Hridayesh Joshi

Pine Trees and Forest Fires: Debunking Myths and Finding Real Solutions in Uttarakhand

Experts argue that while the Uttarakhand government attributes the uncontrolled forest fires in the region to the rapidly growing presence of pine, a sustainable solution must also address the absence of fire lines, inadequate forest staff, climate-induced dry weather, and insufficient rainfall.

In May this year, visuals of Uttarakhand chief minister Pushkar Singh Dhami clearing pine leaves (pirul) appeared in the media. “Dry leaves of pirul are the biggest cause of forest fires,” the CM said, while announcing the government’s ‘Pirul Lao-Paise Pao’ campaign, aimed at incentivising locals to help the forest department in collecting pine leaves.

This year, amidst a prolonged spell of hot and dry weather, Uttarakhand saw more than 1,200 incidents of forest fires, which claimed the lives of at least ten people, including some forest guards.

One could argue this campaign was the government’s attempt to pivot the blame away from grim ground realities and solely towards these age-old pine trees. While it is true that pine in the Himalayan forests is seen as a major cause for the spread of forest fires – the inflammable leaves and resin cause the fire to spread rapidly and go out of control – there are much deeper issues also at play here.

The absence of fire lines – which are strips of open land in a forest that stop a fire from advancing – and inadequate labour to control these fires are two major factors. Climate change also plays a big role in aggravating forest fires. Inadequate winter rain – which provides moisture that stops fires from getting out of control – protracted summers and higher temperatures are also fuelling these fires, experts say.

This year, Uttarakhand recorded a rise in winter wildfires. In the past five months, severe fires have occurred even in those forests where there is no pine or very little of it.

But instead of addressing all these issues together, the Uttarakhand government’s decision to “villainise” one species, whose frequency and scale are rising, is a myopic strategy and will prove to be detrimental in the long term, experts say.

Pine is just one conifer standing among many other species in the Himalayan slopes. Focusing solely on it shows the government’s incorrect understanding of the larger Himalayan ecosystem and is leading to unsustainable solutions to the forest fire issue, according to experts.

Pine has been an integral part of India’s mountain forests cover since the Himalayas first formed. Experts say that in order to curb forest fires, a more holistic approach is needed, which acknowledges the laws of the jungle and tries to address the human factors for the spread of forest fires.

Forest fires are man-made

Almost all forest fires are anthropogenic and caused by human activity. Villagers burn dry grass in the hope of getting better growth of fodder for their cattle. This can sometimes lead to major fires. Leaving a lit cigarette, cooking or a bonfire left burning can also trigger forest fires. Poor waste management also forces locals and authorities to burn garbage to get rid of dry waste, triggering fires.

However, it is important to understand not all forest fires are destructive. The sporadic fires contribute to maintaining the health of the ecosystem. They play a vital role in forest ecology by clearing accumulated weeds and recycling nutrients. These fires also help in seed germination.

But climate change is tipping this effect of forest fires from being producing to destructive. It is triggering frequent, uncontrolled and large forest fires that not only destroy biodiversity and precious forest resources, but also increase the danger of flash floods by ruining the top layer of soil.

Officials of the forest research department of Uttarakhand say that these large forest fires have endangered not only valuable plant species, but also the “rare species of birds [like the native cheer pheasant, kalij pheasant and common rose] whose breeding season coincides with fire season from April to June.”

Several hundred species of butterflies critical for biodiversity may be at the “verge of getting endangered” as host plants are getting consumed by forest fires.

How is pine linked to the spread of forest fires?

The spread of forest fire is attributed to pine because of inflammable dry leaves, which it sheds heavily during and before the fire season.

Kamlesh Jeena, a volunteer villager engaged in dousing the forest fire in the Kumaon region of Uttarakhand, said: “Due to pirul, the fire takes a very dangerous form and spreads rapidly and becomes uncontrollable. It seems as if petrol has been set on fire. There is a risk to our lives in extinguishing it.”

Besides, there is resin that is extracted from pine trees for commercial purposes. To collect resin, marks are made on the trunks of trees from where this sticky liquid seeps out. When there is fire in the jungle, this liquid is inflammable.

Shekhar Pathak, a historian who has been studying the western and central Himalayan regions for the last five decades, says: “When the fire reaches up and resin [seeping out of the trunk] catches fire, this burning lump may blow with the high-speed wind and spread the fire in other parts, too. Now we have photographic evidence about this. Therefore it is important to understand the territory of chir-pine to keep the fire in check.”

How pine grew to dominate the Himalayan forests

Pine is a native tree species of India. Contrary to popular belief, it was not introduced by the British, but over the decades it received favourable conditions to grow in and dominate the mountainous landscape.

Today, there are as many as eight native and 21 exotic species of pine in India. It was always beneficial for the government to grow pine for its resin, which is used in turpentine oil, soap, paper, paint and the chemical industry. It has been an important revenue-earning source for the government since the colonial period. Even now, the Uttarakhand government earns around Rs 200 crore annually from the resin.

Pathak says the British were so aware of the commercial benefits of resin from pine that in the early 19th century, they established a small factory unit in Kashipur, Uttarakhand, to exploit its benefits.

“That was perhaps the first enterprise of the British in the Himalayas even before [their] colonising the hills. At that time, the East India Company did not have administrative control over Kumaon, but they had already set their eyes on this resource and launched the commercial initiative,” Pathak said.

