The Brand Ambassadors of Devbhumi Tourism

Once upon a time, the drive along the Kosi river from Bhowali, in an area known as Ratighat, was a treat to travellers sore from the heat and dust of the plains. Today, Kainchi Dham stops you in your tracks.

Saakhi is a Sunday column from Mrinal Pande, in which she writes of what she sees and also participates in. That has been her burden to bear ever since she embarked on a life as a journalist, writer, editor, author and as chairperson of Prasar Bharti. Her journey of being a witness-participant continues.

In the hills of Uttarakhand, cricketers and Bollywood stars are emerging as major brand promoters. One such example was of married couple Virat Kohli and Anushka Sharma’s visit to a holy area, Kainchi Dham. The Indian team captain – who had been performing rather poorly – went back from this trip and scored a century, starry-eyed folks will tell you. In their eyes, this is the miracle of the Kainchi Dham. The ashram has since suddenly catapulted into prominence. It is Neem Kaoli Baba’s ashirvad, ashramites believe, that saved Indian cricket and Kohli’s career, in that order.

Lore has it that the ashram was founded by Baba Neem Karauli sometime in the early 1960s. It began as a small Hanuman shrine and a hut, but now the sprawling ashram can be seen from afar, close to the mercurial river Kosi. Since the ashram is located next to one of the busiest motor roads ferrying visitors and locals into the interior of the Kumaon hills, lack of a proper parking area causes major traffic jams on the narrow two-lane road prone to landslides. Often as taxis, buses, cars and trucks huff and puff downwards from Bhowali, a long line of vehicular traffic snaking around the road downhill becomes visible, driving the travellers into a frenzy. Since religious feelings have become notoriously prone to getting hurt and retaliations can be ugly, most people just sigh and bear the discomfort. Seasoned travellers avoid festive days and the evening arti time when traffic snarls are common.

Mrinal Pande

Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty

The ashram was nearly washed out during the Kosi floods two years ago, but has soon been rebuilt. It now houses the original shrine and several others, along with cottages of numerous babas and matajis, and the road is narrowed further by countless shops selling religious trinkets. In summer months, when hordes of tourists and important government officials and netas come riding their SUVs, the jams turn into mega jams and the policemen turn extra careful about blocking the road till the VIPs have had their darshan. Most are also ardent bhakts. Tilak-flaunting bhakti today may or may not pave their way to heaven, but it sure as hell helps paves the government functionaries’ path to higher posts.

This year, a row of posters greeted visitors to Uttarakhand. They announced that on June 15, the Kainchi Ashram was celebrating its Foundation Day or Sthapana Divas. There is no way, said taxi drivers, that one can take the usual route up until the 15th. The police had blocked the entire Khairna road stretch, they said, to facilitate the bhakts congregating for the holy occasion. All non-bhakts must take a bypass directed by the traffic police that was checking each vehicle very strictly.

But as the hapless travellers soon discovered, you can bypass Baba’s ashram, not his bhakts. They were everywhere in the area, lodged in little village homestays for the Vishal Sthapana Divas. All roads were full and the hills were alive with the sound of cacophonous horns. The posters on both sides of all roads bore the familiar face of an amused looking Baba peeking out of his signature black blanket. Next to him stood the beaming, bespectacled young chief minister, Pushkar Singh Dhami .

The word kainchi – used commonly for scissors – means a holy meeting place of two rivers, a sangam if you will. When we were in school, this is where a Baba known only as Neem Karauli (bitter as neem) had set up a modest shrine for his god, Hanuman. One heard of various people including local politicians and officials also visiting him and asking him for not-hard-to-guess boons, in the shape of electoral victories and plum postings. Nothing was recorded of course, nothing was known for sure.

It was hard to believe, in the face of such cheer and spiritual bliss, that almost next door in the same state, the Uttar Kashi district was under curfew. The district administration had to impose Section 144 in the town as communal tempers were running high between majority Hindus and Muslims over an elopement since resolved. In the traditionally peaceful little town, tension ran so high that a civil society group (Association for Protection of Civil Rights) petitioned the Supreme Court to disallow a mahapanchayat one Devbhumi Raksha Abhiyan had organised on June 15 to discuss the issue of ‘love jihad’. The body consisted of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Bajrang Dal and local traders’ bodies. Ultimately the issue was put up at the state high court in Nainital. The said mahapanchayat has since been called off but the city shops remain closed and an uneasy calm hangs over the area.

Also read: In Uttarakhand’s Purola, Controversial Mahapanchayat Cancelled But Tensions Still High

If Haldwani was all about the Kainchi Dham Sthapana Divas cheer, it was soon dispelled by chaotic traffic scenes. Buses full of pilgrims with the landmark poster and saffron flags, cars and SUVs met ordinary travellers. The state police, alerted to the swelling number of visitors fanning out all over the state, were checking briskly with many barricades. After identifying their end destination, they allowed only the pilgrims for Kainchi to take the familiar route, all others were being tediously re-routed through various roads. It was a hot and dusty day in June and tempers were flying high. But the police were unrelenting in their disciplinary action: “We cannot deviate from orders from above. We have to control the traffic.” People grumbled but did not disagree.

Control, check, divert and reroute were the operative words.

All over the northern plains we hear these words from the compliant officialdom boom: Babus, Bada Babus, the police, maintenance crews and traffic controllers.

Control, check, divert and reroute.

Have your IDs handy, Aadhar card is a must even at the crematorium. Banks ask for KYC again and again. Separately for joint or single accounts and safety lockers.

For your own safety, the officials say each time.

In her classic work (Eichmann in Jerusalem) chronicling the life and death of Adolf Eichmann, Hannah Arendt wrote that Eichmann was a dull man, neither intelligent nor venal. He was a bureaucrat whose hands were bloodied only by paper cuts. He personified “the banal face of Evil”. The real evil ones: Hitler, Milosevic, Mussolini or Saddam, were all vulgar geniuses who came up with and spelt out the ultimate solutions to be applied for cleansing.

Meanwhile the machinery gets busy spreading tales of deaths, thuggery, conversions and elopements, none of them reliable and often retracted after the damage is done.

Away from Uttarkashi, here in Kumaon, the wretched communal mess seems improbable, as unlikely as night descending on your neighbouring hillside, while your own hillside is bathed in golden sunshine. But you know the truth in your heart of hearts.

Once upon a time, the drive along the Kosi river from Bhowali, in an area known as Ratighat, was a treat to travellers sore from the heat and dust of the plains. The early part had various little eateries that offered cool and tart lemonade and snacks or simple thalis of home cooked food for weary travellers. The drive onwards took you along the sparkling river flowing between mountains, to the Khairana bridge gateway to popular destinations towards the border areas and towns like like Ranikhet, Almora, Mukteshwar. No more.

Today, Kainchi Dham stops you in your tracks.

It is a disturbed universe, with global warming drying up the land and water resources and setting forests on fire. In times like these, as environmental migrations increase, slowly the blade of Hindu dharma may begin to be sharpened on the flint of myth. And god forbid, if it falls in the hands of some evil genius, it may be used to carve territory and people. The idea appears grotesque in the balmy air of a serene pine-encrusted village. But evil does not need us to believe him. It just needs to make us doubt the truth and sit on our hands while its banal fetchers and carriers of orders do the rest.

Mrinal Pande is a writer and veteran journalist.

Delhi Commission for Women Seeks Report from Police on Threats to Virat Kohli’s Daughter

The nine-month-old daughter of the Indian cricket team captain has been targeted online – where some even issued rape threats – after the Pakistani team won against India in a T20 cricket match.

New Delhi: The Delhi Commission for Women (DCW) has issued a notice to the Delhi Police seeking an action-taken report in the wake of online threats to Indian cricket team captain Virat Kohli’s daughter, NDTV has reported.

