India’s New Cabinet is Old and Wealthy, and Many Ministers Stand Accused of Violence

All in all, there are no drastic changes with respect to the previous cabinet.

New Delhi: Narendra Modi’s new council of ministers is nothing if not very rich and very old. According to their election affidavits, 81% of them – 41 of the 58 new ministers – are over the age of 50, and 52 of them (90%) are crorepatis. The average value of assets per minister is Rs 14.4 crore. The data has been analysed and published in a report by the Association of Democratic Reforms.

A fair number of the ministers in the cabinet (22, which is 31%) have criminal cases registered against them that are still pending. There are 16 against whom the charges are particularly serious. One of them, V. Muraleedharan from Maharashtra, Rajya Sabha member of the BJP, has an attempt to murder (IPC Section 307) case against him.

The IPC Sections 153A and 295A deal with statements and actions that give rise to or promote communal disharmony. Six cabinet members, Amit Shah, Giriraj Singh, Pratap Chandra Sarangi, Babul Supriyo, Nityanand Rao and Prahlad Joshi, have charges under those sections of the penal code.  

Amit Shah, the newly-appointed home minister, has four cases registered against him that are still pending. He has been charged with, among others, IPC Section 506 (criminal intimidation), Section 436 (mischief with fire or explosive substance with intent to destroy house, etc.), Section 153A (promoting enmity between different groups) and 153B (imputations, assertions prejudicial to national-integration). There is some irony in the fact that the police, which reports to the home ministry, is now directly under Shah’s command.

Nitin Gadkari, Giriraj Singh and Ashwini Kumar Choubey are the three ministers against whom there are charges of electoral violations. Giriraj Singh has been charged with cheating, bribery, intimidation, forgery and fraud, and there are six pending cases against him. There are five pending cases against Gadkari, who has been charged with, among other things, illegal payments in connection with an election (IPC 171H).

Also watch: Who’s Who And Why In Modi’s Cabinet

Several ministers, including Amit Shah, Nityanand Rai, Ashwini Choubey, Babul Supriyo and others, have pending charges of obstructing or intimidating public servants. As ministers, they are now responsible for a large number of public servants who directly and indirectly report to them.

Amit Shah, the newly-appointed home minister, has four cases registered against him that are still pending. Credit: PTI

Many of them, including Debashree Chowdhury, Pratap Chandra Sarangi, Anurag Thakur, Arvind Sawant and others, have serious charges of violence, like IPC Section 323 (voluntarily causing hurt) and Section 147 (rioting), against them.

In terms of the assets that have been declared, Harsimrat Kaur Badal is the richest minister with Rs 217 crores. Piyush Goyal, the railways minister, is second with Rs 95 crores. Rao Inderjit Singh at Rs 42 crore and Amit Shah at Rs 40 crore are third and fourth.

All in all, there are no drastic changes with respect to the previous Modi cabinet. The number of ministers with serious criminal cases has jumped somewhat (from 11 to 16). There are fewer women in this cabinet. There were seven in the previous one, and only six in the current one. There are also fewer crorepatis (59 to 52), but also fewer ministers (64 to 56), and the percentage of crorepatis is almost the same.

‘Theresa May’s Words Too Little Too Late’: Rakhshanda Jalil on Jallianwala Bagh

Noted writer and literary historian Rakshanda Jalil talks about her latest book, ‘Jallianwala Bagh: Literary Responses in Prose and Poetry’.

In a wide-ranging conversation, Rakshanda Jalil talks about, among other things, the UK government’s refusal to apologise, the impact of the First World War on Indians in the British military, and the myriad ways in which literature can help illuminate and understand history.

As AAP Turns Government Schools Around, Questions about Learning Linger

In its effort to revolutionise the quality and promise of government schools, some critics say the AAP is privileging numbers over inclusion.

New Delhi: The Kanya Vidyalaya No 2 in Mandawali has for its neighbour the municipal garbage dump. The road outside the school is littered with spillover rubbish, and a fetid odour hangs in the air. But that does not deter the hundreds of students streaming into the school’s main gate. A striking change greets them when they step inside.

The premises are clean and the lawns are green. After assembly, held on the basketball court, teachers herd the students into the large and airy classrooms of the old building. In India, where the term “government school” conjures images of crumbling infrastructure, students seated on the floor, broken benches and blackboards and missing teachers, the Kanya Vidyalaya No. 2 belies expectations. But the school is not an exception.

A number of schools in Delhi now debunk the myth of the government school in perpetual decay.

Since coming to power in Delhi in 2015, the education ministry of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) government, headed by deputy chief minister Manish Sisodia, has tried to turn Delhi’s public schools around. To that end, it has increased their budget allocation (by over 33%), launched summer programs and sent administrators on research trips to schools and universities in the UK, Singapore and Finland.

