INDIA Bloc Needs to Work Unitedly and Win the Battle of the Mind

The Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) is dead – or so say the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) spokespersons, and experts-for-hire. Overwhelmed by losses in Haryana, Maharashtra and Delhi, progressives are increasingly squabbling with each other over who is more responsible for enabling BJP victories in these states.

These arguments are largely premised around whether progressive parties should contest against each other since that ultimately aids the BJP. Dissecting the efficacy of such analyses is beyond the scope of this article, but it would be expedient to briefly mention two variables progressives often miss.

Firstly, whenever parties are in government for extended periods, there is bound to be some anti-incumbency. If there is no progressive alternative to a progressive party in government, any dissident votes would naturally shift to the BJP. Given this argument was considered as a sound political strategy in Kerala, Punjab, West Bengal and other states, it was equally applicable in Delhi. Furthermore, all political parties exist to fight and win elections.

The paradigm shift India’s electoral landscape

Therefore, if the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) had a political right to contest in Goa, Punjab, Haryana and Gujarat, so did the Indian National Congress (INC) in Delhi. Having said that, such lines of argumentation superficially focus on according blame, and completely ignore urgent structural political reforms. Until progressives confront and redress these comprehensively, we are just kicking the can further down the road, which is actually what helps the BJP.

Firstly, there are the pragmatic questions. On one hand, there are over 4,663 elected legislative seats in India. Till the number of seats increase after delimitation, progressives need to win at least 272 seats in the Lok Sabha and 2,330 seats across various states to form governments. Logic dictates that likeminded organisations and individuals back whichever party has the organisational presence, networks and capital to win most of these.

On the other hand, the paradigm shift India’s electoral landscape is undergoing includes institutional collusion by public institutions, the tacit support of social media conglomerates and cloud capitalists, as well as a partisan media. Combatting this requires institutional and pan-India networks, as well as the experience to leverage them constructively.

The bandwidth of regional parties is perforce limited to their respective states. Given the escalating attacks on the constitutional idea of India, we simply do not have the luxury of waiting for an alternative political formation to rise in some indeterminate future which gains this knowledge of statecraft, and ability to navigate the politics of a continent-size nation like India. We need to operate in the realm of the reality.

The ideological question

Secondly, there is the ideological question. Whether we like it or not, India is in an ideological era. Today, the BJP offers three things to the electorate – material benefits for the family/individual (welfare schemes and promises); enhancing national pride (through symbolic mega-summits like the G-20, alleged assassinations in foreign nations/surgical strikes, the projection of Prime Minister Narendra Modi with global leaders etc.); and the promotion/protection of Hinduism (through performative religiosity, attacks on minority symbols, consolidation of communal privileges etc.).

This heady combination cannot be countered by “soft Hindutva“ or populism, which is what some progressive parties have tried in vain. Nor can progressive parties wean away BJP’s core voter by remaining silent (or being complicit) on communal and casteist issues. This “right-wing appeasement” fundamentally sanctifies regressive politics and indirectly cements the BJP.

This is because the BJP methodically ensures its brand-salience by constantly repeating its core message. That is why we witness many of its leaders periodically saying something inflammatory. After all, there is a method to the madness, something we progressives miss. Since it cannot afford for major riots under its watch, the BJP keeps stirring the pot by conjuring enemies and mobilising its core vote bank against that imaginary enemy.

Frankly, if the last few elections proved anything, it’s that the BJP cannot be punched from the right because the electorate that tends to get swayed by that kind of messaging will always choose the original. These past few years also demonstrate that it is specious for a party to position itself as beyond ideology or politics.

Only an ideological party can thrive against the BJP and appeal to India’s diverse identities – both for mobilisation and for collective action. Only by aggressively asserting the constitutional idea of India can the BJP’s cultural politics be countered comprehensively. And only by programmatically standing up for substantive secularism, liberalism, democratic norms, social justice, nationalism and development can progressive parties pose a credible alternative.