The nine-month-old daughter of Virat Kohli and Anushka Sharma has been targeted online – where some of them even issued rape threats – after the Pakistani team won against India in a T20 cricket match as part of the ongoing cricket World Cup. In the aftermath of India’s loss, pace bowler Mohammad Shami was trolled online by right-wingers, who picked him up on his Muslim identity. This prompted Kohli to stand by Shami, who said religious discrimination was wrong. This support to a ‘Muslim’ was enough to let loose champions of hate online to plumb new depths, by issuing rape threats to an infant.

Announcing that DCW had taken a suo muto cognisance of the matter, its chairperson, Swati Maliwal, on Twitter said, “Rape threats to Virat Kohli’s nine-month-old daughter are extremely shameful. This team has made us proud thousands of times, why this silliness in defeat? I have issued a notice to Delhi Police. Arrest all those who threatened 9 months old girl with rape!”

Calling it a “serious matter” attracting “immediate action”, the DCW notice sought a copy of FIR (first information report) from the Delhi Police against the accused and their details, and information on any arrests made. In case if no arrests were made, the DCW ordered Delhi Police to provide details of the steps taken to nab the culprits. The Police has been asked to respond to the Commission latest by November 8.

Also read: Podcast: There is Nationalism and There is Jingoism, Which Gets Ugly When India Plays Pakistan

Earlier Kohli in defence of Shami had said, “To me attacking someone over their religion is the most pathetic thing one can do as a human. That is a very sacred and personal thing. People take out their frustration because they have no understanding of the fact that Mohammad Shami has won India a number of matches…If people overlook that and his passion for the country, honestly, I don’t want to waste even one minute of my life on them. We stand by him fully. We back him 200%. Our brotherhood cannot be shaken.”

Shortly after India’s loss to Pakistan on October 24, commenters sought to single out Shami for the defeat, called him a “traitor” and asked him to “go to Pakistan”. Shami was the only Muslim cricketer among the eleven who played against Pakistan in that match. While the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) remained silent on the matter, Kohli reacted on the matter only after a week

In a similar case last year, Mahendra Singh Dhoni’s five-year-old daughter Ziva was targeted online, after an Instagram user sent rape threats. The disturbing incident happened after Chennai Super Kings (CSK), of which Dhoni is the captain, lost to Kolkata Knight Riders (KKR).

Amitabh Bachchan Made the Right Decision in No Longer Promoting Pan Masala

The marketing strategy of the pan-masala industry has two main forms: brand extensions and celebrities, and it is here that film stars play a role.

In hindsight, Amitabh Bachchan made the right decision. He walked out of a contract that promoted pan masala. Based on his statement, he said he was involved in surrogate advertising which, as he realised, contravened a law.

Tobacco is big business in India and elsewhere, and the tobacco lobby is one of the most powerful in many countries. Pan masala, an Indian product innovation, is a segment of a larger tobacco domain called smokeless tobacco. Cigarettes and bidi products make up the other segment.

The smokeless tobacco segment consists of a host of products that are sold in packaged or loose form, are manufactured by a variety of players – many of them not well-known – and invite little or no increase in taxes from both the Central and state governments in every year’s budget.

Both segments of the industry, smoke and smokeless, are under increasing scrutiny by the government, anti-tobacco crusaders and civil society. Both segments have therefore resorted to more subtle, sophisticated and devious means of promotion – to beat the law and to evade a growing number of health-conscious critics.

Surrogate advertising is one such promotional activity. The law prohibits advertisements for products that are harmful to consume. So marketers use other products that are its extension or resemble them to promote or advertise them indirectly. The two major industries that have suffered because of advertising bans are tobacco and liquor, and brands in both industries have resorted to surrogate advertising.

Kingfisher is an apt example of surrogate advertising. It promoted bottled water, soda and a calendar to push sales of its liquor brand. Former Union health minister Anbumani Ramadoss objected to the Bangalorean Indian Premier League cricket team being called the ‘Royal Challengers’. The name, as is evident, reinforced the recall value of the liquor brand ‘Royal Challenge’.

As indicated, pan masala is a smokeless tobacco product. It is addictive and carcinogenic. At one time, it mixed tobacco with several other ingredients. The government therefore banned its use and advertising. Since then, pan-masala manufacturers have been selling tobacco separately and developed non-tobacco products, such as mouth fresheners, to sell under the same brand name.

The ban on advertising has had some impact on public awareness. The second round of the 2016 ‘Global Adult Tobacco Survey India’ report showed that smokeless tobacco manufacturers use a variety of means to get their message across. Almost 21% of India’s 70,000+ samples, drawn from 30 states and two Union territories, had reported an advertisement or promotion of smokeless tobacco products in the last 30 days of the survey.

The highest fractions of the population exposed to these promotions were in Odisha (39.8%) and Uttar Pradesh (36.7%). The states with the lowest exposure  were Kerala (2.7%) and Andhra Pradesh (1.3%).

Interestingly, the respondents identified a range of sources where they had seen the promotional material: points of sale (stores), electronic media (TV, radio, internet, cinema), print media, outdoor (posters, billboards, public transport vehicles, public walls) and surrogate advertisements.

The survey revealed another important insight. More men than women, more young adults than old, more urban adults than rural, and more current users were exposed to the promotional materials. So a variety of factors drive selective exposure – and simply banning a product from mass media can only serve a limited purpose.

Pan masala may well rely on selective exposure. It is big business: the total market for pan masala is valued at above Rs 45,000 crore. Despite the advertising ban and growing health consciousness, its size is expected to rise to around Rs 70,000 crore by 2026.

The marketing strategy of the pan-masala industry is based mainly on two planks: brand extensions and celebrities. The objective is to retain existing customers and entice new ones, especially young adults.

It is here that film stars play a role. Well-known actors such as Amitabh Bachchan, Shah Rukh Khan, Hrithik Roshan, Ajay Devgan, Saif Ali Khan, Anushka Sharma and Priyanka Chopra, among others, have endorsed pan masala or their extensions. And celebrities continue to appear in similar advertisements despite the Advertising Standards Council of India’s guidance: that “celebrities should not participate in advertisements of products which by law require a health warning in their ads or packaging”.

In this context, Bachchan deserves our accolades. It is true that his action was not motivated by a higher moral calling but by fear of crossing a law. Nevertheless, he took the right decision and paved the way for others to follow. And for these others, it may be worthwhile to remember the words of advertising tycoon Leo Burnett:

“Let’s gear our advertising to sell goods but let’s recognise also that advertising has a broad social responsibility.”

Pradeep Krishnatray is a faculty of marketing at ICFAI University, Hyderabad, and former director, Research and Strategic Planning, Johns Hopkins Center for Communication Programs, New Delhi.

‘Paatal Lok’ Missed the Opportunity to Break Tradition and Make Hathiram a Dalit Cop

The web series scores points on many fronts, but its representation of Dalits and anti-caste politics fails to convince.

When criticised for having a ‘savarna saviour’ character in his acclaimed film Article 15, director Anubhav Sinha had responded that this film was just the beginning. More Dalit characters would appear in movies and perhaps, the next step might even be a Dalit character as the lead.

What Anubhav Sinha had unwittingly admitted was that Bollywood’s lead actors are not yet ready to play a Dalit. This is such an entrenched tradition in the industry that even a director who is ready to make “off-beat themes” could not challenge it.

Perhaps nor did Anushka Sharma, producer of the web series Paatal Lok. But Jaideep Ahalawat’s character Hathiram Chaudhary, the lead in the series, belongs to a lowly police station in Delhi and is often ridiculed by his seniors. Yet, he fights for justice and truth and could have been made a Dalit character to break the industry’s norms.

A web series is not a film, and unlike the latter, does not cater to a mass audience. But this format allows its producers more liberty, as there is less censorship compared to a commercial movie. Director Avinash Arun Prosit Roy had the opportunity to make history, but missed the chance or maybe chose not to.

Also Read: Caste, Class and Populist Political Anxieties in ‘Paatal Lok’

A hierarchical society

The show begins with a cryptic description of a hierarchical society. There is Swarglok, or gods who are revered, Dharti Lok, composed of privileged people, and Paatal Lok, where the banished ones whose lives have no value live. Thus, the Paatal Lok police station has cockroaches, jurisdiction over a basti of very poor people and functions with inefficiencies.