Some critics, however, say that the government’s reforms rely on a pedagogical model that is non-inclusive, and which violates the egalitarian ideals outlined by the National Curricular Framework (NCF) of 2005. The segregation of ‘model schools’ from other schools is the most glaring example.

What teachers and students think

The Sarvodaya Bal Vidyalaya, Rouse Avenue, was Delhi’s first ‘model government school’. Its building is new and modern. It has a large playground and a new auditorium, taps for drinking water and toilets in good, working order. The classrooms have sturdy, freshly painted benches; some even have projectors and audio-visual teaching equipment. It could easily be mistaken for a private school.

According to RN Singh, a post-graduate chemistry teacher, and Rajnikanth, a post-graduate Hindi teacher, the school was in a “bad shape” until changes began in 2015.

In the past, committees called Vidyalaya Kalyan Samitis (VKS) were in charge of school maintenance. These have been completely overhauled. They are now called School Management Committees (SMC) – each consisting of 12 elected parents, the school principal, a teacher, an elected representative and a social worker.

Also Read: How Delhi Government Schools Are Revamping Their Approach to Education

The inclusion of parents is new, and according to teachers, very successful.

The SMCs appoint an “estate manager” responsible for school premises and facilities. Naresh Kumar, the estate manager at Kanya Vidyalaya No. 2 in Mandawali, said, “I make sure the school is clean and the toilets properly functioning. The creation of my position has reduced the principal’s burden.”

These changes have not gone unnoticed by the students. Class IX students Rajnish, Aman, Ravi and Piyush at the Kanya Vidyalaya No. 2 told The Wire that a new building was constructed last year, that the campus was cleaner than before, but that the toilets did still sometimes stink.

They added that the school’s attendance policy had become more strict. “The guards do not let us leave before classes are over,” they said.

Shripal, whose son and daughter attend the school, said this was entirely new: “My son’s classes start at 1 pm and are supposed to go until 6:30 pm. In the past, I would sometimes find him returning from school around 3 pm or 4 pm. This does not happen any more. The first few times he started staying at school the entire time, we were almost worried. But it is a very good thing – the teachers and principal ensure that the students cannot leave before classes are over. Now I wish to have my younger son, who is in a private school, is admitted here.”

Shripal’s daughter Sneha studies in the Class VIII. Asked how the school has changed, she said, “The infrastructure has improved. But not just that, the teaching style has also changed. Teachers care more about whether the students are learning and less about finishing the syllabus.”

Arvind Kejriwal and Manish Sisodia at a government school. Credit: PTI

Changes in pedagogy

Part of this push towards better learning is the result of dividing students by academic ability. The Delhi government initiated two extra-classes programs, Mission Chunauti and Mission Buniyad, in the summers of 2016 and 2018. The aim was to remedy the lack of basic reading and arithmetic skills in students up to the ninth grade.

In the Mission Chunauti extra classes, students are divided into two groups – Pratibha (‘talent’) and Nishtha (‘determination’) – and their classes held separately. The children in the Nishtha group were singled out for extra attention and monitored to ensure that their abilities were improving.

Another group – Neo-Nishtha – was created under Mission Buniyaad. This circular from the directorate of education on April 5, 2018 explained that officials “should also randomly verify the level of students during their school visits.. and match it with those recorded by the school.”

The segregation of students by ability is deemed so necessary that officials are supposed to conduct random checks simply to verify that they are being placed in the “correct” group.

When asked whether students were divided on the basis of ability at the Rouse Avenue school, R.N. Singh and Rajnikanth said that they were not. Both teachers affirmed that the school was committed to inclusive education and would not permit such a practice.

The Government Boys Senior Secondary School in Darya Ganj does divide students by ability – for summer programs, but also for the regular academic year.

Class IX students at the Kanya Vidyalaya No. 2 reported that their sections had been shuffled twice, for reasons they weren’t told.

Division of students by ability

Anita Rampal, professor of elementary and social education at the University of Delhi, criticised the Delhi government for letting certain non-profits dictate its pedagogical reforms. For example, its appointment of Shailendra Sharma, the head of operations at the Pratham Education Foundation, as the principal advisor at Delhi’s directorate of education.

According to Pratham’s website: “The effectiveness of the Pratham approach stems from grouping children by level. This is very different from classes organized by age and driven by the prescribed curriculum for that grade.”

This is meant to allow teachers to focus on the needs of the group of students. In a mixed-ability classroom, certain students may be unable to keep up, while others may find the material too easy and lose interest.

According to Rampal, however, this division of children by academic ability is harmful pedagogy.

“Pratham pushes a corporate-NGO model of education, which is fundamentally inequitable,” she said. “Research has shown that children learn better in mixed-ability groups. Children learn more from each other in the classroom than they learn from their teachers.”