The British expanding their railway network in India in the 1850s was a turning point in the ecological history of the Himalayan forests. Within a period of about 60 years, between 1853 and 1910, the network of railways increased from a mere 32 km to more than 51,000 km.

An enormous amount of wood was required for railway tracks and coaches. Teak, oak, deodar and sal from these forests were cut for fuelwood and construction purposes. The expansion of the railways, therefore, coincided with the growing presence of pine in the Himalayan forests.

G.S. Rawat, emeritus scientist at the Uttarakhand Council for Science & Technology and formerly dean with the Wildlife Institute of India, said:

“The exploitation of forests and other resources in India did not stop even after the British left. Sal and deodar usually do not share the habitat with pine. Hence, it may not be correct to say that the commercial extraction of sal and deodar during the British period may have led to expansion of pine.

But there is no doubt that the mid-elevation broadleaf tree, the oak, locally known as banj (Quercus leucotrichophora), has been the most favoured fuelwood and fodder species for local people in Uttarakhand. The degradation of oak forests, especially on south-facing slopes, and frequent fires in oak forests could have led to the expansion of pine. Chir pine is not an ideal species for making railway sleepers as it is less durable and more resinous compared to sal.”

Pine vs oak: More emotions, less science?

Some other researchers have argued that chir pine is encroaching into the space of banj oak, thus making the forests more fire-prone. In the mountainous landscape, in the context of forest fire and ecological balance, the characteristics of the needle-leaved chir pine are often compared with broad-leaved banj oak (Quercus spp.) as they grow in a common habitat. It is generally believed that pine makes the surrounding land arid, whereas oak trees hold water and provide moisture to the soil, creating a healhty ecosytem. Several experts working in the Himalayan region for decades told this writer that there are “many misconceptions” about pine and oak and most of the things are said in “emotional outbursts which have no scientific basis.”

Professor Chandra Singh Negi, a zoologist professor in MBPG College, Haldwani, Nainital, who has been researching on Himalayan ecology for over two decades says, “The truth is contrary to popular belief. Pine grows in xeric conditions and oak needs good moisture. If you plant oak in dry conditions it will not grow. Often people say that we will cut down the pine and grow broadleaf species like oak to make the jungles safe (from forest fires), but it won’t be successful.” Pine, on the other hand, adapts well to the lack of moisture and thrives in dry conditions, which have been increasing in the Himalayan region thanks to climate change. Unlike oak, its thin, needle-shaped leaves have less surface area and the tree loses less water. Its conical shape, waxy coating on the leaves and deep roots provide an added advantage.

This study observed a substantial reduction of banj oak forest habitats in the Western Himalayas between 1991 and 2017, while pine forests expanded considerably. Another study found that the Banj Oak forests are declining and Chir Pine is displacing Banj Oak in the Central Himalaya.

Yogesh Gokhale, a biodiversity expert and senior fellow with the New Delhi based The Energy and Resources Institute (TERI) says that the “invasive nature of pine, which is altering the landscape of Himalayan forests, cannot be overlooked.”“There are several species of pine in the Himalayan region, but Chir Pine is certainly an issue. My observation is Chir Pine is altering the forest mosaic of Uttarakhand in a big way. The regeneration of species, particularly the regeneration of Oak, which otherwise should have taken place, is being hampered because of the layer of pine needles,” he said.

But the forest department’s research centre, built amidst dense forests outside Ranikhet in Uttarakhand, has no such warning. “Forest fire does not occur due to pine trees, but because of our carelessness,” is clearly stated on the board outside. It welcomes visitors with information related to pine. Apart from the native Chir Pine, many other exotic species of pine find a mention. “Interesting facts about pine”, include its quality to stop soil erosion in the hills, besides its ability to grow in dry conditions.

All experts agree on one thing—that over the years, favourable conditions were created for the growth and spread of pine. In early 1980s, the Supreme Court of India put a ban on felling of trees above 1,000 m. This ban was lifted in 2023, but pine had a clear advantage over other species during the four decades of the ban. Rawat says that the ban on green felling by the Apex court was with good intentions and it saved large and contiguous patches of forests. However, free grazing in the forests and lopping of fodder trees such as oaks was not checked.

Rawat told Carboncopy, “Excessive lopping of trees and tree saplings was not banned. As a result, regeneration of oaks and other broadleaf species suffered. On the other hand, pine saplings and seedlings, being unpalatable and fire resistant, survived and spread in the oak zone. Moreover, frequent fires on south-facing slopes gave the Chir Pine an advantage.”

Will collection control forest fires?

According to an estimate by the Uttarakhand government, every year about 1.8 million tonnes of pine is generated in the hill slopes. The government hopes that if collected with the help of forest department and community members, it can be utilised in the power, biofuel, cottage and fertiliser industry. In May this year, the Uttarakhand government announced increasing the remuneration to collect the pine leaves from ₹3 to ₹50 per kilogram. But is it a sustainable way to control forest fires?

A senior forest official said, “There is no harm if Chir pine leaves are used to generate employment. But collecting pine leaves does not seem to be a practical solution to address the forest fire problem. We should also not forget that pine is a part of forest ecology.”

Pine needles cover soil, retain soil moisture in heat, prevent weeds, check erosion and release nutrients into soil by decomposition albeit slowly. Although pine needles are acidic in nature, various studies have shown that they do not alter pH level of soil significantly. In fact, with all the pros and cons, these pine needles make good mulch for soil.