In the show, Hathiram explains that the people of Swarglok are disgusted by Paatal Lok and believe that the people of there are always bound to fail.

Here, showing Hathiram as a Dalit man would have been a perfect allegory to show that caste and caste discrimination are not just as a rural problem – especially when the person is surrounded by upper caste media.

The proverbial Paatal Lok comprises of ‘banished’ people, mainly the Dalits and the Muslims. You find a Muslim cop as an assistant to Hathiram, but a Dalit character is conspicuously absent.

The character of Hathiram fits that bill perfectly.

Hathiram’s son is bullied at school and called ‘Hathi ka baccha’ in the same way that Dalit children are taunted in schools.

Yet, the director does not even drop subtle hints to suggest that Hathiram is a Dalit.

A poster for ‘Paatal Lok’.

You have to watch Newton – India’s entry to the 2018 Oscars – very carefully to know that the lead character is a Dalit. The hint comes in the form of a one-second flash of B.R. Ambedkar’s photo in Newton’s room. (It’s strange, isn’t it, that upper caste characters are loud, but Dalit characters are subtle unless the movie is about caste discrimination, such as Neeraj Ghaywan’s Masaan?)

Also Read: Is Newton a New Kind of Dalit Hero in Hindi Cinema?

Yes, Paatal Lok has a Dalit character in Tope Singh – an obsessive lover who used to fight oppression as a militant in his village before he moved to the city. This portrayal of a Dalit character is similar to that in Article 15, where the Dalits are shown as militants. But in Paatal Lok, Tope Singh is the worst among the four criminals caught red-handed by the police in a conspiracy to murder a highly placed journalist in Delhi.

The question still remains, where are the normal Dalits of Paatal Lok in Delhi?

A missed opportunity

The series is set in the current era; you see posters of Prime Minister Narendra Modi in flashes at railway stations and so on. But the director chooses to make a caricature of contemporary Dalit politics. In the show, the Dalit Samaj Party, which is obviously based on the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) that represents the scheduled castes, is led by a Brahmin named Vajpayee who is so casteist that he washes himself with gaumutra after every visit to a Dalit house. Perhaps the director was worried about too obvious a resemblance to BSP or other parties like the BJP or the Congress, but this portrayal of Dalit politics is unreal and unconvincing.

In the show, a young Kashmiri police sub-inspector called Imran Ansari (played by Ishwak Singh) faces subtle taunts because he is a Muslim. But the show provides no explanation why his immediate boss, Hathiram, is also taunted by senior police officers, making it unconvincing.

Paatal Lok scores multiple points on many fronts. Its portrayal of racism towards people from the northeast of India is highly effective. So is its display of most Indians’ insensitivity towards the LGBTQ community, the deep misogyny in the country, the equally deep anti-Muslim prejudice and the prevalence of domestic abuse in cities and villages. But there is no plausible explanation why Delhi’s Paatal Lok has all the marginalised communities in the city, except the Dalits who have been relegated to the margins for millennia.

The series continues to present the mainstream view that caste and discrimination are prevalent only in villages. All references to caste are in rural settings. Even the Brahmin leader of the Dalit party is from remote Uttar Pradesh.

Had the show portrayed a Dalit character as an upright inspector, it would have demolished the stereotypes that are held about the people of Paatal Lok. They are not “small”, as Hathiram discovers in the end.

A Dalit Hathiram and a Muslim policeman aspiring to enter the administrative services would have represented two of the most oppressed communities in India today – Dalits and Muslims.

The end, where fate plays a part, reinforces the narrative around the importance of astrology. This is bad, but for me, the bigger failure is the missed opportunity to have a Dalit policeman as the lead character in a mainstream series. It would have been easy to do this. Only a few changes in the dialogue and a few hints of the character’s caste would have turned Indian cinema’s social charturvarna structure upside down, just as the promos of the show display upside-down images.

Gendered Racism: ‘Pataal Lok’ Brings Home the Realities of Nepali Women

The show’s depiction of a Nepali woman has triggered a much-needed debate – on the status of Nepali women both outside and within our own society.

An episode of the recently-aired Pataal Lok on Amazon Prime, where a female police officer abuses a person of Northeast Indian origin as a ‘lying Nepali whore’, has riled up a section of the Nepali community in India, who argue that this reinforces the gendered racist treatment of women belonging to this community.

What began as a social media thread has now turned into a petition by the youth wing of a social organisation – the Bharatiya Gorkha Yuva Parisangh – who are demanding a retraction of the scene and an apology from the producers.

The character, as the show represents, is clearly not Nepali, but the ease with which people from the Eastern peripheries are homogenised and victimised for their facial features is not new. The name of this specific character – Cheeni – is reflective of the racist culture that prevails in the Indian mainstream, where in our everyday lives we are called ‘momos’, ‘chinki’, ‘Nepali/Nepalan’, and now ‘Corona’. 

Representation of Nepalis in popular culture

In response to this scene, the hashtag #NE stereotyped had been gaining momentum on social media for re-enforcing racist stereotypes against people of the Northeast, in particular the Gurkhas”. 

For a long time, the representation of Nepalis as ‘bahadurs’, ‘chowkidars’ and Nepali women as prostitutes in popular culture and fiction, such as Kiran Desai’s The Inheritence of Loss, Arvind Adiga’s White Tiger, has contributed to strengthening this racist stereotyping.

Such representation reflects the ‘lack of interest’ on the part of the mainstream towards the borderlands and their histories. In treating the region as a periphery, the prevalent practices of stereotyping, racism, misrepresentation and causal discrimination are not only kept alive, but strengthened through such mediums.


Also read: Slur Against Nepali-Speaking Communities in ‘Paatal Lok’ Is Hardly a One-Off Incident


The narrative of Pataal Lok attempts to unravel the multiple layers of discriminatory practices that define our socio-cultural and political realities and lay bare these dark truths of a ‘well-oiled’ system; a system that is both a product of and reproductive of a culture-inherently biased, hierarchical and oppressive in form and practice.

Gendered racism is a product of this system, attempted to be represented through this particular scene of abuse in Pataal Lok. Popular culture, therefore, has the power to both perpetuate and reinforce such prejudiced practices or act as a powerful medium to represent existing realities with the larger agenda of questioning such stereotypes and representation.

Alternative cinema and shows have gradually been making inroads, breaking free of stereotypes and typecasts in popular culture – and Pataal Lok fits into this new genre of shows. The makers of the show have opened up a tiny window for introspection on questions of representation and inclusion, which for me requires a revolutionary alteration of existing power structures that define the narratives of mainstream discourses.

Gendered realities of Nepali women

Amidst popular sentiment reflected on social media, two posts, one in the Darjeeling Chronicles and the other in The Quint, both written by Nepali women, highlight the point I have tried to make here – that the show does not necessarily perpetuate, but rather seeks to mirror the realities of Nepali women in mainstream India. The posts have been met with harsh criticism and vicious, gendered trolling from people of our community.

The writers are now being targeted using similar language and are being called ‘sluts’ and ‘whores’ – exposing the gendered realities and practices back home. I think it says a lot about the prevalence of a militarised, masculine political culture that reflects a perfect imitation of the intimidating practices of the state in silencing dissent through force.

Pataal Lok’s depiction of a Nepali woman has triggered a much-needed debate – on the status of Nepali women both outside and within our own society.

These writings reflect, introspect and probe questions that have long been silenced and marginalised. These two articles – going against powerful, popular sentiments – penned by women spell hope. 

Gendered realities of women in our society have hardly found spaces in the writings and public discourses confined within a falsely imagined idea of gender equality. The strengthening of a culture of bullying and intimidating democratic voices has resulted in the shrinking of democratic spaces and glorification of violent, masculine, undemocratic practices – reflected in this intimidating tactics of silencing dissenting voices.

