s CPIO did not reply for more than 40 days, I filed a first appeal. Now, the ECI has to make a decision not only on the first appeal but also on the RTI application transferred to it by BEL, in accordance with the FAA’s orders.

Also Read: What the EC Is Hesitant to Tell the Public About EVMs and VVPATs

Lack of uniformity of treatment of similar RTIs

Even 15 years after the law being passed, stipulations under the RTI Act have not been properly implemented. Identical RTI applications yield diverse responses. This is a clear indicator of the failure of the system to make the transformation from secrecy to transparency, as envisaged in the preamble of the RTI Act.

There are many issues to blame for this state of affairs. The political leadership, which only pays lip sympathy to democratic values of transparency and accountability, is responsible. As is the lack of seriousness and commitment from the bureaucracy to making this transformation and the clearly demonstrable weaknesses of oversight mechanisms such as the FAAs and information commissions.

However, the ECIL FAA’s order provides the proverbial silver lining to the dark clouds of poor implementation. The FAA appears to have recognised the imperative of transparency in all matters relating to elections (except voters’ choices) and directed the CPIO to disclose all information. As there is no time limit in his order, I will wait for a month before I explore the need to approach the Central Information Commission (CIC).

As for the BEL, I will challenge before the CIC the FAA’s order upholding rejection of a part of the RTI application. Meanwhile, the wait for the ECI’s response to my first appeal and the RTI application transferred from BEL continues.

Venkatesh Nayak is programme head of the Access to Information Programme of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative.

This article was first published on Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative and has been edited for style.

BEL Refuses to Disclose EVM, VVPAT Data Even After Demanding Fees. What Does It Mean?

The Election Commission and manufacturing companies are reluctant to place detailed information about the working of EVMs and VVPATs beyond what they decide that the citizenry must know.

Readers may remember the bold declaration that the Union Minister of State for Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions made about the NDA II government’s commitment to transparency while replying to the debate on the Bill to amend The Right to Information Act, 2005 in the Lok Sabha.

On July 22, the minister said:

“Now, coming straight to RTI, as far as RTI is concerned, let me first make it clear this government has been absolutely committed, as in other wings of governance, to ensure full transparency and full accountability.”

Sadly, this philosophy of governance does not seem to have percolated downwards beyond the corridors of the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) with which the Union minister is associated.

In June, 2019 I had sought detailed information about electronic voting machines (EVMs), voter verified paper trail (VVPAT) units and symbol loading units (SLUs), from Bharat Electronics Ltd (BEL) and Electronics Corporation of India Ltd (ECIL) by filing identical requests under the RTI Act.

When compared with the ECI’s claims about the maximum capacity of VVPATs to print votes cast through EVMs and contrasted against the polling station level voter turnout data as compared with the number of voters registered on the electoral rolls (all of these are public documents), the nature of the RTI replies throw open disturbing questions about the entire electoral process.

Background

The April-May 2019 general elections brought the NDA government to power with a thumping majority.

Dissatisfied with the scanty information about the manner in which the polls were conducted across the country, several private citizens and media persons have used the RTI Act to seek information about voter turnout data mismatches, complaints about EVMs malfunctioning, complaints about mismatch of EVMs and VVPAT printoutsmovement of EVMs and VVPATs to the electoral constituencies from the manufacturing companies and details of action taken on complaints received against high profile politicians for violating the Model Code of Conduct.

Several private citizens and media persons have used the RTI Act to seek information about voter turnout data mismatches. Photo: PTI

Many of these requests have been turned down by the relevant public authorities.

Also read: The Curious Case of Chhattisgarh’s Voter Turnout

After closely scrutinising some of the information and statistics published by the ECI, on June 17, 2019, I decided to file two identical RTI applications seeking the information from BEL and ECIL. Neither these companies nor the ECI have placed this information in the public domain.

BEL’s replies

The CPIO of BEL, a navaratna public sector enterprise under the Union Ministry of Defence, sent a fee intimation letter for INR 1,434 for a total of 717 pages after almost a month had passed since the submission of my RTI application.

He agreed to supply most of the information but denied access to the VVPAT patent application filed with the office of the Controller General of Patents by citing Section 8(1)(d) of the RTI Act. Then I waited for more than a month for this information thinking that the delay might be because of the time taken to copy more than 700 pages of records. After 40 days had passed, on August 28, 2019, I filed a first appeal under Section 19(1) of the RTI Act challenging the non-supply of information.

Believe it or not, the CPIO who was silent until then, sent a reply returning the bank draft and claimed that BEL did not have most of the information which he had agreed to supply in his first reply.

The CPIO also rejected one of the queries stating that disclosure would “endanger the life of its engineers” and returned the bank draft that I sent them as fee payment.

ECIL’s reply

Earlier, ECIL had uploaded some of this information on the online RTI portal but rejected access to some crucial bits of information I had sought in my RTI application. I have not received a formal reply from ECIL that has been signed by its Central Public Information Officer, via email or post till date.

Although ECIL’s CPIO had disposed of my RTI application earlier, in August, 2019, I decided to wait for the BEL CPIO’s reply before going public with these RTI interventions.

What is problematic with these replies?