In any classroom, students who are slower at reading or arithmetic will learn, in part, from their peers. They are less intimidated by friends than teachers and therefore ask questions more freely. Students whose skills are more developed, meanwhile, learn from teaching their peers.

This sort of learning is largely precluded when students are divided on the basis of academic ability, Rampal suggests.

One of the schools The Wire visited. Credit: Ketan Krishna

A Sarvodaya Co-Ed school in Delhi. Credit: Ketan Krishna

Criticism from teachers

A teacher of Classes I-VI from a Delhi government school said, on the condition of anonymity, “It is true that division of students on the basis of ‘ability’ hurts their learning. I have noticed that with my students. Children learn more from their peers than from anyone else. It is wrong to deprive them of that opportunity.”

During the summer programs, teachers were asked to divide students on the basis of their mathematical ability into three categories – students who can recognise numbers 0-9, students who can recognise numbers 10-99 (in addition to 0-9), students who can also recognise numbers greater than 99.

“That betrays a very flawed grasp of how numbers are learned,” the teacher said. “Students do not learn to recognise numbers in a linear fashion. A student might recognise the number 15, for example, because her birthday is on the 15th, but might not recognise 0 or 9. In general, students learn 0 later than other numbers. It’s neither feasible nor desirable to try to neatly sort students into such categories.”

Mission Buniyad’s primary aim was to increase the number of readers in primary school. Yet its implementation was marred, the teacher said, by the government’s desire for results that could be shown off.

Also Read: Neither Private Schools nor Technology Will Solve India’s Learning Crisis

Teachers were asked to track the number of students up to Class VI who could read, and given rising monthly targets for that number. But the means of evaluation were inadequate.

“Children who could just sound the words out when faced with a sentence were classified as readers,” the teacher said. “The government did not lay any emphasis on genuine comprehension, which is much harder to teach.”

Something similar has occurred with parent-teacher meetings. Their attendance has risen (largely due to radio and other advertising), but the focus on numbers and data has partially backfired, the teacher said.

Because teachers are tasked with ensuring, say, that they meet ten parents every hour (while simultaneously recording who and how many), they are unable to pay as much attention to what’s being discussed in the meetings.

One of the schools The Wire visited. Credit: Ketan Krishna

A government school in Delhi. Credit: Ketan Krishna

Genuine progress or fetish for data?

“We only separate children because there’s an absolute need to,” said Atishi, the AAP Lok Sabha candidate for East Delhi, and former education advisor to Manish Sisodia. “A child who cannot do basic addition cannot be expected to flourish in a classroom where the material is much further beyond addition. That child must be taken aside and taught how to add first. That is all we did with Mission Chunauti and Mission Buniyad.”

Even so, this is at odds with the ‘inclusive education’ principles of the National Curriculum Framework (NCF) 2005, which said:

Labelling an individual student or a group of students as learning disabled etc. creates a sense of helplessness, inferiority and stigmatisation . . . Differences between students must be viewed as resources for supporting learning rather than as a problem.

In its effort to revolutionise the quality and promise of government schools, the AAP is compelled to push for numbers – better numbers of children who can read or add, of parents attending parent-teacher meetings, of teachers who have been sent abroad for training, and so on.

The thrust of the criticism of these measures is that numbers can become a fetish – and may not faithfully reflect what is learned or lost in more inclusive, less efficient classrooms.

How Exposing Hate Speech Landed a YouTube News Channel in Trouble

‘Pal Pal News’ was terminated for drawing attention to an anti-Muslim video and urging the government to act against its creators.

New Delhi: In March 2017, the Law Commission of India issued a report on hate speech. The need for this report was felt due to the inadequacy of the Indian Penal Code’s provisions in defining and controlling hate speech. One notable case cited in this report is Jersild vs Denmark (1994), which concerned the question of the responsibilities of a journalist in reporting hate speech.

In July 1985, while working for Danmarks Radio (DR), Danish journalist Jens Olaf Jersild interviewed a group of young men from a xenophobic group called the Grønjakkerne (Greenjackets). The interview was broadcast via radio on DR’s ‘Sunday News Magazine’ and featured several clips of derogatory statements made by Greenjackets members about minority racial groups and immigrants. A Danish lower court convicted Jersild and Lasse Jensen, the head of DR’s news section, of aiding and abetting the Greenjackets in publishing racist statements. The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) overturned that judgment on the grounds that the Danish court’s ruling violated Jersild and Jensens’ freedom of expression, which is protected under Article 10 of the European Convention of Human Rights.

At its core, the case concerned the following question: When a journalist covers an individual or a group that propagates or has propagated hate speech, and part of that coverage includes a report of what hate speech was propagated by that individual or group, to what degree can that journalist be held accountable for the “spread” of that hate speech? The ECHR held that:

“The picture which the applicant’s programme presented to the public was more that of drawing attention to racism, intolerance and simple mindedness, exemplified by the remarks in question, than an attempt to show disrespect for the reputation or rights of others. In such circumstances the Commission finds that the reputation or rights of others, as legitimate aims for restricting the freedom of expression, carry little weight.”