We, as women, condemn gendered racism against Nepali women on the outside. But it is also time to introspect, reflect and question the gendered practices on the inside.

Dipti Tamang is an assistant professor, Darjeeling Government College.

Featured image credit: Amazon Prime

#OperationHashtag: How a Hindutva FB Group Pushes Politically Divisive Topics on Twitter

A 8,000 member strong group whose goal is to discuss, coordinate and help manufacture trending right-wing hashtags, its latest ‘success’ was the targeting of the serial Paatal Lok and Bollywood as ‘anti-Hindu’.

New Delhi: What is your first response when you stumble upon a problematic hashtag that is trending on Twitter?

Is it to believe that this is an organic conversation that is being debated and discussed by thousands of people? Is it to tweet out the strongest possible counter, in the hopes that you will be able to convince the ‘other’ side that their stance is flawed?

In both cases, your actions may be futile.

The practice of manipulating Twitter trends to spread political propaganda is not new. In the past, there has been evidence of organised campaigns in India using ‘volunteers’ or automated bots to artificially boost traffic towards specific political issues like demonetisation and other initiatives of the Narendra Modi government.

To these orchestrated campaign practices, one more method can be added – private Facebook groups that discuss, coordinate and appear to help manufacture trending hashtags.

One private, right-wing group that this author gained access to included over 8,000 members, all of whom look to boost certain social media trends. It is one of the many Facebook groups that help make Twitter discourse more vitriolic.

While their actual impact may not be explicitly quantifiable, the group’s members claim that they have been an important force behind trending hundreds of Hindutva related hashtags in just the last 28 days. In the last few weeks alone, there have been 1,700 posts – a good portion of which are hashtags which have trended on Twitter.

The group doesn’t have a gender or age barrier. The only criterion for one to be added, one member told The Wire, is a ‘proud Hindu’ declaration in their bio and a recommendation from an existing member.

Some of the group’s rules. Photo: Saahil Murli Menghani

The basic principle, even if not clearly stated, is to influence otherwise organic chatter on Twitter.

One source inside this group explained to this author its well-oiled machinery. Members of the group themselves say that the principal objective of these closed-room groups is to make people engage in verbal duels on trivial issues. There are many private Facebook groups which on a daily basis seek to manage the flow of conversations on Twitter.

The private Facebook group that this author gained access to had the word ‘Takeover’ in its name. It also had clearly defined steps laid out for its members on how to make a hashtag trend.

English translation: ‘Suggest a topic for tomorrow. Don’t get angry if the topic suggested by you is not picked. All topics are important but only one can be taken up in a day.’ Photo: Credit: Saahil Murli Menghani

 

Need volunteers from the Takeover team to take up responsibility for the following.
1. Writing explainer for every hashtag they intend to trend.
2. Searching and collecting pictures related to the hashtag they intend to trend.
3. Composing tweets on the topic.
4. If there are policy-related hashtags, like on Temple Endowment Act, Article 30 & Article 25, then for research.
Volunteers need to get in touch, with a list of contributions they want to make.

 

An example of the group taking credit for making a hashtag related to Article 30 trend. Article 30 of constitutionis the “right of minorities to establish and administer educational institutions”, a bugbear of the Hindutva lobby. Photo: Saahil Murli Menghani

The process begins with the admin posting a new hashtag daily in the group, and almost on cue, the members begin tweeting using that hashtag. The group is run in a streamlined manner, with dedicated members assigned a set of specific tasks: composing content for a common pool of tweets or picking pictures or making memes.

By and large, the language used in these tweets is sexist, communal and abusive.

The rot runs deeper – tweets that go against the hashtag or counter its discourse are also shared in the group just so that the members can collectively attack those Twitter users.

An example of a tweet posted that looks to counter the group’s hashtag, #Hinduphobic_Bollywood. This user, Mariya Faizan, later deleted her tweet after being trolled on Twitter. Photo: Saahil Murli Menghani

On May 20, the Takeover group decided to trend #Hinduphobic_Bollywood on Twitter, targeting Amazon Prime’s new web-series Paatal Lok.

Ever since its release, the web series has been hailed as a deft crime thriller. Many have called it a commentary on deteriorating press freedom under the Narendra Modi government.

This emerging narrative could not have been easy for the right-wing to digest and hence, the digital warriors have been on an overdrive to counter it, by hook or crook.

At 6:33 pm on May 20, an admin on the private Facebook group put out a post. It read, ‘#Hinduphobic_Bollywood’. Within 4 minutes, came the first tweet with this hashtag.

Photo: Saahil Murli Menghani

As per the group’s rules, the members began sharing screenshots of their tweets on the group as evidence of their contribution. Consistent failure to do so has led to the expulsion of members from the group. For most participants, membership of the group is a matter of prestige which they just can’t afford to lose. The members also tag influencers on both sides of the ideological divide. The idea is to capitalise on an individual’s large following. Eliciting a response is all that matters. Whether that is positive or negative is inconsequential.

Credit: Saahil Murli Menghani

The group began by trolling actor Anushka Sharma, the co-producer of Paatal Lok. They then went after her husband, Virat Kohli. Soon it became about other Bollywood personalities and the usual targets like Sonam Kapoor, Swara Bhasker, Shruti Seth and Vishal Dadlani were in the crosshairs.

Photo: Saahil Murli Menghani

By 8:40 pm, roughly two hours after the first tweet, the private Facebook group helped make #Hinduphobic_Bollywood the 15th trending topic on Twitter. The admin kept updating the group about the progress. By 9:38 pm, the hashtag broke into the top ten, trending sixth on the nationwide chart with 21,000 tweets.

Photo: Saahil Murli Menghani

By 11:10 pm, the hashtag became India’s second trending topic on Twitter. A jubilant admin hailed the group members for their feat. By late night, the hashtag had garnered over 50,000 tweets.

Congratulatory messages began pouring in. But some in the private group were unhappy about the fact that despite half a lakh tweets, they couldn’t make it the top trending hashtag. Some even lamented the fact that their hashtag did not trend above #CycloneAmphan.

Photo: Saahil Murli Menghani

A jubilant post by the group’s admin, celebrating that the hashtag crossed 50,000 tweets. Photo: Saahil Murli Menghani

English translation: We all tried for the number one spot but now #CycloneAmphan is trending on the number 1 spot 😑 (expressionless emoji). But we have sent our message across. Photo: Saahil Murli Menghani

Twitter’s rules clearly state that users aren’t permitted to “artificially amplify or suppress information or engage in behavior that manipulates or disrupts people’s experience” In 2017, a Twitter spokesperson told one global media publication: “Any use of automation to game Trending Topics is in violation of the Twitter Rules, and we have had measures in place to address this since the spring of 2014.”

And yet, whether it’s a Google Docs link that gives paid trolls a few tweet templates from which they can post content to promote a hashtag, or a private Facebook group that discusses and coordinates behaviour, Twitter consistently appears to be one step behind when it comes to manipulation of its social media traffic.

And what does this say of attempting to genuinely engage with a hashtag or debate that appears coordinated? Private groups like the one shown here focus their attention over the course of hours in making ‘Hindutva’ hashtags trend.

The language used in these tweets is sexist, communal and abusive. It is, in essence, a trap laid to attract responses from the ‘other’ side, which many end up falling for.

English translation — 1) 38K, Goodnight. Jai shree Ram. Hail Lord Rama. 2) 2. You(admin) and the entire team are the reason for this success. For selecting the right topic, a good hashtag, & doing a lot of hard work.

English translation: Meanwhile, Shabana Azmi has done a self goal. Allah is cruel (then 2 laughing emojis). (Context – On that day, Shabana Azmi had mistakenly tweeted a picture of 2 kids from some other country and wrote heartbreaking. She was trolled by the RW for ‘running propaganda’.)

English translation: 1) Hardwork has paid off. 2) Our only task is to just keep copying from the content you give and to post it on Twitter 3) Congratulations.

