The Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP’s) rise in Mizroam has been organic. Unlike other Northeastern states, its rise in Christian-dominated Mizoram has confounded political pundits. While Mizoram is a homogenous society – based on one land and one identity – the politics of the state is based on a binary system. Of the two dominant political forces, one is known for its ideology centered around Mizo nationalism while the other is known for its secular politics, centered around Mizo Christians.
In Mizoram, the politics of the BJP is based on the minority community, but its national politics is based on the majority community. The BJP follows a dual approach to politics in the context of Mizoram. The political journey of the BJP in Mizoram began in 2013 with a search for a political anchor in the southern part of the state. However, the BJP secured fewer votes than those cast in favour of None of the Above (NOTA) in 2013.
By 2018, the BJP managed to obtain fourth position on the state’s political landscape, with the entry of its first MLA into the state assembly. The party is expected to outperform itself this time around when the state goes to polls on November 7. The BJP could get on board two big leaders from other parties in the form of former minister and MLA Beichhua of Mizo National Front and the speaker of the outgoing assembly Lalrinliana Sailo.
Sailo, who won the Chalfihl assembly segment for MNF in 2018, is now contesting from the Mamit constituency because Chalfihl is an MNF stronghold and known to have an anti-BJP sentiment on the ground to hardcore Mizo voters. The Mamit assembly segment has a mix of voters from the Bru and Chakma communities. Sailo stands a chance of winning because of the four-cornered contest in Mamit.
A Bru voter who spoke to this author expressed confidence in Sailo’s victory in Mamit. ” The BJP and its leaders work for local people. Therefore, Bru voters have hope in the BJP and we will vote for speaker Sailo.”
BJP versus Congress in MTCs and ADCs areas
It is straight between the BJP and Congress in two constituencies located in autonomous district council areas, and the BJP is said to have an edge over Congress. The BJP is also expected to play the role of a kingmaker in case of a hung assembly – a prospect which cannot be ruled out. Although BJP’s rise in the state has been limited, it is largely due to the decline of Congress. Therefore, the BJP is expected to replace Congress in minority tribal council (MTC) constituencies, especially in three autonomous district councils (ADCs) this time around.
There is a huge difference between the way Congress and BJP have connected with MTCs in Mizoram. It is largely believed that Congress only cares about MTCs until it is in power, and when in opposition, it does not connect with the MTCs. But, the BJP is said to maintain connection with MTCs at all times.
Professor K. Robin says, “The dichotomy between the BJP and Congress in Saiha/Mara ADC is very blurred as most of the present BJP leaders are earlier Congress cadres. There are very few new BJP people but most of them are old Congress people and now in the name of BJP in southern Mizoram constituencies.”
Rahul Gandhi at a rally in Mizoram. Photo: X (Twitter)/@INCMizoram
Congress does not have BJP-like parental organisations to work on the ground at all times. The BJP has adopted a three-fold political strategy in order to establish itself in Mizoram: Political objectivity and subjectivity, identity and ideology, and socio-economic welfare. The political objective of the BJP is to become a political force in Mizoram, and MTCs are its political subject. It projects itself as a political representative of MTCs and raises their issues. The BJP used to identify the MTCs for its political objective and to promote their political identity. Major stakes for the BJP are in MTCs and ADCs.
Profile of MTCs and ADCs
The four MTCs are Mara, Lai, Chakma, and Bru (MLCB) and the majority of these live in their respective areas under the Autonomous District Council (ADC) in south Mizoram bordering Myanmar and Bangladesh. A significant population of Bru (Reang) live in the Mamit district of north Mizoram bordering Tripura and Bangladesh. The first three out of four minority tribal communities Mara, Lai, Chakma, and Bru (Reang) have their separate political administrative area recognised by the Autonomous District Council (ADC) under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India.
The Bru (Reang) community lives in non-ADC areas, and half of the community fled to Tripura after ethnic violence and conflict erupted with the majority Mizo ethnic community in 1997. The Reang community has been demanding an ADC since Mizoram statehood, and with this hope, the community took part in the MNF-led insurgency in the state. In 1996, the Bru (Reang) Democratic Party merged with the BJP to strengthen their demand for ADC. Further, the Mara Democratic Front merged with the BJP in 2017.
Targeted communities
The BJP selected MTCs as targeted groups in order to achieve its objective of becoming a political force in the state. The party has selected four minority tribal communities: Mara, Lai, Chakma, and Bru (MLCB) in the southern and border part of Mizoram for its political objective. The identity of MTCs became a valued currency for the BJP’s political market. The party highlights the differences between minority and majority tribal communities on the basis of their distinguished identities and distinct histories. The BJP takes care of MTCs’ socio-economic welfare, whether it is in power or in the opposition, and always maintains connections and contacts with community members and leaders.
Political strategy
For the BJP, getting big leaders from other political parties has proved to be a successful strategy in Mizoram. In 2018, for the first time, it was in the form of Shri Hiphei, seven-time Congress MLA and Rajya Sabha member, BJP began this approach. Hiphei got 4,000 votes in that election on a BJP ticket in the MTC constituency. He emerged as the first powerful leader of the BJP in the state but passed away during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Next year, the Mara Democratic Front merged with the BJP and the party formed its first government in the Mara ADC as all elected executive council members of Congress joined the BJP. Even the party formed its alliance government with Congress in the Chakma ADC in early 2022. This time at least two out of three big leaders of other parties contested the election on the BJP ticket and had a good chance of winning. As a Mara voter Steffi C Beingiachhiezi says, “These are popular leaders in their respective community, and voters follow their leaders, no matter in whichever party they are in.” A Chakma voter Subh Mangal Chakma says, “B.D. Chakma joined the BJP just before the 2018 Assembly election and he won in the Tuichawng constituency because of his popularity among locals.”