Dr SP Singh strongly rejects the drive of collecting pine leaves as a measure to prevent forest fires terming it a “complete nonsense approach.”

“If you say this in any other developed country that you are collecting the litter (to clean the forest floor), they will laugh at you. Litter is habitat. It provides nutrients to soil. Its decomposition makes organic matter. They should not do it. Fortunately they will never be able to do so because they neither have the labour nor can they make any practical use of it (pirul) successfully,” Singh told Carboncopy.

In 2021, Uttarakhand had announced a scheme to generate electricity using pine leaves as fuel. It had planned to set up around 60 units to generate a total of 150 MW electricity, but so far, just six units (total capacity amounting less than 1 MW) have been set up with no possibility of any expansion.

Officials of Uttarakhand Renewable Energy Development Agency (UREDA) say that the experience of the pilot project is not encouraging at all. YS Bisht, the senior project officer at UREDA said, “All six units of 25 kilowatt each were set up on a pilot basis, but it did not work. There are several problems associated with this. The collection and transport [of pine] is costly and we do not have improved technology so the enterprise is not financially viable.”

Jogendra Singh Bisht, who is an environmental activist and president of Lok Chetna Manch, an NGO based in Ranikhet, says pine collection drives were undertaken earlier as well, but it proved to be a “complete failure”.

He said, “There are short-term and long-term measures. Collection of pine needles is just one option for accessible areas only at a limited scale. Although based on past experience, I have a lot of apprehensions about its success. The other short-term measure is to ensure participation of community members by incentivising them. Long-term measures would be to make corridors by replacing pine with other species or lopping pine trees and to protect mixed forest. Change in the policy for utilisation of CAMPA funds is one way to do this and deploying community through work under rural employment guarantee scheme (MNREGA) for fire mitigation is another.”

Bisht’s Lok Chetna Manch is actively working with community members to grow a mixed forest at the outskirts of Ranikhet in an area of around six hectares. In the past six years, they have grown more than two dozen species, including Banj Oak (Quercus), Buransh (Rhododendron Arboreum), Kafal (Myrica Esculenta), Deodar (Cedrus) and Kilmora (Berberis Asiatica), in a landscape where once only pine dominated.

“The sustainable solution [to curb forest fires] is proper monitoring and efficient forest management. Regulating the growth of pine in the jungle areas and supporting other species to grow can be one part of this drive. Like we have done in many places, Ranikhet is one of the examples of this experiment. Once we develop mixed forests by sustained effort over a period, the other species will control the growth of pine itself,” Bisht said.

This article was originally published on the Carboncopy.

The Mounting Troubles for Afghanistan Beyond Its Security Threats

As US troops withdraw from Afghanistan, impacts of climate change may bear heavy on the war-battered country, further scuttling any prospects of political, social or economic stability in the region.

As American and NATO troops vacate Afghanistan, uncertainty looms over Kabul. The consternation is not limited to the mountainous nation and is spreading across the world, particularly South Asia. Security experts believe that the withdrawal of US soldiers will now embolden Islamist terrorist organisations in the region, and Kabul may fall into the hands of the Taliban again. In a disturbing trend, the radicals who ruled Afghanistan between 1994 and 2001 have already started to get hold of the key positions in the country in last few months.

However, another worrisome dimension of the troop withdrawal has been building up behind the scenes. Afghanistan is highly prone to natural disasters like earthquakes, floods, landslides, avalanches and recurring droughts. It faces serious threats of climate change impacts, including crises in agriculture due to prolonged droughts and sudden floods, loss of wildlife and biodiversity, unemployment and so on. One particular concern is the problem of migration which has roots not only in conflict and violence, but will be aggravated due to climate change and extreme weather events. The new circumstances have shattered any hope of dealing with this threat which is hovering over the war-stricken country.

Sinking into civil war

With US-NATO troops returning to their homeland, there is little clarity about what the new Afghanistan will look like or how it will shape up politically. Experts say Taliban does not want any elections and their offer of power sharing based on Sharia law has been rejected by the current Afghan administration. “This country is sinking into an intense civil war again. There is a completely unacceptable divide between Kabul and Taliban,” warns security expert Ajai Sahni who is also the executive director of Institute for Conflict Management & South Asia terrorism portal.

Also read: Is the Violent Endgame in Afghanistan Leading Up to a New ‘Great Game’?

“Taliban is increasing its area of influence every day and wherever they dominate, they will set up a sharia-based regime. Therefore, I am not sure anyone will be able to work there other than some rouge-state players like China and Pakistan. Even they would like to see some stability there,” Sahni said. As the conflict intensifies, the country’s resources will be diverted towards combat and fortification. As a result, preparations against climate change and disasters will likely get no attention.

Looming climate crisis

Data suggests that at least 9 million people were affected and 20,000 lives were lost between 1980 and 2017 due to disasters caused by natural hazards. According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) more than 1.1 million people were displaced due to disasters in Afghanistan at the end of year 2020. In last twenty years more than 6.5 million people have been affected by flood and around five million live in the areas prone to landslides and avalanches.