With the sheer volume of their tweets, these groups help make hate-filled and reaction-evoking hashtags trend. Even in the case of #Hinduphobic_Bollywood, influencers from the ‘other’ side jumped in to counter but ended up helping this group.

Are these people interested in an orderly and reasoned exchange of views? If one goes by the discourse on the Facebook group, they are far more interested in spamming your Twitter notifications tab.

Saahil Murli Menghani is a news reporter and anchor with ten years of experience in broadcast journalism. He is known for his #Verified series of stories on social media.

Slur Against Nepali-Speaking Communities in ‘Paatal Lok’ Is Hardly a One-Off Incident

The big screen, small screen and advertisements alike have equally stereotyped the Gurkha community. The slur used in the web series will further reinforce such racial discrimination.

Hindi cinema and series often come under flak for stereotyping different communities. The stereotyping is not only community-based, but regionalistic as well – people belonging to the hinterland are stereotyped much more than people from the mainland.

The frequency of this phenomenon spikes exponentially when it comes to marginalised communities from Northeast India. Most of the tribes from the Northeast are often shown as fearful people – to the extent of being cannibalistic. Women from the region are mostly taken in the role of beauty parlour professionals, masseuses and, in many cases, prostitutes.

One such misrepresented community among many others from the Northeast are the ‘Indian Nepalese’ – the Gurkhas.

The big screen, small screen and advertisements alike have equally stereotyped the Gurkha community. ‘Ohh Sabji’, ‘Bahadhur’ and ‘Chinki’ are the accolades of Hindi cinema to the Gurkha community. The entire industry seems to think ‘watchmen’, ‘beauty parlour worker’, ‘masseuse’ and ‘loyal khukuri wielding soldiers’ are the only roles deemed fit for the people of this community.

Movies like Kasauti (1974), Haseena Maan Jayegi (1999), Apna Sapna Money Money (2007), Tango Charlie (2005) and LOC Kargil (2003) are a few that have propagated this stereotype. This vocabulary of stereotyping has only grown over time, with the latest addition made by the Anushka Sharma-produced Amazon Prime series Paatal Lok where a character, played by transwoman Mairembam Ronaldo Singh, from the Northeast, is referred to as a ‘Nepali r****’ (Nepali prostitute).

The Gurkha community has vehemently criticised the use of this casteist slur. A legal notice has been sent to Anushka Sharma by a member of lawyers guild, the All Arunachal Pradesh Gorkha Youth Association (AAPGYA) has filed an online complaint with the National Human Right Commission (NHRC), the Bharatiya Gorkha Yuva Parisangh (BhaGoYuP) has started an online petition seeking to mute the particular scene and an FIR has been filed by a lawyer and an activist with the Gangtok Sadar police demanding strict action against Sharma.

The cinematic misportrayal has affected how people from the Gurkha community are treated in mainland India. The situation is aggravated when these terms find a way out of the screen to vocabulary used daily. This gets worse when an entire profession is addressed by the name of a community. Yes, from Delhi to Chennai, Mumbai to Bangalore, many professional security guards are called Gurkhas – even by the most educated and elite segment of the society.

It is not just an unfortunate incident but sheer ignorance and disrespect to the community when the official government notification legitimises these terms. In 2014, Tamil Nadu state government notification shamelessly advertised the post of ‘Gurkha watchmen’ as did the state of Andhra Pradesh. More recently, the Delhi government published an advertisement that mentions Sikkim – a state with a majority Gurkha community, as a separate country.


Also read: Pataal Lok: A Descent Into Hell With Stories and Back Stories


Articles 6 and 7 of the 1950 ‘Treaty of Peace and Friendship Between the Government of India and Government of Nepal’ grants nationals of these countries same privileges on a reciprocal basis in other country’s territories in the matter of residence, ownership of property, participation in trade and commerce, movement and other privileges of a similar nature.

This has enabled Nepalese people to move freely across the border, live, work, and conduct trade and business in India and Indians to do the same in Nepal. A large proportion of these migrant workers from Nepal settle in India and pick up jobs of watchmen, cooks and maids to earn their livelihood and send money back home. Hindi cinema and the small screen picked this up and continue to propagate the stereotype.

It is ethically and morally questionable to represent a community and recognise them through one profession. This is along the same lines as the doomed ‘caste system’ India has been suffering from since time immemorial where a section of the people from ‘higher caste’ expect and want people of certain communities to be involved only in a few particular sets of professions and don’t welcome them in others. Similarly, the Bollywood and Hindi entertainment industry have propagated Gurkhas to be only guards and nothing more.

According to the 2011 census, about 30 lakh people in India speak Nepali as their mother tongue.  The Nepali language is one of the scheduled languages of India. Nepali-speaking Indian Gurkhas are one of the most advanced communities, with high literacy rates, very reformed cultures and traditions and better socio-economic indices. They have been engaged in a plethora of professions and excelled on national and international stages. The Hindi entertainment industry has failed to pick to represent any of this on screen.

What is concerning is that Bollywood picked the profession of guards – which many migrant Nepalese adopt to earn a livelihood – and made it a ‘brand identity’ of the entire Gurkha community. With this precedent, the dialogue in Paatal Lok is very unfortunate and condemnable. The India-Nepal border has always been one of the busiest human trafficking gateways. More so after the 2015 Nepal earthquake, which disrupted social and economic structures of Nepal. Approximately 12,000 children are trafficked from Nepal to India every year, mainly for sexual exploitation.

When a web series on a platform like Amazon, with millions of viewers, uses the term ‘prostitute’ and connects with the victim community, it becomes problematic. It is insensitive as it ignores the heinous crime of human trafficking and the plight suffered by the victims.

Moreover, the way online content – from memes to WhatsApp forwards – are consumed in India, this will increase the instances of racial discrimination of the already marginalised community in India. Women from the Northeast are already victims of discrimination and harassment because of misrepresentation by popular culture of the region they come from and the way they look.

The dialogue in Paatal Lok, which will be consumed by millions, will further reinforce the disparaging racial discrimination.

Hemant Kumar Neopaney is a founding team member of the Daksha Fellowship and a senior associate at 9dot9 Education. He is from Sikkim and belongs to the Gurkha community.

Featured image credit: Netflix

Paatal Lok: A Descent Into Hell With Stories and Back Stories

The Amazon Prime series intends to unfold like an epic – a story that captures India’s messy, contradictory realities.

Hathi Ram Chaudhary (Jaideep Ahlawat) is a Delhi Police cop, but has lived a timid, ant-like life. As a kid, he often got thrashed by his father. He grew up resenting his old man. Now, as a father, his son resents him. But that changes one afternoon, when he’s handed a high-profile case.

DCP Bhagat (Vipin Sharma) and his team arrest four criminals who intended to assassinate a reputed journalist, Sanjeev Mehra (Neeraj Kabi). Since they were nabbed in Outer Jamuna Paar, Hathi’s area of work, he’s given the case. Soon, it becomes a national sensation. There are many questions, but no answers. For the first time ever, the world is knocking at Hathi’s door: this is his chance, perhaps his only chance.

Amazon Prime’s recent series Paatal Lok, directed by Avinash Arun and Prosit Roy, opens like a thrilling bildungsroman. Later, in the climax of this typical coming-of-age drama, the protagonist arrives at a crucial realisation, finding his True Self. But on the way, since Hathi is about to descend into a macabre murky world, that familiar trope gets a delicious twist: what if you find the world, but lose yourself?

Divided into nine episodes, of around 45 minutes each, Paatal Lok intends to unfold like an epic – a story that captures India’s messy, contradictory realities. The show’s ambitious structure finds ample support in its characters’ broad canvas. There’s the elite liberal India in Sanjeev. Hathi exemplifies the simmering, discontented middle-class. His colleague Imran Ansari (Ishwak Singh), a young cop aspiring to be an IAS officer, symbolises the story of upward mobility. Hathi’s boss, the Station House Officer Virk (Anurag Arora), and DCP Bhagat, portray the flow and control of power in Indian police.