INDIA parties should adhere to the constitutional idea of India

There is undoubtedly the legitimate question of clashing catchment areas amongst the INDIA parties. But if INDIA parties adhere to the constitutional idea of India, they can cater to multiple sections of the society. And since some are regional parties with more or less steady vote-banks, there is enough room for each to coexist.

What matters is that the Congress should be able to stitch together a rainbow coalition of the silent majority across the nation, which will perforce become the foundation upon which the other INDIA parties can build upon. This is because it is the only party that has a pan-India presence robust enough to challenge the BJP.

Also Read: The Only Way Ahead for Progressives Post Maharashtra Election Debacle

Thirdly, this politico-ideological project will only succeed if the INDIA parties have an empowered joint secretariat. The formation of the social media, media, research, campaign and coordination committees at the Mumbai summit of INDIA was a good first step towards this end. However, as in everything, the substantive is as important as the symbolic. Apart from the limited satyagraha against 14 television anchors who had strayed from their professional laxman rekhas, and episodic coordination by the committees, there was little outcome-oriented collaboration between the committees of the Alliance.

Imagine the difference to the 2024 Lok Sabha elections if concerted efforts were made by all 28 parties to constructively channelise all their organisations to work together – programmatically, and ideologically. Just to cite a small example, clearly the caste-census and the threat to the Constitution were meta-narratives that resonated with the silent majority in the Lok Sabha elections. Yet, some parties inexplicably refused to either defer to the collective wisdom of the majority in the INDIA parties or work collaboratively. This proved to be extremely counterproductive.

Coalition building and functioning should not be limited to closed-door conversations

The business of coalition building (and functioning) cannot, and should not be limited to closed-door conversations on seat sharing, parliamentary coordination and occasional joint appearances on rallies. On one hand, all three of these activities are limited to the top echelons of the 28 parties. This is structurally tenuous because these activities become limited to the agency and dynamism of individuals.

While the efforts of individuals like the late Sitaram Yechury, Sharad Pawar, KC Venugopal, Gurdeep Singh Sappal, Manoj Jha, Sanjay Raut, Kanimozhi Karunanidhi, Derek O’Brien, Kapil Sibal (among others) cannot be underestimated in binding coalitions through personal initiative, these efforts need to be institutionalised and must go beyond the formal spaces of coalition politics.

This is especially essential because seat sharing, parliamentary coordination and joint rallies do not forge deeper ties between party organisations, who consequently do not campaign or mobilise together. There is also no need to either pool resources and expertise between party structures. This impedes any unity of thought or action, as well as the conjoining of party cadre in a shared cause. Consequently, party organisations work separately, and sometimes at odds with one other.

This not only hampers a cohesive meta-narrative but also effective campaigning (which adversely impacts the transfer of votes  between allies). Even more importantly, it doesn’t push organisations to work with the people or create a bottom up movement.

On the other hand, as things stand today, it is difficult for the opposition to create a mahaul (meta-narrative) given BJP’s near hegemonic control on the media and social media platforms. Coupled with changing information-consumption trends, the efficacy of traditional campaigning methods (especially large rallies, roadshows, advertising in print media) needs to be objectively examined by the INDIA parties.

Largely driven towards symbolic grandstanding, such methods are resource-intensive and have diminishing utility in shaping mass consciousness. Additionally, organising these means outsourcing crucial political functions to external agencies, thereby leading to diminished in-house capabilities as well as the diversion of scarce resources. At a time when the BJP is exponentially outspending opposition parties, this is tactically unwise.

Even more problematically, relying on traditional electioneering methods compel parties to nurture gifted orators/ demagogues to enthuse electorates. Demagogues can temporarily enthral, but that rapture is limited to the length of the rally they’re speaking in. At a time when alternative mechanisms are being deployed to great effect by the BJP, demagogues do little to influence minds or convert them into votes. Instead what the INDIA parties really need to do is re-imagine politics as not something purely electoral.