Afghan Commandos arrive to reinforce the security forces in Faizabad the capital of Badakhshan province, after Taliban captured neighborhood districts of Badakhshan recently, July 4, 2021. Photo: Afghanistan Ministry of Defence//Handout via Reuters

The impacts of extreme weather events induced by climate change however, won’t spare the majority of Afghan population which is grappling with destitution. Like any other country, women and children are the biggest victims of internal migration here too. According to Amnesty, nearly 4 million people in Afghanistan are living in camps and most of them are women and children. These camps are overcrowded and many of them do not have basic amenities like bathroom and toilets.

It is noteworthy that social mores strictly prohibit Afghan women to interact and solicit help from men outside their family. For any woman, medical help becomes impossible, if it is available at all, unless the doctor or nurse is a female. “In Afghanistan, the number of people displaced by the climate crisis is rising, with women and young people hardest hit by the increasingly severe droughts and flooding that impact the conflict-stricken country,” says Sudipta Kumar, Country Director of ActionAid Afghanistan.

“Our research shows there is no overall national regulatory framework that addresses climate change or that protects people forced to migrate due to climate disasters,” he said.

Presently, the Taliban is mounting pressure in several parts of country. This offensive will likely aggravate in coming days. In the regions controlled by them, it will be a double whammy on women who have already been the worst victims of changing climate. “We’re calling for existing policies and strategies to be climate-proofed and gender responsive. This means recognising the disproportionate impact of climate migration on women and girls, and the increasing threat of gender-based violence, child marriage and exploitation they face due to the climate crisis. As conflict and insecurity rise following the US troop withdrawal, women and girls already displaced by climate change are at even greater risk,” said Sudipta.

Also read: Pakistan Still Wants to Have Its Jihadist Cake and Eat it Too

An uncertain future

Due to protracted war and conflict, while Afghan society has endeavoured to seek security and fight poverty for decades, there has been scant chance to sensitise and build awareness towards the looming climate crisis, changing weather patterns and environmental degradation. “Our journalists were born during the war (with Taliban). So, our priorities, the topics in our stories and news was all about fight, all about war, all about violations, violence, challenges and instability,” says Asef Ghafoory who is a journalist in Kabul. He explains that Afghan media persons didn’t have enough time to work on the issues of agriculture and climate.

Many farmers still do not know about the reasons behind the rising number of extreme weather events or the threats to biodiversity. They need training and help to grow climate-resilient crops and deal with the whims of erratic weather. This needs resources and political will, which will be focused again to deal with security and conflict issues in the new scenario. Like journalists, the current administrators, policy makers and activists who could have written, advocated and implemented steps to tackle climate issues, were born or have grown up with war as a constant backdrop. Now all of them stare at a grim future where the security concerns are extending beyond the imminent military conflagaration.

“As the influence of Kabul diminishes in areas that are lost, these international (aid and humanitarian) organisations may simply withdraw. If somebody asks me what can be done in such a scenario, I don’t have much to suggest. I am afraid that the prospects are very bleak,” Sahni said. The irony is that the United States, which is the biggest contributor to the historically accumulated carbon in the space – and still currently ranked the second biggest emitter after China – perhaps did not even consider the humanitarian fallouts from the climate crisis before deciding to exit the longest military conflict in US history.

This article was originally published on Carbon Copy, and has been republished here with permission.

Not Conflict or Violence, Extreme Weather Events Are Causing Most Migration

India is suffering the maximum brunt of rapid on-set disasters. More than 2.7 million people were displaced in the country due to tropical storms and flood in 2018.

A grim prophecy made years ago by climate scientists and experts is coming true now. World over, the effect of disasters is displacing more people as compared to other reasons for displacement like conflict and violence.

According to the World Migration Report (2020), at the end of 2018, there were a total of 28 million new internal displacements across 148 countries and territories.

“Sixty-one percent (17.2 million) of these new displacements were triggered by disasters, and 39 percent (10.8 million) were caused by conflict and violence,” the report says.

The latest World Migration Report was published at the end of 2019 and is released biennially by the International Organisation for Migration (IOM), a United Nations body that keeps track of global human migration.

“Many more people are newly displaced by disasters in any given year, compared with those newly displaced by conflict and violence, and more countries are affected by disaster displacement,” says the report.

Other reports as well such as those of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) have also warned that the worst impact of climate change will be seen on human migration, as the number and intensity of disasters increase.

In 2018, the World Bank projected that there will be more than 143 million internal climate migrants by 2050, in just three regions of the world (Sub-Saharan Africa, South Asia, Latin America), if no climate action is taken.

Binod Khadria, co-editor of the World Migration Report said that rapid-onset disasters call for a “different and special” strategy because they suddenly displace people.

“You talk about internally displaced people but there are people who are displaced across the borders. They have to suddenly leave their habitation and find refuge in other countries. So, they become climate refugees. It is important and I think this can be equated to human trafficking or strife situation that drives people out because of conflict and violence,” Khadria told Mongabay-India.

Also Read: As Climate Change Worsens, India Must Consider a Policy on Environmental Migration

According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC), an international body based out of Geneva, almost 1.6 million people displaced by disasters were still in camps or places out of their homes by the end of 2018.

“The term climate refugee is catching up now because people believe that climate (change) can force people to leave their country and go to another country,” Khadria added.

This scenario is especially worrying for the countries of the Indian subcontinent, notes the World Migration report. “South Asian populations are particularly vulnerable to slow-onset and rapid-onset disasters related to natural hazards and climate change” says the report.

The report points out that “except for Afghanistan, where conflict and violence played a larger role in driving people from their homes, disasters were responsible for most displacement in Southern Asia in 2018.”

