PFI Accepts Government’s Ban Order, Announces Disbanding

“All members of the Popular Front of India are requested to cease their activities since the publication of the notification,” said general secretary A. Abdul Sattar.

New Delhi: Hours after the Union government banned the Popular Front of India (PFI) for alleged involvement in terrorism, the group on Wednesday announced its disbanding, adding that it accepts the decision of the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA)

In a statement, PFI state general secretary A. Abdul Sattar said the organisation stands disbanded. “As law-abiding citizens of the country, we accept the decision of the Home Ministry,” he added. In a statement, he said:

“The PFI has been working with a clear vision for the socio-economic and cultural empowerment of the underprivileged, downtrodden and marginalised sections of the society for the past three decades. But as law-abiding citizens of our great country, the organisation accepts the decision of the Ministry of Home Affairs. It also informs all its former members and the general public that the Popular Front of India has been disbanded. All members of the Popular Front of India are requested to cease their activities since the publication of the notification.”

The MHA issued a notification banning the organisation and its affiliates under the stringent Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act on Wednesday. The move came after two rounds of the crackdown on PFI and its members for alleged terror funding and radicalisation.

According to news agency PTI, the notification banning the PFI will be followed by a number of actions against the outfit, including seizure of its properties, freezing of bank accounts and a complete prohibition of its usual activities.

The Union government will also move a tribunal within 30 days from the date of the publication of the notification for adjudication of whether or not there is sufficient cause for declaring the association unlawful.

The ban order will remain in force for five years and it can be further extended by the government.

Sattar was arrested from Alappuzha in Kerala hours after he posted the statement on his Facebook account.

According to Hindustan Times, Sattar was allegedly absconding after calling a statewide hartal on September 23 against the nationwide raids on PFI. He may be handed over to the NIA later in the day, the newspaper said.

Forty Days After He Was Sworn In, CM Eknath Shinde Expands Maharashtra Cabinet

While 18 legislators took the oath on Tuesday, the complete exclusion of women and inclusion of three controversial MLAs has come under criticism.

New Delhi: Eknath Shinde on Tuesday, August 9, expanded his two-member ministry 41 days after taking oath as the Maharashtra chief minister by inducting 18 ministers, nine each from his rebel Shiv Sena group and the BJP.

BJP president Chandrakant Patil was among the prominent leaders sworn in as cabinet ministers at Raj Bhavan in south Mumbai. The strength of the cabinet now stands at 20, less than half the maximum allowed strength of 43.

Governor B.S. Koshyari administered the oath of office to the ministers.

On June 30, Shinde was sworn in as the chief minister and Devendra Fadnavis took oath as deputy CM. Shinde’s rebellion had ensured the fall of the Uddhav Thackeray-led Maha Vikas Agahadi government.

The new BJP ministers are Radhakrishna Vikhe Patil, Sudhir Mungantiwar, Chandrakant Patil, Vijaykumar Gavit, Girish Mahajan, Suresh Khade, Ravindra Chavan, Atul Save and Mangalprabhat Lodha.

From the Shinde group, Gulabrao Patil, Dada Bhuse, Sanjay Rathod, Sandipan Bhumre, Uday Samant, Tanaji Sawant, Abdul Sattar, Deepak Kesarkar and Shambhuraj Desai were sworn in as ministers.

No minister of state was sworn in on Tuesday. There will be another ministry expansion later, an aide of Shinde said.

The fact that the cabinet was not expanded for more than a month after Shide was sworn in as chief minister had invited criticism from the Bombay high court. On August 5, hearing a petition seeking directions to the home minister to decide his appeal for a gun licence expeditiously, Justice Revati Mohite Dere orally observed, “What is the point in passing orders? There has to be a minister to implement [the directions].”

While the BJP has inducted Lodha, who hails from Mumbai, the Shinde group hasn’t included any legislator from the financial capital, where municipal corporation elections are slated later this year.

Zero women, three controversial MLAs inducted

The list doesn’t include women, a move that was criticised by opposition politicians and women’s rights activists.

The BJP has 12 women legislators in the state, including one in the Legislative Council. The Shinde group has two women legislators and also the backing of an independent woman MLA.

There are 28 women legislators in Maharashtra, including three in the Legislative Council.