State government versus MTCs
The BJP has utilised whatever opportunity came in the MTCs and ADCs politics in Mizoram. The party stood with minority tribal communities on their issues with the state government. On the issues of Bru (Reang) and Chakma, the party criticised the policies and politics of the ruling Mizo National Front. The BJP convinced locals about the failure of the state government in addressing the issues of MTCs. The party’s tagline is a BJP-supported government can improve the governance, corruption, development, and implementation of CSS in Mizoram. The BJP brought the MTCs into the national mainstream politics and successfully mobilised and polarised the local minority communities against the MNF government. The party created a narrative that the MNF is a real hindrance in the development of the MTCs and stability and governance in the ADC region.
Role of the Central BJP and Union government
The ADC communities look towards the party that rules at the Centre. The BJP is the ruling party in the Centre, therefore, it is more convenient for the BJP to establish local politics in the MTCs and ADCs. Three BJP Christian leaders from other states are actively coordinating with local leaders in the targeted MTCs and ADC areas long before the election schedule is announced. Local leaders are regularly visiting Delhi and Guwahati to consult with central BJP leaders regarding election preparations. The Union ministers also visit Mizoram to meet local leaders and discuss the issues of Central Sponsored Schemes (CSS) in Mizoram. Every Union minister while on the visit of Mizoram used to raise the issue of misuse of central funds and sponsored schemes in Mizoram.
Politics, publicity, and propaganda
It is an important strategy of the BJP in Mizoram and elsewhere to politicise the issues between the MTCs/ADCs and the state government. The BJP has been blaming the state government on the matters of ADCs, MTCs, and CSS in Mizoram. Publicity of all programmes under the Union government and inauguration events of the Prime Minister is largely publicised by the state unit of the party and central government departments, and through the so-called autonomous government bodies. However, the BJP leaders are not campaigning in Aizawl city because of its failure in the Manipur crisis. But BJP’s key election campaigning activities are only in Saiha, Lawngtlai, and Mamit constituencies where the BJP has popular candidates. BJP state election in-charge Kiren Rijiju once said, “Whichever party forms the next government, the Deputy CM will be of BJP.”
Electoral strategy
Just in the last five years, the BJP has raised a lot of political success in Mizoram. Before assembly elections, the party successfully hunted three popular leaders of other parties, one was just before the 2018 assembly election, and two this time. The BJP formed its first government in the Mara ADC and controlled the MADC politics. Presently, the BJP is the second leading party in the Chakma ADC and it also formed a coalition government with Congress for a short time. The BJP’s electoral strategy is to become a strong opposition force in the ADC and MTC areas. The BJP succeeded in making a dent (as party defection) in other parties especially in Congress in the Mara ADC as all elected Congress executive councillors joined the BJP in 2019. The party promoted its first MLA Dr B D Chakma to BJP’s national executive council as a member; however, he is not contesting the election this time.
Socio-economic relations with MTCs
The BJP has good relations with the local minority tribal communities such as Mara, Lai, Chakma and Bru (Reang). The party does not only have political but socio-economic relations with local communities. The local politics of the BJP is led by the popular local social or business leaders. The popular face as a social activist or businessman or civil society leader or influential community leader especially youth will lead to the socio-economic activities of the party.
Like Mara social activist Delson Notlia is key channel leader between the central party leadership and local party organisation. Notlia is a national secretary of the minority cell of BJP in Mizoram; he is well guided by regional leaders such as Hemanta Biswas Sarma and John Barla. The BJP provides help and assistance to suffering people, vehicle service to accident victims, helps poor families in ration card allotment and other welfare schemes, document preparation, widow women, and female head of families. The BJP has provided assistance as food and medicines with help of MTP (Mara Youth Association) during the Covid-19 pandemic. The party helps local communities through banking facilities medical services and schools.
Conclusion
The BJP is fully confident of winning two constituencies this time. Adding one Saiha and retaining Tuichawng. Whether it wins, the party is expected to take second place in the Palak and Mamit constituencies. This time a number of central BJP leaders visited three constituencies Mamit, Saiha, and Tuichawng, but no one visited any constituency in Aizawl City.
The BJP contested 23 seats and state party president Vanlalhmuaka is contesting from the Dampa constituency on the border with Bangladesh and Tripura, which has significant Bru and Chakma voters. Some political pundits in Mizoram believe that the BJP has secret post-poll alliances with the Zoram People’s Movement and MNF. The party is said to be putting up a friendly contest against MNF in south Mizoram and ZPM in north Mizoram.
In the event of a hung assembly result, the BJP is expected to become a king-maker. The Manipur issue has negatively impacted the BJP’s prospects in north Mizoram, but due to two big leaders joining the party just before the elections, it is giving a tough fight to Congress in south Mizoram. For the BJP, the fight is against Congress, not as much against MNF or ZPM.
Suwa Lal Jangu is an Assistant Professor, Political Science Department, Mizoram University.