According to the report, a total of 3.3 million new displacements were estimated in South Asia, caused by the sudden onset hazards in 2018. India suffered the maximum brunt of rapid-onset disasters, with more than 2.7 million people displaced due to tropical storms and floods.

Climate refugees in the industrialized world: Fort McMurray residents flee wildfires that raged through the Canadian community in 2016. Photo: DarrenRD CC BY SA 4.0

Reports of the IPCC have highlighted that global heating is increasing the intensity and frequency of natural disasters and extreme weather events. Given its geography and vast coastline, India is among the most vulnerable countries in the changing scenario. In the last two years, the country has been hit by at least one extreme weather event every month.

The State of India’s Environment 2020 report, published on February 9, 2020, by Delhi-based Center for Science and Environment (CSE) also highlights this fact. India recorded just 9 out of 93 disasters in Asia in 2019 but accounted for nearly 48% of the deaths.

Also, more people died due to extreme weather events in 2019 despite fewer events in comparison to 2018. In 2018 there were 23 extreme weather events that caused 1,396 deaths but last year, only 9 disasters claimed 2,038 lives as per official data.

According to the National Disaster Management Authority, 27 of the 37 states and union territories in India are disaster-prone. If places like Sundarbans in the east of India face the threat of sea-level rise, the mountains of North India are susceptible to floods, cloud bursts and landslides. The Aila cyclone of 2009 in Bay of Bengal or Kedarnath floods of 2013 in Uttarakhand are testaments to this fact.

Multiple reports also warn that poor and developing countries are more vulnerable to disasters triggered by global warming. With the increased frequency of extreme weather events, India will have to pump more money and resources in adaptation.

Also Read: Why Climate Change and Bigoted Legislation Are Toxic Bedfellows

A study published last year in the Proceedings of National Academies of Sciences (PNAS), states that global warming decreases the GDP of poor nations, like India, while it helps the economy of some of the rich nations, making it difficult to narrow the gap between rich and poor nations. This research demonstrates that India’s GDP is 30% lower today than it would have been had it not been affected by climate change.

Around 250 million people live along India’s 7,500-kilometre-long coastline and most of them are dependent on the sea for their livelihood. Therefore, migration caused by disasters will certainly increase the distress of fishermen, farmers and poor labourers.

“We know today migration has become a political hot potato all over the world. Immigrants are the issue today – from poor countries to rich countries. Political parties are winning and losing elections because of this migrant issue. In our own country, we are also counting people. We do not know what we will do when we have counted them. So, I think now it is time when the world recognises that migration is not just a political hot potato, but we will have to see the human side of it and decide that what we should do to reinvest in the rural economies. These are poor people who have no option but to leave and we must admit that it is because of us they are losing their livelihood,” said Sunita Narain, director-general of Center for Science and Environment.

This article was first published on Mongabay India.

Dammed and Mined, Narmada River Can No Longer Support Her People

The dams and rampant mining of sand from the foreshore and riverbed of the Narmada have caused significant damage to the riverine ecology, affecting livelihoods of people living in the river valley.

For sexagenarian Madoo Bhai, the world has changed beyond recognition since he was a child. He has spent his life in Chikhalda, a small village along the banks of Narmada River in Dhar district of Madhya Pradesh in central India.

“There was a time when both sides of the river was full of muskmelon plants, and I would go with my father to sell the fruit in the market,” he remembered. “Nature gave us enough.”

Those days, he regrets, are long past. Now the people of Chikhalda struggle to make ends meet. The story is repeated in village after village along the Narmada, the longest west flowing river in India that has been in the national and global limelight due to the building of the massive Sardar Sarovar Dam project despite sustained protests by residents of the river basin.

The travails of villagers in Chikhalda started long before the Sardar Sarovar Dam was built. In 1974, construction of the Bargi Dam started on the Narmada River, some 650 km upstream of Chikhalda. The dam was commissioned, after many delays, in 1990, and spelt trouble for communities living downstream in the Narmada valley.

The farmer-turned-fishing community along the Narmada river in Dhar district in Madhya Pradesh face a threat to their livelihood due to the damage caused to the river by the dam, sand mining, and pollution. Photo: Hridayesh Joshi

“First, the Bargi Dam was constructed, and that caused a lot of flooding. Bargi’s water would submerge our (muskmelon) crop again and again, and we were not compensated (by the government) for the losses,” said Madoo Bhai. “We kept on suffering.”

By 2008-09, most of the fruit growers in Chikhalda had taking to fishing in the river for a livelihood. But pollution and damage to the riverine ecology did not spare their new livelihood either. Farmers, who had turned fishermen, now find it difficult to catch fish in the river.

“When the water was flowing, the river had a life and it abounded in fish. Now, because of stagnant water, (fish) breeding is low,” said 65-year-old Saba, who quit farming 15 years ago to take up fishing. “For us, it is nearly impossible to survive on fishing.”

Successive loss of employment

Stagnation of the free flowing river and rampant sand mining has deteriorated the riverine ecology, aquatic life and prospects of agriculture in the stretch of the Narmada valley in Dhar and Barwani districts of Madhya Pradesh. Many fishermen have become daily labourers in the Barwani town to stay afloat financially.