“Maharashtra was the first state in the country to give reservation for women. When 50 per cent of India’s population is of women, they are not represented in the state cabinet,” Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) MP Supriya Sule said. This shows the BJP’s mindset, she added.

Additionally, three of the 18 ministers sworn in on Tuesday during the Maharashtra cabinet expansion have been mired in controversies.

Newly inducted minister Sanjay Rathod, who also served as a minister in the previous Uddhav Thackeray-led state government, had resigned last year after he was linked to a woman’s death in Pune.

When Shinde rebelled against the party leadership in June this year, Rathod joined his camp.

Shinde on Tuesday said police had given a clean chit to Rathod, hence he was inducted into the state cabinet.

However, state BJP vice president Chitra Wagh it was unfortunate that Rathod was inducted into the cabinet when he was allegedly responsible for a woman’s death. “Even if he is made a cabinet minister, I will continue my fight against him. I have faith in the judiciary. We will fight and win,” she said.

Another newly inducted minister and rebel Sena MLA Abdul Sattar was at the centre of a row on Monday when the names of his three daughters and a son appeared in the list of the 7,880 candidates who were disqualified and banned in connection with the alleged rigging of the Teachers’ Eligibility Test (TET) 2019-20.

Sattar was previously in the Congress and joined the Shiv Sena before the 2019 assembly elections.

He also joined the Shinde camp in June following the rebellion.

On the TET controversy, Sattar on Monday alleged it was a political conspiracy and questioned the timing of the list on the eve of the Maharashtra cabinet expansion.

Another newly inducted minister, BJP leader Vijaykumar Gavit, was found guilty five years ago of corruption and irregularities in the tribal development department, which he led between 2004 and 2009.

Gavit was in the NCP during 2004-09 and had served as a minister in the then Congress-NCP government. He later joined the BJP and won the assembly elections in 2014 and 2019.

Walking the tight rope?

According to the Indian Express, both the Shinde camp and the BJP will have to walk the a tight rope to pacify legislators who have not been accommodated in the cabinet. Shinde, who has the support of nearly 40 Shiv Sena rebel MLAs and 10 independent MLAs, has asked them to “show restraint and not react at the moment”, the newspaper reported. They will be included in the second round of expansion, likely to take place after the monsoon session of the assembly.

The BJP, which has 106 legislators, also has a “long list of aspirants”, according to IE. It quoted a party functionary as saying, “Being a bigger party, [the cabinet] should have accommodated more candidates [from the BJP].”

Infighting, Resignations and Power Play: Congress’s List of Ailments Grows Longer

While the grand old party is caught in the claws of a crisis, the BJP’s attacks on it have continued unabated.

New Delhi: For the first time since taking over as the party’s interim president, Sonia Gandhi addressed the general secretaries and other office bearers at a meeting on Thursday. Sharing the dais with her were senior leaders Manmohan Singh, A.K. Antony, K.C. Venugopal and Ghulam Nabi Azad.

Congress leaders said that the general thrust of the meeting was on discussing ways to motivate party members at the ground level. It may also result in the party appointing ‘preraks’, or motivators, in various districts. 

It’s significant that the meeting is being held at a time when the Congress is facing small rebellions from different quarters. The party in recent times, has witness much indiscipline among its ranks, especially from its young, aspirational leaders.

In fact, the situation appear to have worsened so much that it looks like the bedrock of the Congress ‘system’ is crumbling.

‘GenNext’ leaders

Over the last few months, the young turks in the party have set the stage for a rebellion. Leaders like Jyotiraditya Scindia, Milind Deora, Jitin Prasada, Sachin Pilot or Deepender Singh Hooda have openly gone against the Congress’s official line on many recent occasions. 

Also read: The Congress’s Crisis Runs Deeper Than Its Leadership Vacuum

Scindia is now being accused by his own party men of trying to destabilise the Congress state government in Madhya Pradesh. Hooda junior was the first among the lot to support the government move to read down Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir, even as his father threatened to form another party in Haryana if his wishes were not fulfilled. 

Deora suddenly brought the Maharashtra state leadership into the line of questioning. Prasada, it is being said, may still join the BJP after Rahul Gandhi somehow convinced him not to exit before general elections. Pilot is locked in a constant tussle with the Rajasthan chief minister Ashok Gehlot.