And finally, the pieces that complete the puzzle, the four perpetrators: Tope Singh (Jagjeet Sandhu), a lower caste man from a Punjab village; Kabir M. (Aasif Khan), a Muslim from Chandni Chowk; Mary Lyngdoh or “Cheeni” (Mairembam Ronaldo Singh), a transwoman; and Vishal Tyagi (Abhishek Banerjee), a serial killer from Bundelkhand. Their identities shape their backstories, landing them in a Delhi lockup.

Also read: Ten Heartwarming and Feel-Good Films to Watch Online During the Lockdown

Paatal Lok is a busy show. Its characters have intricate inner lives, whose stories keep colliding with each other. At the heart of the piece is a deceptively simple question. The simple part, who did it? The deceptive bit, why? For such a dense show to be riveting, and for it to make constant sense, the makers structure it like a helicopter ride. At first, you’re on the ground, you see things for what they are, even though your field of vision is narrow. And then, the helicopter takes off, and the big picture starts to reveal itself, bit by bit.

Paatal Lok’s creator, Sudip Sharma, and his team of writers (Gunjit Chopra, Sagar Haveli and Hardik Mehta) employ this method ingeniously. For the first two episodes – ‘Bridges’ and ‘Lost and Found’ – we’re on the ground, as the principal characters and stakes are defined. There’s enough preliminary information about Hathi and Ansari and the politics of the police station, about Sanjeev’s predicament (he is about to get fired from his channel), and about the case and the convicts.

But from the third episode onwards the helicopter finds its flight, when Paatal Lok cuts to a flashback and shows Tope Singh’s backstory: a boy bullied because of his caste who, overwhelmed with rage, murders his tormenters. From that point, the show becomes an onion-in-an-onion: a feast of layers, one clinging to the other, revealing newer facets and meanings.

Besides telling a taut story, the show is astutely political. No matter how good a cop Ansari maybe, his last name follows him everywhere, subjecting him to snide remarks – many by his peers. An extra-martial affair between Sanjeev and his colleague Sara (Niharika Lyra Dutt), many years junior to him, takes a discomfiting edge, exposing his latent hypocrisies. The petty power struggles in the police station, especially between Virk and Hathi, reveals the inherent cannibalism of the Indian middle-class. And in the stories of Tope, Tyagi, Kabir and Cheeni, we see a ravaged India, where people are consumed and destroyed for no fault of theirs, where they in turn consume and destroy others.

The makers also employ a neat storytelling trick. Paatal Lok unfolds in two distinct parts. For the first six episodes, Hathi and Ansari follow one lead after the other; cogs in the system, they’re seeing what they’re shown. But the big picture doesn’t add up – a plot point that is also a comment on the nature of the Indian political and bureaucratic machinery – because there’s a bigger picture. The last three episodes make you an eager participant, dropping hints to unlock the what and why; the first curiosity is narrative, the second political. It’s this seamless blend that makes the series remarkable.

Apart from Hathi and Ansari, it is difficult to like any other character in Paatal Lok. And yet, the show does something miraculous, it doesn’t cast aside the others as… Others. Not even Tyagi, who has murdered 45 people, but whose eyes light up whenever he sees a stray pup. It’s heartening to know that, in this age of instant hysteria and unending anger, the makers understand two vital truths about human life: a) that true empathy is never selective, b) that to understand and judge anything bigger than itself, you need context.

By sincerely examining the lives of their characters – whose transgressions cover a wide spectrum – the makers go beyond simplistic condemnations. They’re not just interested in the designs and motives of moral failings, but also their origins, the stories before the Story.

Also read: Amazon Prime’s ‘Panchayat’ Is a Unique Ode to Simplicity

Playing a tireless cop who has finally found a purpose – and some hope of reclaiming his dignity – Ahlawat is a revelation. His Hathi is an intriguing mix: someone with credible weariness, but also enough curiosity. An in-betweener caught in a storm of grief, stranded between bargaining and acceptance.

Banerjee, playing a vicious murderer, is equally impressive. Tyagi, present in all the nine episodes, barely speaks throughout the series. All he gets is a menacing stare, some wild swings with a hammer, and a freedom to occupy the frame; these restrictions usually result in a formulaic villain but Banerjee, playing Tyagi, excels: he manages to elicit both dread and curiosity. On the other end, there’s Ansari, the show’s most pleasant character: a sincere, hardworking man, who respects his senior. Singh portrays him in neat, precise strokes. Never too far from a smile, yet acutely aware of his position in a Hindu-dominant society, Ansari is convincing and compelling.

With a runtime of around six-and-a-half hours, Paatal Lok’s slip-ups are few and sporadic. The most jarring bit, by far, is the depiction of Sanjeev’s wife, Dolly (Swastika Mukherjee). A housewife prone to anxiety attacks, her character is disappointingly monotonous. Scene after scene, she keeps getting more needy and anxious, and we hardly learn anything new about her. It’s the kind of role that forbids meaningful engagement and indicates narrative padding.

Besides, some political commentary seems way too direct, as if the show has cut to a dramatic retelling of real events (the lynching of Kabir M.’s elder brother on a railway platform for instance). Such scenes lack imagination and finesse, the sense of being subtle that comes naturally to fiction. There’s some redundancy too, via scenes re-emphasising a motif that has already been established. Ansari getting profiled for being a Muslim, for example, feels forced at times. In these scenes, storytelling awkwardly runs into an essayistic piece, where the writers’ political preoccupation dilutes a moment of credible fiction. Finally, a crucial plot turn – involving the role of the CBI – isn’t satisfactorily resolved.

At the end, Hathi completes his journey, but it is not enough. In Paatal Lok, the world is too wounded, too broken, to be pieced together. How do you make sense of something when it is bound by a series of competing Faustian bargains? As Hathi lobs his stick of ice cream to a stray dog in the last scene, his face remains impassive, but he knows the answer.

A Conjugal Affair with Bollywood

Shouldn’t we attempt to look at what Bollywood films accomplish besides the obvious criticism they engender? 


If I were to say that popular forms of expression negotiate within the dominant models of society, would it come as a surprise to you? Perhaps not.

So, when films like Article 15, Padman, Ek Ladki Ko Dekha Toh Aisa Laga, Veere di Wedding (so on) present just the right amount of critique such that their success is not jeopardised, aren’t they products of popular culture? Shouldn’t we then attempt to look at what they accomplish besides the obvious criticism they engender in the process?

Popular cinema rather works like that – by introducing the new without denouncing the old.

Since its inception, Hindi cinema has sacralised the institution of marriage. Whether it is the mythological tales of early films or the threat posed by extra-marital affairs to the sanctity of marriage in the later ones. So, are extra-marital affairs problematic because they ‘corrupt’ the ‘pure’ notion of love and trust or is it because they destabilise the general schema of things?

If Madras high court’s 20 questions were a reference point, the logic of the latter prevails. Moreover, social as well as economic changes up until the first decade of 21st century did either of these two things: 

One, evoked a nostalgia for a feudal past with marriage as an essential motif such as in Hum Saath Saath Hain and alike or; two, NRI characters reminiscing their nation with its values vis-a-vis marriage such as in DDLJ and others.

There was also an anxiety considering women inhabiting the public sphere which led to films that tried to strike a balance between ‘wifely/motherly duties’ and their career.

(Please note that this is not an attempt to linearise the history of representation of marriage in Hindi cinema, which would not only amount to a colossal simplification but could also be rightly challenged. Instead, it is only to make sense of the current shift in the narratives of Bollywood.)

Let’s now consider two recent films, Jabariya Jodi (Prashant Singh) and Luka Chhupi (Laxman Utekar), which scoff at the institution of marriage quite loudly. My interest is not centred around the ‘quality’ of the films, therefore this is no review(s).

What is happening in both the stories if not derision?