A YouTube news channel gets banned

The relevance of the issues that the judgment highlighted was brought home dramatically last month to Khushbhoo Akhtar, a Delhi-based independent journalist who runs the YouTube channel ‘Pal Pal News’.

On the night of September 30, YouTube suddenly terminated Pal Pal News’s account on the grounds that certain videos uploaded by the channel had violated their community guidelines on hate speech – “community guidelines” are the rules that YouTube account holders must abide by. According to Akhtar, the account had 6.8 lakh subscribers at the time of termination and had uploaded around 4,500 videos which had in sum amassed 130 million views.

Also read: People, Not the State, the Greatest Hurdle to Free Speech in India

Since YouTube had made Pal Pal News inaccessible, Akhtar shared a link to a Facebook upload of that video with The Wire. It features a man dressed in a saffron robe making hateful remarks about “topi waale, daadi waale katue” (cap-wearing, bearded “katue” – a Hindi-language slur used against Muslims). According to Akhtar, the video uploaded on the Pal Pal News channel had a thumbnail featuring pictures of the man in the video and of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and BJP chief Amit Shah with the title: “When will the government put a stop to hate?” The video featured, in addition, the following text overlay:

“1. The video is said to originate from Darbhanga, Bihar. 2. When will the government put a stop these hateful remarks? 3. An attempt to scare Muslims by targeting the Muslim cap and beard! 4. When will the police arrest these persons?”

The paucity of editorial content in the video might be the reason why YouTube terminated the account. But considered in reference to the ECHR’s judgment in Jersild vs Denmark, the relevant question is whether the video falls under the category of “drawing attention to racism, intolerance and simple-mindedness” or the category of “[an] attempt to show disrespect for the reputation or rights of others.”

It is notable that the ECHR did not require journalists to have provided detailed commentary in order to be absolved from the charge of spreading hate speech. The position of the Danish journalists was clear to the court, and the position of Pal Pal News is similarly clear. Their editorial content, which appeals to the government and the police to take action against this kind of speech, satisfies the criterion of “drawing attention to racism [and] intolerance” tout court. It moreover urges action against intolerance. The suggestion that Pal Pal News is spreading hate speech is therefore quite baseless.

The video uploaded had a thumbnail featuring pictures of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and BJP chief Amit Shah. Credit: PTI/Kamal Singh

Speaking to The Wire, Akhtar contended that YouTube’s termination of her account was wrongful and an example of the kind of vulnerability to which independent voices in journalism find themselves subject to. The termination of her account was, she said, effectively a curtailment of her right to free speech. Soon after the termination, Akhtar sent numerous emails to YouTube seeking explanation and arguing that her work was journalistic and therefore not hate speech. She sent YouTube links of videos from other accounts (most of which belonged to news outlets) that also featured “reporting” on hate speech. She urged them to take into account her position as a journalist, and evaluate her content on that basis. YouTube’s response to her emails was merely that, upon review, they still found the content of her video to be in violation of their community guidelines. Therefore, YouTube told Akhtar, the termination of Pal Pal News could not be reversed.

YouTube’s response

The Wire managed to get in touch with YouTube officials on October 4. An employee speaking on the condition of anonymity said that YouTube had found Pal Pal News to be in violation of their community guidelines in the past as well and that this video was their “third strike” – an account gets three chances before it is terminated. Many channels get a strike for copyright violations. The employee insisted on the validity of YouTube’s removal of the uploaded video and the subsequent termination of Pal Pal News’s account. When asked, in reference to Akhtar’s contention that many accounts of news channels get away with “worse” content, and whether different accounts get treated differently, the employee said that YouTube treated all accounts equally.

A few hours after that conversation with YouTube, however, Akhtar received an email informing her that the termination of her account had been reversed. Pal Pal News is now up on YouTube again. Whether this reflects a genuine change in YouTube’s assessment of the content uploaded by Pal Pal News or indicates a fear of negative publicity is not clear.

As Akhtar has not been criminally charged for the video, the “legal” aspect of the precedent set by Jersild vs Denmark is not significant. The judgment in that case, however, has broader significance. It discredited the notion that the journalists covering Neo-Nazi hate speech ought to be censured for their work. The censure that Pal Pal News faced from YouTube (if only for a few days) would, therefore, analogously fail the ECHR’s test if this had happened in Europe.