That the so-called GenNext leaders have chosen to launch their attack at this crucial hour is intriguing as the Congress has yet to recover from the humiliating defeat in the general elections.

And while it is caught in the claws of this crisis, the BJP’s attacks on it have continued unabated.

What exactly is happening in the Congress? 

The problems in the Congress became apparent after Rahul Gandhi took moral responsibility for the electoral defeat and resigned from the post of president. The party took more than a month to nominate Sonia as the interim chief

In the interim period, however, many of these GenNext leaders threw themselves in the ring with an eye on the top post. 

Also read: Rahul’s Exit is a Historic Opportunity for the Congress, and its Members

But much of this assertion by the young leaders were mouthed only indirectly.

Scindia was the first one to say that he supported “full integration” of Jammu and Kashmir into the Union of India, essentially deflecting from the Congress’s  official line that condemned the “unilateral” and “unconstitutional” way the union government diluted the provisions of Article 370 and bifurcated the state into union territories. 

Deora, Hooda junior, and Jaiveer Shergill, all followed suit. 

Milind Deora, Deepender Hooda and Jaiveer Shergill. Photos: Twitter

So even though the party had secured temporary relief from the rebellion by nominating an ailing Sonia as the party chief, it could not quite quell it.

To top it, Scindia and Pilot’s rebellion – in the only two big states where the Congress is in power – has come back to haunt the party. 

Madhya Pradesh

In Madhya Pradesh, the grand-old party is facing a mini-crisis. It all started when one of Scindia’s aides and a minister in state cabinet Umang Shingar fired the first salvo. He accused former chief minister Digvijaya Singh of interfering in government matters and establish himself as a power centre. He also accused him of being involved in liquor and illegal mining businesses. Scindia backed Singhar and demanded that his complaints should be looked into by the party’s high command. 

In retaliation, Singh’s supporters in the party accused Singhar of helping the BJP by throwing mud at the senior leader’s face.

Rahul Gandhi with MP Congress leaders Kamal Nath and Jyotiraditya Scindia during a public meeting at Ujjain’s Dussehra Maidan. Credit: PTI

Kamal Nath, the chief minister, met Sonia and attempted to calm her. Sonia had earlier asked senior leader A.K. Antony to form a committee to probe the matter.

Much of this infighting came against the backdrop of  the Congress party trying to find a new PCC chief. Observers say that each of these camps want a share of the power, and hence they have gone all out to speak against each other even though it has hurt the government’s image dearly. 

Now the situation is such that Singh, who was backing Ajay Singh, son of former union minister Arjun Singh, for the post of PCC chief,  will now be content with any other leader as long as he is not Scindia. 

Scindia, on the other hand, had made his displeasure clear. He has already resigned from the party’s general secretary’s post. Soon after he showed signs of rebellion, he was made in-charge of Congress party’s screening committee for the Maharashtra elections – a role he did not want. Having lost his traditional Guna seat to the BJP candidate, he is currently worried about his own political future, which, at the moment, seems uncertain.

Also read: To Fight a Presidential-Style Election in India, Congress Must Find the Right Face

Thus, he will settle for nothing less than the PCC chief of a state where the party is in power. Sources said that he threatened the high command that he may have to “explore other options” if he is not appointed as the party chief in Madhya Pradesh. 

Kamal Nath, on the other hand, is worried about sharing power with any of these tall leaders and is batting for his crony Bala Bachchan, a tribal leader, for the state president’s post. Bachchan, a senior leader, suddenly got himself into the contest as the crisis unfolded. 

Senior state leaders like Arun Yadav and many others have taken to social media to express disappointment over the happenings in the party, making the infighting an open war for everyone to see. Shivraj Singh Chouhan, former BJP chief minister, and 12 independent legislators, who are currently supporting the Kamal Nath government, have already started speculating a probable collapse of the government.

Other internal power rifts

Sachin Pilot and Ashok Gehlot. Credit: PTI

Things do not seem to be going smoothly for the Congress even in other states. Rajasthan deputy chief minister Sachin Pilot have been regularly giving statements which have hurt chief minister Ashok Gehlot’s perception as a good administrator. 

The internal rift in Rajasthan Congress became apparent when, on September 11, Pilot criticised the poor law and order situation in the state and said that the state government needs to do much more to contain untoward incidents. “It is true that we should pay more attention to law and order. A lot of incidents have just happened, which should not be repeated. Whether it is from Dhaulpur or Alwar, these are disturbing events,” Pilot said.  