You have the ridiculous disruption of Guddu and Rashmi’s wedding at various junctures in Luka Chhupi, making it redundant ultimately. Then, the absurdity of kidnapping grooms as a solution to the practice of dowry as the premise of Jabariya Jodi. Aren’t the grounds on which modern marriage stands shaky? The answer, to refrain from the rhetorical, is yes.

Sex as a conjugal license is critiqued in the first movie while the other normalises a sexual relationship without, not before, marriage. This might seem, to a few, as a common state of affairs but the setting of these narratives is not the usual urban landscape where such an exchange is not only anticipated but accepted.

So what? Some might say.

But, this indicates the pervasive despondency associated with conjugal relations in general thought.

This crisis is further exemplified in the way traditional social customs are manipulated. Thus, dowry becomes no more of a tool stripped off of the power-relation it engenders between the groom and the bride’s family in Jabariya. And with its comical reference to Hum Aapke Hain Kaun (using the popular song ‘Sajan Ghar Main Chali’ to swap the woman leaving the paternal house with that of a man), Luka Chhupi comments on the fragility of marriage in contemporary times.

However, this play is only possible due to the very restrictions a repressive Hindu society entails. So, unsurprisingly, you have in the backdrop ‘Sankriti Rakshak Party’, and an aspiring political leader and chauvinist (Javed Jaffrey in Jabariya) in the business of groom-kidnapping.

But, I often find people commenting that the resolutions of these films trouble them and dilutes whatever critique they present. Indeed, they do. There are abrupt change-of-hearts and transcendence from the age-old belief in a conformist manner. Live-in relationships have to end in marriage and the problem of dowry has to be sidelined to reinstate the father-son relationship. Yet, this is how popular cinema negotiates and to attack on one of its defining features might just keep the argument in an impasse.

Srishti Walia is a PhD scholar in Cinema Studies at JNU.

Featured image credit: Sonam Kapoor-Ahuja’s Instagram/Vogue India 

Ibne Insha: The Romantic Revolutionary

Born 92 years ago today, the Urdu poets’s output over three decades was marked by two singular qualities: consistency and variety.

The town of Phillaur in Ludhiana in Indian Punjab is an unremarkable town. In 2017, it briefly got in the news by virtue of Anshai Lal’s debut film, Phillauri, starring Diljit Dosanjh and Anushka Sharma. Though bracketed as a fantasy comedy, the film, at least for this writer, had serious undercurrents running underneath its ostensibly light veneer – not least the relationship between art, the people and social change, as well as the fact that the Jallianwala Bagh incident provided a compelling backdrop to the film itself.

On closer inspection, however, one finds that it is at least two poets born in this seemingly ahistoric town, born almost a hundred years apart, who actually put this nondescript little place on the map. One, Shardha Ram Phillauri – notice that the poet protagonist in the aforementioned film also assumes the pen-name of Phillauri – who is regarded not only as the composer of the popular Hindi hymn ‘Om Jai Jagdish Hare’ but also the first Hindi novel.

Also read: The Chronicle of a Bloody Massacre in Saadat Hasan Manto’s Ancestral Amritsar

But more than this particular ‘Phillauri’, Ibne Insha (1927-1978), who was born 92 years ago today, is of special interest because his literary career – poet, humourist, travelogue and children’s writer and translator – defies easy categorisation.

Abruptly felled by Hodgkin’s Lymphoma at the age of 50, his poetic output over three decades was marked by two singular qualities: consistency and variety. At a time when the best and brightest of Urdu poets vacillated between shabab and inquilab, romance and revolution – the two poles around which most of Urdu poetry has always gravitated – Ibne Insha spoke up steadfastly for both.

That Insha held his own against the formidable presence of the Progressives and romantics already firmly established in Lahore – Faiz, Rashid, Faraz, Jalib, Nasir Kazmi, Majeed Amjad, Mustafa Zaidi, Saghir Siddiqui – and kept writing within both the revolutionary and romantic strains, speaks volumes. Insha himself puts it best when he says:

“But I have chosen to fight separately on the fronts of love and non-love. With me there is neither the mixture of ‘come my love the revolution’ nor do I like the gesture of turning the veil into a banner.”

His poetry, published in collections titled Chand Nagar, Dil-e-Vehshi, Is Basti ke Ik Kooche Men, and a collection of poems for children called Billo ka Basta, has a distinctive diction laced with language reminiscent of Amir Khusro in its use of words and construction that is usually heard in the more earthy dialects of the Hindi-Urdu complex of languages.

Picked up by singers on both sides of the border, such as Amanat Ali Khan, the maestro of the Patiala gharana who beautifully sang the famous Insha-ji utho, and Jagjit Singh who sang Kal Chaudavi ki raat thi, shab bhar raha charcha tera, they show us an Insha returning to his familiar tropes, the temporariness of this world and worldly love itself.

‘Arise, Insha-ji, let’s depart
This city’s no place to settle down

We are madmen, we abhor peace
Mendicants have no place in a town.

Cast a glance at your tattered soul
Ponder awhile, with reason calm

Your heart’s but a shroud pierced with holes
Dare you use it to beg for alms?

The night is done, the moon is down
A strong secure chain locks your gate

How’ll you explain to your love now
The reason you’ve returned this late?

Her beauty is a pearl, but I
Can merely watch but dare not touch

Such treasure is hardly worth much,
Eludes the grasp and haunts the eye.

If city-dwellers forsake me
Should I in forests seek respite?

I am fated to insane speech
For such talk is the madman’s plight.

He was, however, one of South Asia’s most gifted poets and humourists who died too young. The world knows him mostly as the author of melancholy ghazals, or the biting satire that can be witnessed in his masterpiece, ‘Urdu ki Akhri Kitab’.

However, little known is the fact that he was one of the early supporters of the Progressive Writers Association (PWA) in undivided India and would undoubtedly have been one of its leaders had he lived long enough in independent Pakistan.

Also read: Zehra Nigah: The Melody of Consciousness

He also left behind about a dozen odd intensely political poems showing an uncanny awareness of the horrors of war and imperialism. They range from colonial machinations in the Middle East at the beginning of the Cold war and the advance of Mao Zedong’s armies to victory in Beijing to the horrors of the Korean war, and from a dirge mourning the defeat of Arab forces to Israel in 1967 to the failures of world bodies like the United Nations Children’s Fund to provide adequate food to war-ravaged children.

In the preface to his first collection of poetry, Chand Nagar (Lunar City), Insha admits:

“My longer poems are mostly the product of the conflict between the bitter realities of my surroundings and my romantic temperament…The Korean War shook me up and its echoes will be heard in all my poems until the present. For me, war is not a headline of any newspaper but it signifies fire and destruction, and a soldier is not merely a uniform, gun and medal, but a body and form of a son, brother and loved one.”

One of his lyrical anti-war poems, ‘Aman ka Aakhri Din’ (The Last Day of Peace), originally published in 1952, is still a relevant warning about the horrors of war. Here he comes across as a deeply political and prescient poet, a far cry from the anomie of his exquisite ghazals and the affability of his sophisticated humour:

“Why in every headline of the evening papers today
Every word weaves a tangled web
With every cloud a doubt emerging
Thoughts lie writhing in the corners of the mind
Now every line reeks of gunpowder
It is difficult crossing every page unsuspected.

A multitude of memories comes forward like a fleet for a night ambush
Let’s see what happens as the morning arrives
So many thoughts one had never thought before
So many faces one had never seen before
With faces like nightmares embracing every vein and fibre
All those marks becoming hazy by the evening.

The storm is about to rise from the West
There is still hope in the veiled lamp
The atom with its embrace of a thousand upheavals
The Adam whose collar is still torn with grief
A peace which was found after offering a life
A tear still luminous on the dead faces.

That gun which will be subdued somewhere one day
That mass of bombers comes advancing
Sometimes over the peasant’s house, sometimes over his corn
A merciless bolt of lightning waves
Sticks leap from every corner
Sparks burn village after village.