Also read: Amid Growing Online Hate, India Must Reconsider Immunities to Facebook, Twitter

Since the matter will not go to court, the Indian judiciary’s position on whether YouTube as a platform has an obligation to not violate the right to free speech remains unclear. It would be somewhat facile to think not. YouTube is not just any other website. It enjoys a virtual monopoly in the internet video market. Most independent, small-time video journalists cannot afford to host a website with video-upload capacities. If they wish to earn revenue to keep their journalism going, they have no other option besides YouTube for uploading their videos. This makes it vital that governments and judiciaries pay attention to what “journalism” YouTube prohibits and what is allows. As a company, they have the responsibility to interrogate their censorship mechanisms in order to ensure compliance with constitutional guarantees of free speech.

Ironically, governments themselves are often at the forefront of controlling YouTube content (often for partisan, political gain).

Under the Information Technology Act, 2000, YouTube falls under the category of an “intermediary”:

“[Intermediary] means any person who on behalf of another person receives, stores or transmits that record or provides any service with respect to that record and includes telecom service providers, network service providers, internet service providers, web-hosting service providers, search engines, online payment sites, online auction sites, online marketplaces and cyber cafes.”

Section 69A of the Act specifies the manner in which the government can exercise control over YouTube content:

“Where the Central Government or any of its officers specially authorised by it in this behalf is satisfied that it is necessary or expedient so to do, in the interest of sovereignty and integrity of India, defence of India, security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States or public order or for preventing incitement to the commission of any cognizable offence relating to above, it may subject to the provisions of sub-section (2), for reasons to be recorded in writing, by order, direct any agency of the Government or intermediary to block for access by the public or cause to be blocked for access by the public any information generated, transmitted, received, stored or hosted in any computer resource.”

There is no evidence to believe, however, that the termination of Pal Pal News had anything to do with the Indian government. It would be a matter of concern if it did.

Another matter of concern is that Youtube deals with video takedowns and account terminations opaquely. It does not provide any contact information by which a person, whether an account holder or a journalist, can speak directly to an employee at YouTube about what content is taken down and why. YouTube prefers to address these questions strictly via email.

When YouTube cites that some content violates its community guidelines, it merely tells the uploader which guidelines are violated (and does not even say why YouTube believes they are violated). Although it allows for account holders to appeal takedowns and terminations, this can only be done via an online form or email. In case of an appeal, YouTube will review the content, but it might find the content to still be in violation of its policies and not respond to further appeals. That was Akthar’s experience. She also does not know what prompted YouTube to reverse the termination of her account, and must, perforce, live in fear of the next time she falls fouls of ‘standards’ that are unknown and opaque.

Interview | ‘I See an Erasure of Minorities in Big-Budget Indian Films’

Philip A. Lutgendorf, professor of Hindi and Modern Indian Studies, discusses Indian Cinema and medieval South Asian literature and literary traditions amongst other things.

Philip A. Lutgendorf taught Hindi and Modern Indian Studies at the University of Iowa’s Department of Asian and Slavic Languages and Literature for 33 years, retiring as Professor in 2018. His book on the performance of the Hindi Ramayana, The Life of a Text (University of California Press, 1991) won the A.K. Coomaraswamy Book Prize of the Association for Asian Studies. He received a Guggenheim Fellowship in 2002-03 for his research on Hanuman, which appeared as Hanuman’s Tale: The Messages of a Divine Monkey (Oxford University Press, 2007).

His interests include epic performance traditions, folklore and popular culture and mass media. He created a website devoted to Bollywood. His research on the cultural history of tea drinking in South Asia was supported by a Fulbright-Hays Senior Overseas Research Fellowship (2010-11). He is presently translating the Ramcaritmanas of Tulsidas as The Epic of Ram, in seven dual-language volumes, for the Murty Classical Library of India/Harvard University Press. He served as President of the American Institute of Indian Studies from 2010-2018 and continues serving AIIS as chair of its Board of Trustees.

Hanuman’s Tale: The Messages of a Divine Monkey,
Philip Lutgendorf,
Oxford University Press Inc, 2006

In an interview with The Wire, Lutgendorf talks about the distinctiveness of Indian film, the representation of Muslims in popular cinema in India, the relationship of modern Indian literature to its medieval and ancient antecedents, and much more.

You say that Indian film operates with aesthetic sensibilities distinct from those that govern many other film traditions. You also say that this has something to do with the rasa-based aesthetic theory of the Natya Shastra and also with the history of South Asian literary traditions and texts (ranging from the epics to the Kathasaritsagara to Sufi tales). Could you say a bit more about this distinctiveness of Indian film?

In the mid-1990s, I organised a seminar for film studies faculty at the University of Iowa, introducing them to a selection of Hindi films, including classics of the so-called “golden age” (like Awaara, Mother India, Pyaasa). I did this because Indian popular cinema was virtually unknown among film scholars in the US at that time. They all knew Satyajit Ray as a token Indian director and that he was considered an “art cinema” auteur, standing in contrast to a “commercial” industry – but they knew nothing about the latter. Alternative cinema has its place, of course, in India as in the US, but no one would write off mainstream Hollywood masterpieces like Gone With the Wind and Stagecoach and geniuses like John Ford, Alfred Hitchcock etc., just because that industry has also always produced a lot of formulaic garbage.