“Communal incidents have happened. Jails have been broken. Ensuring law and order is an important part of the government’s jobs. My daughters should be safe,” he added. Incidentally, Gehlot, as the home minister of the state, is in-charge of law and order. 

Pilot’s supporter and MLA Johri Lal Meena also criticised the state government for not being able to stabilise the law and order situation. Earlier, in an interview to India Today, Pilot had slammed his own government for a poor investigation by the state SIT in the Pehlu Khan lynching case

Also read: The Congress Needs a Bracing Civil War

In Maharashtra, too, the Congress party’s internal rift is clear for everyone to see. The latest bout of bad blood between Congress leaders was triggered by Urmila Matondkar’s resignation from the party. After her defeat in the north Mumbai Lok Sabha seat, she wrote a letter to Milind Deora, then Mumbai Congress chief who later resigned. She complained of lack of organisational support to her and infighting between state leadership during the elections.  

The letter conspicuously got leaked to the media, catalysing Urmila’s resignation – but not before her letter exposed the bad blood between Deora and Sanjay Nirupam, former Mumbai Congress chief, who is said to have inducted Urmila into the party. A range of senior Congress leaders who exited the party in recent months, including the leader of opposition in the assembly Radhakrishna Vikhe-Patil, Abdul Sattar and Kripa Shankar Singh, blamed the rift between Mumbai Congress and Maharashtra Congress for the party’s electoral debacle. 

Similarly, in poll-bound Haryana, the Hooda family has weighed in again but not before threatening the party high command to float another party, if Hooda senior was not made the election-in-charge. This preceded a long-drawn infighting between state president Ashok Tanwar, considered to be an able organisational man, and Bhupinder Singh Hooda over the question of leadership. 

Soon after Deepender supported abrogation of Article 370, his father Bhupinder organised a rally in which he said that the Congress party has lost its way and he would not hesitate to chart his own route. 

Not merely infighting

The problem runs deep in the Congress, which looks scattered and beleaguered in the face of one defeat after another. What is being classified as an assertion struggle between the old guard and young turks stems from the way Congress has operated over the years. Political scientist Rajni Kothari in his seminal paper ‘Congress ‘system’ in India’ argued that the party, in independent India, built itself by accommodating and co-opting local elites and interest groups. 

The leaders came from these interest groups who built a long, complicated chain of patron-client relationships. Political practice of the party, in the process, became largely transactional instead of ideological. 

Also read: ‘Modi 2.0 a Regime of Chaos, Tyranny and Anarchy’: Congress Attacks Centre

This arrangement assured the leader a chunk of support at the constituency level, which, coupled with party support, led them to victory. Under frontal assault from the BJP, this model has failed to motivate and attract cadres,” former Centre For Policy Research fellow Ashish Ranjan wrote in The Wire recently. His field work in Maharashtra showed that with a large-scale exit of leaders from the Congress to other parties, almost all of their client base also switched sides with them.

Leaders like Scindia, Hooda, or Pilot are essentially using this ‘system’ to bargain for greater power, leading to what one may call a war between different interest groups in the Congress. Having spent almost a lifetime in the party, they are well-aware of both the advantages and problems of the party.  

As infighting grows, the BJP-led Centre, meanwhile, has already upped its ante. The ED swiftly moved to arrest Ratul Puri, Kamal Nath’s nephew, in an alleged Rs 345 crore bank fraud case. A couple of days ago, the MHA also cleared a CBI proposal  to reopen some 1984 anti-Sikh riots cases, in which Kamal Nath has been named as one of the accused persons. One already knows about others who are in line

Also read: A New India Has Emerged and Narendra Modi Is Its Voice

The saffron party has also finished one round of campaigning in the poll-bound states of Maharashtra and Haryana and galvanised various interest groups which were disgruntled. It has also been organising almost mass-level defections from the Congress. The grand-old party is the worst hit in Maharashtra, where a number of senior party leaders have joined the BJP, merely weeks before the assembly elections. 

At the meeting on Thursday, apart from lambasting the Union government for its alleged vendetta politics and its multiple failures on the economic front, Sonia Gandhi sent across a stern message to party workers. 