BEL’s CPIO had initially agreed to supply information about the number of EVMs (control and ballot units), VVPATs manufactured by the company, and the thermal paper rolls used in the VVPATs which had been sent to the districts for use during the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. He had also agreed to supply a list of the names of engineers who took part in and coordinated and supervised the preparation of these machines for the elections.

He had physically counted the number of pages relatable to each RTI query and demanded fees accordingly. In his revised reply, however, he states that BEL does not hold most of the requested information.

Also read: Amending the RTI Act Is About Cutting Troublesome Citizens Down to Size

So which papers did he count before sending the first reply? Only one of these replies, not both, can be true.

Perhaps the latest reply is an afterthought arising out of pressure exerted, probably by an external agency, against making this information public. I hope the identity of this external agency is revealed during the appeal proceedings in the coming months.

What do these replies reveal?

The total number of votes cast in an assembly or parliamentary constituency is recorded on Form 20 (called the ‘final result sheet’) by its presiding officer and submitted to the ECI.

This information for every constituency, collected in Form 20, has been uploaded on the ECI’s website for the Lok Sabha elections and state assembly elections up to 2018. However, similar data is not available for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections on the ECI’s website.

Any interested person is now compelled to visit the websites of the chief electoral officers (CEOs) of every state and Union Territory, separately, to access this information.

The polling station-wise data throws up some crucial questions when compared with the ECI’s claims. Photo: PTI

Even here, there is no uniformity. While many CEOs have uploaded Part 1 of Form 20 which contains polling station-wise data of the number of votes cast (for example, see the Delhi CEO’s website), a few have published only Part 2 of Form 20 which contains aggregate data for each assembly segment of a parliamentary constituency (for example, see Bihar CEO’s website).

Also read: Who’s Afraid of the RTI Act?

It is, however, the polling station-wise data that throws up some crucial questions when compared with the ECI’s claims and the RTI replies of BEL and ECIL. The details of the issues can be found here.

A credible basis 

Two-stage randomisation of EVMs and VVPATs, once before their allotment to each constituency and then before sending them to each polling station, is one of the two pillars on which the ECI, the manufacturing companies and technical experts rest their arguments for the non-tamperability of these machines.

If the capacities of the VVPATs produced by BEL and ECIL vary, can there ever be a true randomisation, given the lack of uniformity in the number of voters registered for each polling station?

This is a seminal question that the ECI as the owner of the EVMs and VVPATs must answer urgently.

I would like to end this piece with a caveat. I am not alleging any wrongdoing by any authority through this research and analysis. All that I am pointing out is that the ECI and the manufacturing companies are reluctant to place detailed information about the working of EVMs and VVPATs beyond what they decide that the citizenry must know. This is just not acceptable.

Venkatesh Nayak is programme head of the Access to Information Programme of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative.

CCTV Project Jinxed? Railways Floats New Tender Yet Again

The last time a tender was floated, bidders alleged conflict of interest and pointed to a number of problems in the process.

New Delhi: The Indian Railway has once again floated a Rs 1,000 crore tender for closed circuit television (CCTV) cameras in a bid to strengthen video surveillance systems in coaches and stations across the country.

The move comes after its last few attempts at procuring surveillance network technology were not successful, one of which failed over allegations of problems in the bidding process.

In August 2018, RailTel, the transporter’s telecom arm, in its third attempt, floated a tender for the supply, installation, testing, commissioning, operation and maintenance of 89,845 IP (Internet Protocol)-based video surveillance system (VSS) at 6,124 railway stations.

Eight major players – HFCL, L&T, BECIL, BEL, Mahindra Defence, TCIL, Avrin Pro and KEC International – emerged as serious contenders for the job after the bid’s closure on October 30, 2018.

However, in a setback to the national transporter’s security plans, the multi-crore tendering process for installing CCTV cameras with facial recognition capabilities at stations was scrapped in February 2019 amid pulls and pressures from many other other players keen to be part of the Rs 1,000-crore project.

Before February, CCTV tenders were already scrapped twice due to various reasons.

“We have floated a fresh tender again this month after discharging the last one in February. This time, we have tried to make it broad-based by enhancing the scope,” a senior RailTel official involved with the project told The Wire

The specifications and some criteria have been tweaked to widen the scope so that more players can participate in the race.

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The new project, estimated to be in the tune of Rs 1,500 crore, involves installing CCTV cameras at 6,124 stations and 7,200 coaches. The fresh tender aims to invite serious players to install about 1.5 lakh CCTV cameras. The bidding document has incorporated many suggestions with the aim of making it more competitive and broad-based in qualifying criteria, said the official.

These powerful IP cameras will not only record movements at stations and trains, but will also be equipped with facial recognition software, motion detection, quick review and intrusion detection. The recording will be scrutinised round-the-clock by security personnel of the Railway Protection Force and Government Railway Police.

“Since the basket is a larger one this time, we are expecting more players to join the race. After due diligence, scrutiny and technical evaluation, contracts will be awarded,” the official added.

There are more than 50 major stations, including New Delhi, which are already equipped with CCTV surveillance systems. The national transporter had earmarked Rs 3,000 crore in its 2018-19 Budget to install CCTV systems across 11,000 trains and 8,000 stations to ensure safety and security on its premises.

It remains to be seen however whether railways will be successful this time in finalising the tender and awarding the contract to make rail premises and coaches secured.

Arun Kumar Das is a senior journalist and can be contacted at akdas2005@gmail.com