Chapra, Bihar: It is the season of big announcements in Saran. The Bharatiya Janata Party candidate and four-time MP Rajiv Pratap Rudy claims that he brought development projects worth Rs 30,000 crores to the constituency, while the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) alleges that his claims are exaggerated as many of those projects were Tejashi Yadav’s initiatives when he was the state’s deputy chief minister.
Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty
The RJD, on the other hand, is counting on development initiatives like better irrigation facilities, generating jobs and creation of two railway factories when Lalu Prasad Yadav was the Union railway minister between 2004 and 2009. The party, instead, has focussed its campaign on INDIA bloc’s four poll promises: LPG cylinder for Rs 500, loan waivers for farmers, creation of one crore jobs in Bihar, and universal pension scheme for all women.
Caste-based loyalties
Yet, on the ground, barely anyone is seen discussing these issues. Rather, the electorate of Saran that is set to vote on May 20 is divided along caste lines, the only common thread being widespread resentment against Rudy, who is perceived as an inaccessible and arrogant leader.
However, even that resentment doesn’t appear to be breaking the caste-based loyalties of dominant groups comprising Rajputs, Bhumihars, Vaishyas, and Yadavs. As a result, the outcome will be dictated mostly by the way the numerically-influential Extremely Backward Classes and Mahadalits swing. The two groups consist of a number of caste groups like badhai, nai, dhobi, kewat, kahar, kushwaha, chamar, noniya, pasi, mehtar and so on that cummulatively build almost 40% of the electorate.
However, the electoral contest has turned high-profile because of the entry of Lalu Prasad’s daughter, Rohini Acharya, as the RJD candidate. Acharya was based in Singapore until recently and gained attention as she donated one of her kidneys to her ailing father. Although Rudy defeated RJD’s Chandrika Rai by around 1.4 lakh votes in 2019, Acharya’s candidacy, almost everyone in the region believes, has made the contest interesting and difficult to predict.
RJD’s Tejashvi Yadav and Rohini Acharya. Photo: X/@RohiniAcharya2
“She is from the first family of RJD. We are hoping that people will like to have her representing Saran in the Lok Sabha,” says Nishant Kumar, vice-president of the RJD unit in Saran. Kumar is a Bhumihar, a caste group that has historically supported the BJP. He claims that a section of Bhumihars will surely break away from the saffron party because of its anger against Rudy.
Kumar also said that RJD had chosen a poor candidate in 2019 but Acharya has given it her all in the campaign this year. “She has visited almost all villages of all the six assembly constituencies that make up the Saran Lok Sabha seat. In fact, she started her campaign from Rudy’s village in Amnour,” Kumar said.
Tejashwi, Lalu Prasad, and his mother and former chief minister Rabri Devi, too, have been canvassing for Acharya’s maiden election. Acharya has gained fame over her sharp social media criticisms against the Modi regime and Nitish Kumar-led state government.
Kumar hoped that the educated youth, irrespective of their caste loyalties, may swing towards the RJD because of Tejashwi’s focus on generating employment.
The BJP, however, believes that the caste-based electoral equations will work in its favour, despite resentment against Rudy. “People will vote in the name of Modi ji. The EBCs and Mahadalits will vote as laabarthis (beneficiaries of Union government’s welfare schemes), and our core voters have remained intact,” says Sushil Singh, a BJP official in Chapra, the district’s headquarter.
“RJD is a party of Parivarvaad (dynasticism). There were so many candidates who could have been given tickets but Lalu ji chose his own daughter. She is an outsider, and may not even have Indian citizenship,” Singh said.
Discontent with BJP’s Rudy
Chapra-based senior journalist Vidya Bhushan Srivastava says, “Rudy has nothing to show that has improved life in Chapra, although he has brought some industrial projects that haven’t yet taken off. Sand mining, once the biggest wealth generator in Saran, has completely stopped and shifted to Arrah. Lalu Prasad gave four factories, a university, a medical college, and many small but necessary bridges in the area. But, still, I would say Rudy may have an advantage as people here vote differently from the assembly polls in the Lok Sabha elections.”