Credit: Wikipedia

So, I wanted my colleagues to know about Bimal Roy, Raj Kapoor (in his heyday!), Guru Dutt, and so forth. Even with the terrible quality VHS versions that were available in those days, some of them were impressed (Prof. Corey Creekmur, a scholar of Hollywood genre films and musicals, declared Pyaasa to be one of the greatest films of all time and has since written and taught about it extensively). And I remember Dudley Andrew, a great scholar of American, European and Japanese cinema (he now heads the film studies program at Yale), remarking to me, after watching Mother India, to the effect that, “All the cinemas I know play by more or less the same rules….but this is a different aesthetic universe!”

So that set me thinking about cultural differences and about what is Indian about “Indian cinema.” Later, I published an essay called ‘Is There an Indian Way of Filmmaking?’ (2006) –  playing on the title of a wonderful piece by one of my graduate mentors, A.K. Ramanujan, “Is There an Indian Way of Thinking?”

Like him, I tried to avoid cultural essentialisms and Orientalist clichés about “eternal India,” yet I was interested in certain continuities in storytelling style (such as a preference for long, episodic, multi-generational narratives, often with “framing” by storytellers who are also characters in the tale) that can be clearly seen in the epics and Puranas as well as ancient entertainment fiction and early modern Urdu daastans and in the subcontinental taste for long, operatic music- and dance-dramas serving up a rich banquet of sequential emotional “courses,” that runs all the way from the Natya Shastra to Kathakali, Raslila, Parsi Theatre, Nautanki and of course, masala films. I feel that these (and other) precursors reflect cultural preferences that, in turn, helped shape the evolution of Indian popular cinema as a distinctive art form, particularly after the advent of sound in 1931.

Indian cinema is notoriously underrepresented at international art cinema festivals (like Cannes). Do you think this has something to do with the peculiar aesthetics of Indian film that are not easily understood or appreciated by non-Indian/non-South Asian audiences?

The aesthetic and storytelling conventions that I have just mentioned certainly make popular Hindi films “hard to see” for many Western audiences, who are accustomed to more linear and simple plot-lines, a supposed “realism” (in which people don’t express themselves in song and dance except in highly specific contexts and genres) and films that run no longer than 100 minutes. The history of occasional, unsuccessful attempts to market mainstream Indian films to Westerners (usually by deleting song sequences) is well documented; but there has never been a true “crossover” success. Some directors would, of course like – and no doubt deserve – more worldwide recognition, but at the same time, the tastes and expectations of the immense South Asian audience (not to mention fans in Africa, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia) have generally set the standards and have also guaranteed, for hit films, a gratifying box office return.

However, on a more limited scale, mainstream Indian films do find fans in the West, even among non-desis. I have regularly taught survey courses, at the University of Iowa, on the history of Hindi film, and there were always Anglo-American students who “got it” and became enthusiasts. The internet facilitated such cross-cultural investigation and viewing. After I started my “Philip’s Filums” website, I sometimes got the most unexpected “fan mail” – like a message from a gora in a small town in the American Midwest, with no particular India connections, but who had become a huge Meena Kumari fan, had seen every film of hers, and who wrote to me about a small error I had made in my notes on Pakeezah  (1972)! Such rasikas exist, even in the most unlikely places, but they do not constitute a mass audience for theatrical releases.

You have followed Indian cinema for a long time. As you must be aware, films that deal with certain historical events and persons face a lot of controversy in India today (like Padmaavat). In the current political situation, it also seems that any film that portrays Mughal or other historical Muslim rulers in a positive light is bound to face severe opposition. Do you think that there is more political hostility to positive representations of historical Muslim figures today than there was in the past (say 20 or 30 years ago)?

A number of scholars of Hindi cinema have written about the gradual “saffronisation” of feature films, beginning in the early 1990s and paralleling the rise of Hindu nationalist and Right-wing parties espousing a majoritarian and specifically anti-Muslim ideology. I largely concur with these observations, although fortunately there have also been exceptions to this trend. I do see a marginalisation or even erasure of minorities, especially in big-budget films, or at best their crude caricaturing (as in Bajrangi Bhaijaan), though this also happened in earlier decades.