The need to nurture an institutionalised network of organisations

This necessitates nurturing an institutionalised network of organisations, which can constructively channelise progressive forces to work consistently and silently, away from the media-glare. These organisations (and the ideological projects they should be prodded to spearhead) can be the only silver bullet to outmatch the Sangh parivar’s plethora of organisations, and its swayamsewaks. Because only then can progressives forge fresh relationships with the people as well as sway hearts and minds.

Over the past few years, Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi and others have done more than enough to expose the Sangh parivar’s agenda against the constitutional idea of India. As a result, there is a veritable army of like-minded filmmakers, authors, poets, academics, diaspora communities, religio-cultural/youth/community/civil society organisations, businesspersons, YouTubers, movements etc. who are waiting and wanting to do something effective and purposeful.

They want to collaborate, and not just sporadically connect with INDIA. It is high time that resources and effort be invested in programmatically channelising them so they can counter the Sangh at every level. Like Mahatma Gandhi once did, it is crucial to unleash a hundred ideological projects across the nation. Breathing life into this vision needs a nerve-centre which can creatively marshal evangelicals in social media, media, popular culture (including films, television, books, comics etc.) and sports, who can leverage their sectors to reconnect with the silent majority.

Similarly, this nerve centre can also encourage institutionalised diaspora networks (which the BJP leverages to great effect for fund raising, lobbying foreign governments on various issues that the BJP deems important and to support far-right candidates in foreign parties). Similarly, civil society (which faces an existential crisis because of BJP’s concerted attacks) can be channelised to lead a plethora of community-based socio-cultural programmes. All of this work can and must be organised by the INDIA parties. But to breathe life into this vision, an INDIA secretariat is critical.

Also Read: Why is Rahul Gandhi differentiating between Hinduism and Hindutva?

But even so, this secretariat would just be the mechanism of actualising the coalition’s vision and politco-normative goals. But there are at least three essential qualities necessary for the INDIA experiment to succeed electorally. These include an honest recognition by each party of internal weaknesses/limitations and a concomitant willingness to accommodate other parties. A mindful and united approach to difficult issues, which necessitates frequent and frank conversations beyond the formal will also help in this direction. Lastly, a ruthless pragmatism when it comes to seat sharing, ideological projects, legislative work and governance is also necessitated. All three are predicated on political maturity and a genuine desire to do something meaningful to further the national interest.

If progressives (both inside and outside the organised political space) don’t work cohesively, India is slowly heading towards a single party nation. Yes, the BJP is misusing the governing instruments of the State to create an unequal playing field. And suffering a setback in 2024, the BJP was bound to be more malicious and aggressive. But the BJP is also beginning to fray internally for various reasons. To prevent any alternative power centres, the “Modi-fied” BJP has methodically undercut its leaders with grassroots strength, has circumscribed the Sangh, and has no new policy programme that can transform or enthuse the nation.

The INDIA parties (especially the Congress Party) are best placed to capitalise on this. Much like the Congress Party did before Mahatma Gandhi revolutionised politics with a radical new programme of action, today the INDIA parties stand on a similar cusp. Either they can reclaim India by shedding their inertia, culling any vestigial baggage holding them back, experimenting with disruptive innovations (like Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Yatra as also many ideological projects) and working unitedly through an institutional set-up.

Or they can continue as if it’s business as usual, maintain the status quo and hope that a nationwide self-corrective wave will automatically kick in when the BJP totters under its own weight while vested interests ravage party organisations internally by bickering over posts, disallowing any innovations and excluding those who want to do something purposeful.

Ultimately, what INDIA needs to win is the battle of the mind. They need to believe they have the higher purpose of restoring the Republic to its original vision. They need to believe in this vision so deeply that they are as organised and relentless as the BJP is. Given the incessant attacks on India’s soul, the nation needs much more from progressive parties. We need them to lead the nation back to the light.

What Thomas Paine once said is even more relevant today –“these are the times that try men’s souls. The summer soldier and the sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of their country; but he that stands it now, deserves the love and thanks of our men and women. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered. Yet we have this consolation with us, that the harder the conflict, the more glorious the triumph”.