He added that none of the BJP’s campaign points – the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, abrogation of Article 370, alleged possibility of wealth redistribution among Muslims – are being discussed this time around. “You will find only hardcore BJP supporters speaking about these issues, not others,” he said.
Rajiv Pratap Rudy. Photo: X/RajivPratapRudy
However, the lack of a national theme worries the BJP. “People are talking about local issues even in the Lok Sabha elections. The 2024 Lok Sabha polls are not like the 2019 elections when Modi ji’s surgical strike dominated people’s discussions. So, we are also trying to address those issues in our campaign,” said Prabhat Singh, a BJP worker in Chapra.
Singh’s assessment appeared to be true. In the highly-congested and poorly-managed Chapra, the dominating concern among Vaishya shopkeepers, considered to be core voters of the BJP, is that of the city’s developments.
“Look at Siwan or Vaishali or Hajipur. All these districts have a much better infrastructure. But there are no proper roads, no sanitation and sewerage facilities, no proper education or health care. A little bit of rain will drown the entire town in minutes. You can’t see even a single road that is not under drain water after rains,” said Vaibhav Gupta, a hardware store owner in Chapra town. His friends in the market echoed a similar sentiment, while holding all political leaders accountable for such a state of affairs. But they targeted Rudy more than others as he has been Saran’s MP for 10 successive years.
In the villages of Saran, the Yadavs and Muslims asserted their loyalty to Lalten (lantern, the RJD’s election symbol). “On the one side you have Rohini who has donated one of her organs to her father, and on the other you have Rudy who is engaged in a property battle with his brother,” said Vijay Yadav in Unhchak village.
“BJP and Nitish Kumar have brought us on the road. Our sole income was through small-scale sand mining in the area. But they stopped it. Now not only us but also Sahanis (Mallah caste group) who used to lift sand from the riverbanks for us in their boats have consolidated against the BJP.” Mukesh Sahani, leader of Vikashsheel Insaan Party who calls himself a ‘son of Mallah’ has allied with the INDIA parties. Sahanis, too, have voted mostly for the BJP but they appeared to be thinking differently in 2024 after Mukesh Sahani became a part of the INDIA bloc.
“Lalu has given voice to us. We will support his family,” said Ruby Ansari, a recently-recruited school teacher in Chapra.
Dalit Basti in Mahadalichak. Photo: Ajoy Ashirwad Mahaprashasta
Five kilometres away, at Mahadalichak, a Rajput-dominated village, Prabhat Kumar Singh said, “Rudy ji is hopeless. He didn’t stand by any of us even during our worst of times. He should have at least given some moral support when so many of us left our jobs and came back to our village after the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet, our community will vote for Modi ji on the issue of rashtravaad (nationalism). Our vote is for him, not for Rudy.”
His uncle, Rajveer Singh, was a little more candid. “But this is our last vote for Modi ji. We have realised that no political party gives the Rajputs their due recognition. Now we know that Amit Shah is trying to undercut Yogi Adityanath.”
When asked about whether Yadavs, too, may vote on the issue of rashtravaad, he said, “Look, Yadavs will never give their beti (daughter) and vote to anyone else apart from his own community member. The RJD has fielded Lalu’s daughter. What was wrong with Raghuvansh Babu’s son?” Raghuvnash Prasad Singh, an RJD leader and MP for multiple terms, belonged to the Rajput community and has a wide appeal across all caste groups.
Amidst such regional dynamics dominated by Yadavs and Rajputs, Dalits have kept a low profile and have chosen to swing the electoral outcome in their own way.
Pitambar Ram, belonging to the Chamar community in Unhchak, told The Wire, “Most of us are happy with the Centre’s welfare schemes. Most of us harijans will vote for BJP, except a few from Paswan community.”
Isn’t Chirag Paswan with the BJP, I asked.
“Yes, but here they are influenced by the RJD’s local leadership,” Ram replied, adding that “the Panchphorna jaatiyan (EBCs and Mahadalits) is breaking this time, mostly because of Rudy’s unpopularity.”
“Those who are under Rajput community’s dabaav (pressure or oppression) will vote for the RJD. But here we are under the Yadav community’s dabaav, so we will vote for BJP,” he says.