In Pichodi village, a few kilometers away from Barwani town, 63-year-old farmer Salagram shows large patches of dug up land on the Narmada’s foreshore. A landscape once rich with the crops of cotton, wheat, banana and papaya now has a devastated torn look, due to relentless and illegal sand mining.

In Photos | A Rally for the Narmada, a Rally for the People

“This was our land where our homes were situated and our culture thrived, but when they ruined Narmada, everything fell apart,” said Salagram, whose family still lives in this area, which has been declared a submergence zone of Sardar Sarovar Dam. Today, his life is dependent on smallholder farming and fishing.

The Sardar Sarovar Dam, some 150 km downstream of Barwani, is among the 30 large dams proposed in Narmada Valley. With a total installed power generation capacity of 1450 MW, it is the third-highest concrete dam in India after Bhakhra Nangal in Himachal Pradesh and Lakhwar hydropower project in Uttar Pradesh.

River basin map of Narmada which flows through Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Gujarat. Map from Central Water Commission.

Originating at Amarkantak in Madhya Pradesh, Narmada River flows through Maharashtra and Gujarat before it meets Arabian Sea on the west coast. The river basin is spread over 97,410 sq. km, comprising 85,858 sq. km in Madhya Pradesh, 1658 sq. km in Maharashtra and 9894 sq. km in Gujarat. The drainage area up to Sardar Sarovar dam site is 88,000 sq. km, official data show. The river basin is massively dammed with 30 major projects, some of which are already operational.

The Sardar Sarovar project is now functional, but 30,000 families are still living in its submergence zone in the four districts of Khargaon, Badwani, Dhar and Alirajpur. For many of these families, fishing is a means of survival, but silting, industrial pollution and sand mining has become a curse for them.

When a dam is built, a large area becomes a lake to hold the impounded water. Besides this, long stretches of the foreshore of the river are declared as submergence zones as the river floods these areas for a few months every year during and after the rainy season, when the flow of water is high.

A villager points to land on the banks of the Narmada which was once rich with different crops before it was dug for sand mining. Photo: Hridayesh Joshi

Effects of sand mining

Energy expert and environmentalist Soumya Dutta, a member of the Advisory Board of United Nations Climate Technology Center, explained how mining sand from the riverbed affects the life of aquatic species and can snatch away the livelihoods of fishermen.

“Sand, stones and boulders are required to slow down the rate of flow of any stream, so that the riverbed is recharged. Otherwise, all the water will flush away and, as a result, the aquifer won’t get time for recharging,” said Dutta. “So even if you see a lot of water in the river in the rainy season, as soon as the rain stops, there is no water in the ground and that will affect the life of fish in the river.”

This is what is killing the river upstream of the Sardar Sarovar Dam, where the small fisherman like Madoo and Saba go fishing.

Interestingly, the government gives fishing contracts to big contractors in the reservoirs of these dams, but does not care about the life of the river upstream or downstream of any dam, where the riverine fishers eke out a living.

About 50% of the fisher population in the Narmada basin depend on the river and estuary of the basin, according to experts. Whereas the reservoirs are leased to contractors, the flowing river is free for the fishers. But, continuous mining and holding of water by dams are big problems, which the locals allege is killing many fish species.

Trucks with sand impounded by authorities. Despite the orders by the high court and National Green Tribunal, illegal mining continues in the Narmada Valley. Photo: Hridayesh Joshi

“The estuary of Narmada is extremely productive, particularly for Hilsa, but right now the hilsa fisheries has taken a hit, as nearly 60% of its production is down because there is no water is available there,” said river expert Parineeta Dandekar, Associate Coordinator, South Asia Network on Dams, Rivers and People (SANDRP), who has been researching on the Narmada valley for many years. “Hilsa needs a mix of saline and fresh water for breeding. Because we are holding all the water of river, no fresh water is coming down and fish can’t go up.” The estuary is downstream of the Sardar Sarovar Dam.

Likewise, the famous Mahseer is also disappearing from many parts of Narmada. At Rajghat Kukra village, at the district border between Dhar and Badwani in Madhya Pradesh, 50-year-old Rajaram said that now he drives an auto-rickshaw to earn his living instead of fishing.

“Hundreds of families were dependent on fishing here, but we hardly get any fish in the river now. It’s not more than one or two kg in a day. That isn’t sufficient to support a family,” said Rajaram. “So everyone is looking for other means of livelihood.”

India is ranked second in inland fish production. More than 10 million people dependon sources like rivers, wetlands and ponds, and for the rural poor, a free flowing river is a lifeline. Experts say if small fishermen quit fishing, it also threatens the life of the river. “River fisherfolk are the best mascots of the health of the river because their livelihood is actually is related to how healthy is river is,” said Dandekar.

Excessive sand mining at the banks of Narmada has destroyed the river bed and catchment area, affecting the fish population. Photo: Hridayesh Joshi

No catchment area treatment

Sand mining brings with it another problem. While extracting the sand, miners throw all thorny bushes and shrubs that grow on the banks of the river, along with an enormous amount of mud, in the water of Narmada. This causes heavy siltation and damages the nets of fishermen.

“We face a lot of problems due to the mud and shrubs thrown in Narmada. Our nets get stuck in it and we suffer huge losses,” said 40-year-old Madhu. “This is unbearable for us.”

However, this claim of fishers is refuted by government officials. “I don’t see a direct impact of mining on fishing because whatever little mining is being done, though it is illegal, that is done at the banks of river,” said Barwani’s district collector Amit Tomar. “When the water (of the river) recedes, it leaves sand at its banks and they dig that area.”