But the Hindi film industry – which (like other art forms in which talent is more important than ideology, such as music or mysticism) has always been richly diverse in its personnel – at one time produced a number of sensitive, big-budget films centred in and taking an appreciative view of South Asian Islamic culture. I am thinking of the genre of so-called “Muslim socials,” like Barsaat Ki Raat, Mehbooba (1976), or Guru Dutt’s wonderful Chaudhvin Ka Chand; there has been nothing like this in recent decades, and this no doubt reflects the changed political climate. And though you refer to the uproar over Bhansali’s film as a supposed insult to a Hindu queen, it’s portrayal of a Sultanate-period Muslim king is particularly crudely stereotyped and can only contribute to the simplistic but reigning master-narrative of conquest and rule by “oppressive” Muslims.

Joseph Goebbels. Credit: Wikimedia Commons

I also see an increasingly fascist tendency reflected in film aesthetics and specifically in choreography, sets, and crowd movement. The increasingly synchronised dancing by large numbers of people, often in “Hindu” contexts (glossed merely as “culture/samskriti”) recalls to me the views of the Nazi propaganda minister, Joseph Goebbels, and his policy of Gleichschaltung (“coordination, synchronisation”) which both meant making Nazi ideology pervasive of all aspects of German life (as the RSS seeks to do with its notion of “Hindu” samskriti), and also mesmerising people with spectacles of mass participation that displayed satisfying visual symmetry and “order” (think of the Nuremberg rallies…or the imaginary world of the Baahubali films). In cinema, these fascistic visual trends have been facilitated, I feel, by new technology, especially CGI.

A small but telling example of this visual aesthetic may be seen in the everyday life of Banaras, a city with which I feel a close connection. I lived there for more than a year in the early 1980s when I was doing research on Ramcaritmanas performance traditions. To the major attractions of this ancient pilgrimage city in those days – the temples of Vishvanath and Sankat Mochan, Ramnagar Fort and Sarnath – has now been added another: the nightly ‘Ganga Ki Aarti’ at Dashashwamedh Ghat, in which a half-dozen or so identically dressed, strapping young priests perform a perfectly-synchronised, even rather calisthenic ritual with giant oil-lamps, to blaring loudspeaker accompaniment, that is witnessed nightly by thousands of pilgrims and tourists, and that many websites describe as a “famous spectacle” of the holy city.

I don’t know exactly when it was started, but it is definitely what scholars call an “invented tradition.” There was nothing of the sort in the 1980s, or even in 1990 when I was again living in Banaras while researching Hanuman’s Tale. I have since seen it and it is certainly impressive—but what is striking to me is that it is nothing at all like the raucous, individualised and somewhat anarchic style of worship that goes on in most popular temples (here I think of Sankat Mochan on a Tuesday evening, or Govind Dev Ji in Jaipur on just about any day – to name two personal favourites because of their unique atmosphere and strongly devotional bhaav) or in the context of most Hindu festivals (think of Holi in Braj, in which I have happy memories of participating). What I mean to suggest is that entertaining “spectacle” also does ideological work (as Goebbels and Hitler well understood) and that today there is a disturbing confluence, in many places, of Big (depersonalised) Religion, Big Governments (led by chauvinist and populist strongmen), Big Business, and….Big Movies.

Some people in India bemoan that Indian writing in English has very little to do with the classical or medieval literary traditions of India/ South Asia (Sanskrit or vernacular). It is thought that Indian writers in English, who write stories and novels, know more about and borrow more from European literary traditions (for mostly obvious reasons). Reading Kalidas or the Ramcaritmanas, for instance, is not particularly fashionable (in certain circles). Do you think this is true? Or do you think that these literary traditions nonetheless have some influence on modern Indian writing (especially the writing in English)?

On the one hand, Indian writing (and writing by South Asian diasporic writers) in English is something of which Indians can rightfully be proud. Indians have a knack for languages, due to their richly multi-lingual society (a feature of subcontinental life that I have always presented positively to my American undergraduate students, most of whom are depressingly monolingual, or even frightened by bilingualism). Already in 1835, Macaulay in his notorious ‘Minute on Education’ noted how perfectly some Indians were using English and since then (and of course helped along by educational policies that Macaulay helped put in place) Indian writers have earned well-deserved laurels on the English literary stage. In the US, most university English Departments now have a professorial position in “Postcolonial Literature” and though this includes coverage of writing from former colonies in Africa and the Caribbean, writers of South Asian heritage inevitably loom large in the curriculum and many of the faculty are similarly of South Asian background.

The Life of a Text: Performing the ‘Ramcaritmanas’ of Tulsidas,
Philip Lutgendorf,
University of California Press, 1991.

But one effect of the global prestige of English – and Indians have always been keenly sensitive to the prestige value of learned languages (Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian each played this role in their day, of being what Ramanujan called “father tongues”) – has been the eclipse of the so-called vernaculars and their rich and ancient literature and the relentless imposition of an “English-medium” education system that emphasises literature in that language (as well as the nonsensical idea that “science” or even “modernity” can only be expressed through it). I see this reflected even in some recent writing that supposedly retells and celebrates “classics” like the Ramayana. In 2004, I published a long review of two new versions (by Ramesh Menon and Ashok Banker) which I called ‘(Too?) Many Ramayanas,’ parodying the title of a well-known edited volume (Many Ramayanas) about the multiplicity of the tradition.