 “We are soon going to have elections in three states.  The situation is challenging and it is only if we keep party interests and nothing else other than party interests uppermost in our minds, that we will regain our lost position.”

She added that the party has a “special responsibility” in Punjab, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Puducherry – states where it is in power. “These states must stand out as examples of sensitive and responsive governance, accountable and transparent administration. We must be seen to be fulfilling our manifesto commitments.   If not, we will lose people’s support with obvious consequences.”

Gandhi may have attempted to impart some discipline to the party, give it a temporary structure, and motivate workers. But the biggest challenge for her will be to carefully balance different power centres within the Congress ‘system’ – a political arrangement that is bound to crumble in the face of BJP’s frontal attacks

Nepali Muslim Leaders Question Own Parties’ Commitment to Inclusion

Under-represented in politics and often invisible in conceptions of national identity, not a single Muslim candidate has been fielded by any party in the upcoming national assembly elections.

Under-represented in politics and often invisible in conceptions of national identity, not a single Muslim candidate has been fielded by any party in the upcoming national assembly elections.

Nepali Muslim Leaders Question Own Parties’ Commitment to Inclusion

Muslim leaders from the UML, Maoists, and Nepali Congress at a press conference in Kathmandu on Friday. Credit: Peter Gill

At a press conference in Kathmandu on Friday, Muslim leaders from the Nepal’s three largest parties – the Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist) (UML), Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) and the Nepali Congress – together criticised their own and other parties for neglecting Muslim representation in politics.

The criticism comes ahead of February 7 elections for the upper house of parliament, known as the national assembly, in which local and provincial representatives elected in 2017 will cast their ballots.

No party has fielded a single Muslim candidate for the national assembly.

Neglect of Muslims in leadership roles

“The attitude of the national parties attracts our serious attention,” read a joint statement, which was signed by Seraj Ahmad Farooqui, president of the UML-affiliated Nepal Muslim Etihad Sangathan, Abdul Sattar from the Congress-affiliated Muslim Sangh Nepal, and Ather Husain Farooqui from the Maoists’ Muslim Mukti Morcha Nepal.

“The parties should be ashamed of themselves – the Congress, the Left Alliance, and the Madhesi leaders,” said Najbul Khan, a women’s activist and Congress candidate for parliament under the proportional representation (PR) system. Khan sustained an injury to her vocal chords when she was hit with a police gas canister during pro-democracy protests in 2006, so she spoke at the press conference in a strained but passionate voice. “In speeches, they talk about equality…but in an important constitutional body like the National Assembly, when there is not one Muslim represented, this makes me very sad.”

Though Muslims make up nearly 5% of the population of Nepal and many participated in recent popular movements for democracy and federalism, they are under-represented in politics and often invisible in conceptions of national identity. Muslims are also among Nepal’s poorest groups, and although a limited system of reservations in politics was introduced in 2008, Muslims were not included until 2017.

Political parties’ neglect of Muslims in leadership roles has led Muslim leaders to question their parties’ commitment to the spirit of the country’s 2015 constitution to end discrimination and “build an egalitarian society founded on the proportional inclusive and participatory principles.”

A Left Alliance consisting of the UML and Maoists won November-December 2017 elections a landslide, securing majorities in six of seven provincial assemblies and the lower house of the national parliament, called the house of representatives. The Alliance won on a platform of “prosperity through stability” and promises to stand up against Indian interference – a particularly sore topic ever since India’s 2015-16 unofficial border blockade.

Although the Maoists and UML declared they would merge into a unified party following the elections, they have yet to do so. The parties are said to be working out the details of power-sharing as they await national assembly elections, after which they can form a government to replace the incumbent Nepali Congress.

An imbalance

Though the Left Alliance emerged from the election as clear victors, the position of marginalised groups like Muslims is less clear.

Under the 2015 constitution and related elections laws, some political seats at the local, provincial and national levels were reserved for marginalised groups, including women, indigenous groups, Dalits, Madhesis, and Muslims. Women must constitute 33% of parliament, including both the national assembly and house of representatives.

To meet this requirement, the Election Commission is holding off announcing proportional representation (PR) election results until after the national assembly elections, because more women representatives may be needed to compensate for an abundance of men in the national assembly. However, reservation quotas for other marginalised groups – including Muslims – apply only to the PR seats, which make up only 40% of the house of representatives, according to Bhola Paswan, a journalist who specialises in inclusion issues.