“We do not have many complaints about this. If someone comes to us (with complaints), we will have a look at it,” Tomar said. “We have very good experts in the fisheries department and we will take their help.”

Excessive mud and thorny bushes dumped in the river by sand miners damage fishing nets. Photo: Hridayesh Joshi

Sand mining in the Narmada River valley was banned by Madhya Pradesh High Court in May 2015, after a petition was filed by the Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA), the non-profit that was at the forefront of the agitation against the Sardar Sarovar project. Later, in a separate order, the National Green Tribunal (NGT) banned illegal mining in Narmada in 2017. Nevertheless, illegal mining is rampant across the state, particularly in the Narmada valley.

Tomar admits that in Barwani district alone, 119 cases of illegal mining were registered between April 2018 and March 2019, and 90 cases have been registered since April this year.

Medha Patkar, eminent environmentalist and leader of the NBA, said the government has consistently ignored the destruction of river. “As all rivers are getting polluted in the country, we see an attack on riverine fishery. They are dumping mountains of mud in the Narmada,” said Patkar. “The government had promised a catchment area treatment program with Rs 2 crore (USD 287,000) for it, but nothing happened till now.”

Cooperative hope

Dams and rampant mining of sand from the foreshore and riverbed of the Narmada have damaged the riverine ecology, affecting livelihoods of the communities living in the river valley. Photo: Rahul Yadav/Narmada Bachao Andolan

Amid the destruction of river by mining and damming, cooperative movements in the Narmada valley have kept hope alive for the beleaguered fishers. In 2017, 32 cooperative societies, comprising more than 1,000 fishers, were registered in four districts affected by the Sardar Sarovar Dam.

These cooperatives have proposed to form a federation. They hope to get fishing and management rights in the river and reservoirs of the Narmada, as fellow fishers around the Tawa and Bargi dams got nearly two decades ago after a spirited struggle.

“We are with the tribals and other communities. As they have rights over forests, they should also get rights of fishing,” said Sajjan Singh Varma, environment minister of Madhya Pradesh. “Anyone who fights for this, I will stand with him.”

This article was published on Mongabay. Read the original here.

Mining and Brick Kilns Hasten Ganga’s Shift From Patna

Experts believe that the shifting of the river could lead to flooding and increase air pollution in Patna, which is already one of the worst cities in the world for air quality.

“In last 20 years Ganga ji has moved too far from here, perhaps our sins have caused this. We pollute it so much and dig its heart (for mining) day and night. This was bound to happen,” said Chandru Rai, a 72-year-old resident of Patna, who often comes to the ghats of the stretch of Ganga river that flows along the city, for prayers.

However, most of the ghats, a series of steps leading down to the river, in Bihar’s capital city of Patna, now overlook a dry stretch of land. Ganga, which once flowed along the city, has shifted away at least five to six kilometres away from its original course. Experts believe that the change in the course of the river is due to several reasons which are geogenic (resulting from geological processes) as well as anthropogenic (resulting from human activity).

“Lateral shifting of the river is a typical characteristic of any tropical river. But, at the same time, what has happened with Ganga, especially in and around Patna, is definitely man-made. Too much extraction of sand and building of brick kilns has led to the shifting of the river away from the city,” said R.K. Sinha, a biologist and also the vice chancellor of the Nalanda Open University in Bihar.

Sinha explained how the sand mining and dumping by brick kilns affected the flow of the Ganga river and its tributaries like Son and Ghaghara near Patna. “Excessive mining at the mouth of river Son which meets Ganga near Patna has also caused the change in flow. The mining has eroded a lot of villages on the left side and deposited all the soil on the right, and a vast stretch of land has been created,” he added.

Official government data demonstrates that mining has continuously increased over the last few decades. As per the Bihar government’s data published in November 2018, the total revenue earned between 2014-15 and 2016-17 from sand mining along Ganga in the state was Rs 540 million (Rs 54 crores).

In 2014-15, the total revenue earned by Bihar from just Patna district was Rs. 137.1 million (Rs. 13.71 crores) which increased to Rs. 200.1 million (Rs. 20.01 crores) in 2016-17 marking an increase of almost 50 percent.

“These official figures do not reflect the illegal mining which is going on day and night. This data is just for the approved mining,” said a senior official of the Bihar government, while wishing to remain anonymous.

In Patna district, the total length of the Ganga river is 99 kilometres. The waterfront used to be around 20 kilometres before the river started moving away from the city.

Research published in 2014 says that river Ganga is shifting away from the city of Patna on an average of 0.14 kilometres per year.

Apart from rampant mining, brick kilns are another big reason for this change. The brick industry boomed as the demand for housing and other construction rose after 1990 due to urbanisation. In 2016-17, a total of 479 brick kiln were identified by the government in Patna district and out of them 388 units are still working.

Experts say that excessive sand mining and dumping by a large number of brick kilns into the river are among the reasons that led to a change in Ganga’s course. Photo by Hridayesh Joshi.

Experts believe that the shifting of the river could bring with it changes, like an increase in air pollution, that could impact the city and its people.

“Patna is declared as one of the worst polluted cities (in terms of air pollution) in the world. One of the reason is this shifting of the Ganga because a vast stretch of the Ganga has been exposed and the soil is alluvial (very soft soil).