The pension given to the brave soldier in return for which
He is given a jerky crutch to one side
A platoon which flew to reach the field
Those loved ones who never returned from there
That medal awarded after years of toil
And is left shining on the chest of a corpse.

A delicate twig in a garden of youth
Blown to bits by the flying parts of the bomb
The fruit of his aged parents’ years of prayer
He breathed his last in some alien field
The threshold of the house will not buzz with the returning footsteps
‘Your darling child has sacrificed himself for the country.’

That bazaar of the war going where
Man’s price has still not increased in centuries
That silver, those sparkling silver coins
Which could not buy every single thing in the world
But even after every 20 years, the same deals
The same traders, the same commodity, the same price even.

That tale left on the lips unsaid
That longing entombed within the bosom
The rush of thoughts which ceases all at once
The body pressed within the empty hollows of the ditch
The tanks will arrive to level the pile
The unmarked graves will be overgrown by forests within two years.

The land of hearts brimming with pain
The trembling chest, the spilled tear sometimes
The elegant mention of some friend
Alas! The fragrant flowers of how many past springs
Today lies buried within the stench of corpses
Blood issues from the wounds of cold bayonets.

That same rail whistle, the same attractive face
That same night, its terrible dreams, the same
Who is this abruptly rising from the bed, startled
‘May God keep my child safe’
A star had broken at one place, drowned elsewhere
The postman will arrive in a couple of days with a telegram.

That poison which will again dissolve in the soul
That wound which arrives with news even of the heart
Even now there will be a festival of the great Pir in the village
Spring will come in the swaying fields
But the flautist will not return by these lanes
The pasture will not roar with his tunes.

The turban of some bridegroom, a flower of some bed
The burning lead, the edge of some bayonet
The sorcerers of politics sitting at home
With every morning newspaper held on their knees
They think while reading the latest news
About the increase or decrease in the cotton rates.

Far from my city are those fields where
The flame licks the gunpowder’s chest
A minaret of a mosque, the roof of a school
Becomes a burning rubble in an explosion
Any field or factory or bridge or rail
Is a world which may not be built in years despite effort.

That morning which in the expanse of every mind
Sows a row of unseen crosses
The vomited poison of the news supplements
Which just increases the pressure of horror
The names on the lists begin to dance with impatience
Eyes become tombs for unshed tears.

In the desert of Tobruk still
One can hear the call of one’s lost relatives
There is neither news of victory nor meetings and processions
A wind comes and passes
Who would really love bones?
Here there is no friend, companion or visitor.

The river of darkness carries a storm on its shoulders
It arrives to drown the little boat of hope
And when the days of the duration of evil extend further
Tomorrow’s joy becomes rare
The sorrow that is not more special than the beloved or the world
But the heart cannot recover from its pain.

Victory which took something but couldn’t give
Tomorrow remains like a ghost
A town which was never so desolate
The bluish smoke does not arise from the stoves anymore
And there are neither the fields nor the crops or their minders
And an owl cried in a village chaupaal.

The lotus eyes, the bookish face
A tress which was dwelling in fragrance
And when soldiers from far-away lands came
The vulture won these stakes in the open field
Korea informs us of so many desolations
This place was a city, a village, a town.

A singing bullet from a gun
Targeting some unknown soldier
A shadow left to writhe in some ditch
Carrying years of his desires in his chest
A strapping youth brought up in 22 springs
A corpse which can rot within two days.

The embrace of the beloved, but death too
Not possible to commit to both, simultaneously
The melodious song of the stream, but napalm too
Now should one befriend one, or the other?
It is not difficult to choose between life and death
Do not cloak straight talk with arguments.

Time is passing by
Whims come knocking on the door of the heart
The dove may yet be ready and full of lightness
But a thousand miles until the bombers speed
Sharpen; sharpen the melody of the song of peace
The noise of the cannons is being heard from the far shore.

The dashing heroes are out and about
To make every village a Hiroshima
Memories which neither become hazy nor erased
And once again we are on the threshold of war
Those Josephs will not be given to God
They will set upon the same alien fields again.

The sky is unfortunate and dark, the stars sad
The moon afraid of emerging out of the cloud
The flame of the lamp of hope has been trembling for so long
The heart is pressed within the passionate mass of clouds
See far away that church gong struck
The morning caravan arrives – but where?”

Even before Insha was struck by the disastrous Arab defeat to Israel in 1967, he travelled the Middle East. Whatever tragedy he saw unfolding in its bazaars and bylanes, he distilled his entire anguish in the form of a long poem, Baghdad Ki Ek Raat (A Night in Baghdad), written exactly 70 years ago this year.

A veritable modern Arabian Nights written at the cusp of the beginning of the Cold War, this poem today is starkly prescient in anticipating the humiliating subjugation of the Middle East by imperial powers, in league with its various shahs, emirs and tinpot dictators, many of whom are still in power.

Insha’s villains are not only the imperial powers (in the poem it is Lawrence and Glubb Pasha) and their straps in the region, but also the cunning oil traders. On the other hand, his heroes are the ordinary people of the region, the oppressed masses; its “rusted slaves, importunate beggars, the peasant and the workers of the oil mill”.

Later in the poem, he wondered aloud whether the region was resigned to its benighted fate. But like all progressive writers, Insha was an optimist and gently encouraged the ‘people of Egypt and Baghdad’ to awaken and take their fate into their own hands.

Also read: Kaifi Azmi: Socialism’s ‘Stormy Petrel’

Insha did not live to see that at least the Iranian masses rose up to do the same just a year after he passed away in the form of the Iranian Revolution (which turns 40 this year), and just 60 years after this poem was written, the masses in not only Egypt, but Tunis, Cairo, Sana’a, Damascus, Manama and even Algiers and Khartoum (as I write this) awakened to take back their rights in the form of the Arab Spring. Insha would have been elated at this development, and perhaps would have written a follow-up to his aforementioned poem.

For lovers of Insha, as well as to aid a deeper understanding of the poet and humanist who was against war and all forms of imperial exploitation, and believed in a socialist future for mankind, a re-reading of this poem is vital:

‘Sindbad take me with you today,
One entertains the mind when one wants to be entertained
With you, I disappear from the view of time,
A constellation of thoughts accompanies me
Now or after, perhaps we might end up in the same city.

Those were halcyon days, everyone had leisure
People used to live in kingly splendour
Everyone used to have a magic lamp in their pocket,
Djinns used to perform every task.
Where is the Baghdad of Scherezade’s imagination?

Politics of oil and crude dominates the atmosphere,
Even some caliph disguised as an oil trader
Emerges from a Baghdad thoroughfare.

Till when will the city and desert nourish this hunger?
Will Aladdin’s magic lamps be for everyone no longer?
Will no Prince deliver the counter-magic?
Will someone suggest an escape route?

From the lanes of Bukhara and Samarkand, the morning breeze brings the message of spring
And leaves, whispering to every flower
You too may overturn the gardens system,
It’s within your power.

To awaken the fate of Adam you do not need
To invite the sorcerers of Babylon and Nineveh, so pay heed
To keep the affairs in Egypt and Baghdad straightened,
Their people will have to be awakened.

Otherwise the ill-destined rusted slave standing on the royal parapet
Will do nothing but to cry and fret,
And on every turn the importunate ‘Please, in God’s name!’
Will follow every traveller, its demands the same!’

Or my personal favourite, which I quote often to invoke a multitude of feelings – from the perils of old age, to the uncertainty of power, even life itself – from Insha’s classic tearjerker, ‘Ab Umar ki Naqdi Khatam Hui’ (Now the Assets of Age Have Atrophied), which he wrote when he must have heard the summons of death while fighting throat cancer in London:

‘Now the assets of age have atrophied
Now I have need of a loan
Is there anyone who will be a lender
Is there anyone who will be a giver
Some years, months, days, people
But without profit or interest, people’

Raza Naeem is a Pakistani social scientist, book critic and award-winning translator and dramatic reader currently based in Lahore, where he is also the President of the Progressive Writers Association. He can be reached at: razanaeem@hotmail.com