What was striking to me was that the retellings by these English-language authors (whose exposure to the epic also came primarily from other English-language versions) had been strongly influenced by a Judeo-Christian cosmology of good and evil and by the imagery of J.R.R. Tolkien’s Lord of the Rings fantasy saga, the Star Wars movies (ironically, because George Lucas is himself said to have been influenced by an English narration of the Ramayana that he heard from Joseph Campbell!) and video games. These influences produced a “flavour” that seemed to me like a distortion of the story, even though the basic plotline remained the same: a flattening of some of the complexities of characterisation that have always fascinated audiences and spawned multiple interpretations.

But again, being (by temperament) an anecdotal person, I cannot resist pointing to an interesting exception to the general rule, especially since it involves some of my own work. A few months ago, I got an e-mail from a Delhi-based novelist, Amitabha Bagchi, saying that he had just published his fourth novel, called Half the Night is Gone, that it was partly inspired by my 1991 book on Manas performance, The Life of a Text and that he would like to send me a copy. I was astonished and of course honoured by this, and I also happened to be on my way to India, so I was able to meet Bagchi in person and talk with him about his work. A professor of computer science at IIT Delhi, he writes novels in English in his free time, but he also (and this is unusual for someone with his background) reads voraciously in Hindi. I won’t say too much about this very interesting novel (which has gotten some press and online coverage) except to note that it is preoccupied with the destiny of Hindi literature in India, filled with quotations from premodern poets (especially Tulsidas), and has a character who becomes a Manas kathaavaacak in Banaras by studying with one of the great Ramayanis whom I had profiled in my book.

Bagchi told me that, although he had known of Tulsidas and the Manas as “classics,” my book made him aware of the immense literary and performance culture that was (and in some places still is) centred on the epic, and which he felt drawn to portray in fiction. I continue to feel gratified that my “dull” academic scholarship could have had this much effect on a contemporary Indian artist!

Philip Lutgendorf at Jaipur Literature Festival 2016, flanked by Ashok Vajpeyi and Harish Trivedi after a panel on the ‘Ramcaritmanas’ and on the translation, ‘The Epic of Ram’. Credit: Bharat Tiwari

Do you think there is a way to make medieval north Indian literature (for instance Awadhi literature) more interesting and palatable to a modern Indian audience (in the way, say, Shakespeare is to an English or American audience)?

In short, yes. And by way of example, I would like to talk about the Murty Classical Library of India (MCLI). Endowed by Rohan Murty, it is modelled on the Loeb Classical Library of Greek and Latin, which has existed for more than a century and now comprises more than 500 volumes. The idea is to put out, every year, four or five fresh, scholarly, but readable translations of pre-1800 works in all South Asian languages, in dual-language editions of the same basic format, beautifully printed and reasonably priced (the Indian paperback editions, distributed by Penguin, are subsidised and quite inexpensive). The series is especially intended to reach the English-medium educated, who may have grown up with little or no exposure to pre-modern literature in local languages. The first set of books was released in 2015 and the series already includes titles in Hindi, Kannada, Pali, Persian, Sanskrit, Sindhi, and Telugu and classics in more languages are on the way.

In 2010 I was commissioned to do a new translation of the Ramcaritmanas for MCLI. I pondered this for a while – there were already nine complete English translations and though I don’t care much for them, I questioned whether I could do better. In the end, I decided to try, because I have lived with this text for nearly four decades, and also because it has such an immense presence in north and central India. With the MCLI format, the editors decided that Tulsi’s Epic of Ram (as we decided to call it) would come out in seven volumes; so far, four have been published and Volume 5 is in production now. I have used a free-verse format, and readers can easily compare numbered verses to their Awadhi/Hindi originals on the left-hand facing page. I consider it impossible to reproduce the wonderful rhyme and metrical musicality of Tulsi’s verses, but I have worked hard to preserve a certain “momentum” (I think of the Hindi word gati) through economy of language, and to avoid the turgid, prosaic quality that I find in most previous renderings.

I hope I have succeeded in making this beautiful and influential epic more accessible to the English-educated; only time (and readers) will tell. But it has been a wonderful personal experience for me to work on this and to engage in almost daily dialogue with Goswami Tulsidas – I recall Raman (Ramanujan) saying that if you really want to know a text well, you should translate it. It has also been a great privilege to work with the MCLI/Harvard editorial team, who, because of Mr. Murty’s generous gift, are able to devote tremendous care and attention to every volume—something that is increasingly rare in the mostly unprofitable world of academic publishing.