And despite reservations, high-caste hill men are over-represented in key leadership roles. This demographic holds three times their share of mayoral posts and are the largest group in five out of seven provincial assemblies. At the national level, many marginalised groups are likely to be under-represented across party lines once final results are announced. In 165 first-past-the-post races, for example, only three Muslims won (one each from Nepali Congress and the Madhesi parties Rastriya Janata Party Nepal and Sanghiya Samajwadi Forum).

The outsiders

One reason why Muslims advocate for more equal representation is because in socio-economic terms, Muslims are among Nepal’s poorest groups. Their Human Development Index score, which takes into account standard of living, health, and education, is 0.42, just below hill Dalits and above Madhesi Dalits. Likewise, Muslim adult literacy is 45%, well below the national average of 66%.

Muslims have also been victims of sporadic communal violence in Nepal. Instances include Hindu-Muslim riots in Nepalgunj in the 1990s, vandalism of mosques and violence against Muslims in Kathmandu in 2004, the bombing of a Biratnagar mosque in 2008 in which two were killed, and the murder of two Muslim leaders in Banke in 2016. Although Hindu nationalism does not find widespread acceptance in Nepal – for example, even the moderately Hindu-nationalist Rastriya Prajatantra Party fared miserably in the recent elections – Muslims have often had to live with sporadic threats from fringe groups.

The Nepali Jame Masjid in central Kathmandu.

The Nepali Jame Masjid in central Kathmandu. Credit: Peter Gill

Furthermore, Muslims have been historically considered as outsiders by the Nepali state. As the sociologist David Seddon discusses in his recent book The Muslim Communities of Nepal, the 1854 Muluki Ain (National Code), which ranked citizens according to a Hindu caste hierarchy, placed Muslims near the bottom, just above Dalits. Religious freedoms opened up gradually after the end of Rana rule in 1950, and some Muslims were given token positions in the King’s cabinets under the Panchayat Period from 1960-1990. Still, most power remained in the hands of high-caste Hindu men, even after the return of multi-party democracy in 1990.

Following the Maoist insurgency from 1996-2006 and the Madhesi protests of 2007-08, political discourse focused more closely on issues of inclusion for the marginalised. Reserved seats were first instituted for the the constituent assembly (CA) elections in 2008, and the CA declared Nepal a secular state that same year.

But Muslims were not initially included in the reservations system; they were instead grouped with Madhesis, an umbrella term for a variety of marginalised groups that share ethnic and linguistic similarities with people across the border in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. Though some Muslims identify as Madhesi and took part in the Madhesi protests – indeed several were killed amid police crackdowns – others rejected the Madhesi label. They pointed to the fact that although most Muslims live in the Terai (the homeland of Madhesis), others have historically lived in Kathmandu and the hills. The need for a separate identity was accommodated partly in the 2015 constitution, which explicitly named Muslims as a marginalised group, and in a 2017 election law, which finally granted Muslims their separate quota.

Lack of inclusion

But even with reserved seats, some Muslims fear their exclusion will continue without a shift in prevailing political attitudes.

While Muslims may receive reserved PR seats, there is a feeling that these are less influential than the directly-elected seats, since occupants feel more pressure to toe their official party line.

“Whoever comes in the proportional seats, they are chamchas of the leaders… No one who advocates for Muslim people, for a Muslim movement, can get a seat. They are stopped, there are barriers to them getting there,” says Ather Husain Farooqui, from the Muslim Mukti Morcha.

The national assembly election provided a second chance for political parties to show their commitment to the spirit, rather than merely the letter of the law, regarding inclusion. National assembly members must approve of legislation that originates in the lower house. Unfortunately, the major parties’ failure to include Muslim candidates for the national assembly has failed to convince many Muslims that they are committed to inclusion.

At the end of the press conference, Taj Muhammad Mia, the vice-president of the UML’s Nepal Muslim Etihad Sangathan, recalled that even Nepal’s former King Birendra had named a prominent Muslim, Dr. Muhammad Mohsin, as a cabinet member. “If provisions could be made for Muslims at that time, now, finally, after fighting for and receiving democracy and federalism, why is our community given zero seats?”

Peter Gill is an American journalist based in Nepal. He tweets at @pitaarji.