Whenever the wind blows from the north side towards the city, it brings a lot of sand particles and dust particles. As there is no barrier (to stop that) like any tree cover or green belt, and the river is totally exposed, it creates a lot of problem for the people who live here,” said Ashok Ghosh, who has worked on Ganga for many years and is currently the chairman of the Bihar Pollution Control Board.

The shifting Ganga which leaves open the riverbed also poses a threat of flooding, which can endanger the lives of those living in and around the banks, experts have claimed. Strict laws for sand mining that are adhered to and tree cover along the river banks are some of the recommendations for the city.

Leaders of political parties in Bihar however, claim that they are “most concerned” for Ganga.

K.C. Tyagi, who is the senior leader of the ruling party, Janata Dal (United) told Mongabay-India, “Our concern for river Ganga is bigger than any other party because the longest stretch of Ganga is in Bihar and this has been the land of socio-political movements.”

With so much talk about the Ganga during the 2019 elections, the issue is likely to find resonance when Patna goes to polls on May 19.

Originally published on Mongabay India. Read the article here.

Abolishing Sedition Would be a Befitting Tribute to Gandhi’s 150th Birth Anniversary

This colonial vestige continues to be most commonly used by governments against those who practice free speech or speak truth to power.

After 71 years of Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination, this one speech is still the most powerful political statement in the world history. It is also one of the most forthright and fearless testimonies of defiance against the state – a remorseless admission of his ‘crime’ in the court of law. At a time when large numbers of scholars, activists, students, poets, social workers and lawyers are booked under the same colonial law which indicted Gandhi almost 100 years ago, this particular statement has special significance.

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi delivered this statement on March 18, 1922 before Judge C.N. Broomfield in the district court of Ahmedabad. He admitted to preaching “disaffection” against the then “existing system of government,” which he said, had become “almost a passion” for him.

Gandhi was charged with spreading disaffection in the three ‘offensive’ articles he wrote in Young India. He was booked along with the publisher and printer, Shankar Lal Banker, under the section 124 (A) of Indian Penal Code.

Also read: A Higher Threshold Should Be Set for Prosecution Under Sedition Law

This penal section continues to be most commonly used by governments against those who practice free speech or speak truth to power. Gandhi pleaded guilty to the charges in front of the judge saying, “I knew that I was playing with fire. I ran the risk and if I was set free, I would still do the same.”

In February 1922, Gandhi was pushed on the back-foot as he had to call off the Bardoli movement – the first all India protest against the British. The reason behind calling off the movement was the killing of more than 20 policemen by protestors at Chauri Chaura near Gorakhpur in Uttar Pradesh. Distressed by the violence, Gandhi withdrew the non-cooperation movement immediately; a political setback for him. When the sedition case was filed against him, Gandhi used this opportunity to attack the Raj and redeem the ground lost.

“He could have gone to political wilderness,” says Tridip Suhrud, writer and political scientist, explaining the importance of Gandhi’s arrest under the sedition law. “It is likely that Gandhi would have taken or the nation would have taken longer to recover from Chauri Chaura and calling off the non-cooperation movement.”

Challenging the British Raj, Gandhi termed section 124 (A) as “ [a] prince among the political sections of [the] Indian Penal Code designed to suppress the liberty of the citizen.” He declared in front of the judge that “affection cannot be manufactured and regulated by law.” He told the judge that it was a “privilege” for him to be charged under this section as “most loved of India’s patriots” were booked under the same.

Gandhi reading next to his spinning wheel. Credit: eBay

Ironically, even after almost 100 years of that remarkable statement, the same colonial law haunts those challenging government might. This is despite the fact that our constituent assembly had debated sedition and rejected it. The leaders didn’t allow sedition to be part of the constitution. Nevertheless, successive regimes have booked, arrested and incarcerated people under section 124 (A), which continues to be part of Indian Penal Code (IPC).

The sedition law is often misused against those speaking their mind even if the charge cannot be proven in court. In most cases, the police don’t even file a charge sheet. Even then, victims have to often spend years in prison.

Recent data published by the National Crime Record Bureau (NCRB) show an increase in the number of sedition cases filed every year. That there have been only two convictions in three years – between 2014 and 2016 – exemplifies the frivolousness of these charges. A total of 179 cases were filed under the sedition law between 2014 and 2016. However, no charge sheet was filed in over 80% of the cases by the end of 2016. Trial could start only in 10% of cases.

Though India is no longer ruled by the British and has democratically elected governments within a federal structure, shades of colonialism are still visible in governance. The already widening fault lines have today widened more than before.

The failure of elected governments to establish dialogue with dissenting people and conduct a political process is evident in all parts of India – from Kashmir to the north eastern region. The continued and heavy presence of police and armed forces has raised questions on how democratically these governments are functioning.

Also read: My Impressions of the Sedition-Accused Students of JNU

Moreover, the distinction between the state and its people is often blurred. Governments project themselves as synonymous with ‘The Nation’. They propagate the notion that speaking against government is an ‘anti-national’ activity. There are blatant attempts to politicise the armed forces and the tricolour is often flaunted not out of a feeling of patriotism but as manifestation of jingoistic bigotry.

Even the schools and universities are not spared. Instead of being spaces to exercise free thought, fine art, culture, music and science, our educational institutions are being leveraged to convey hyper-nationalism. The desire of a vice-chancellor to put an army tank in the university to “instil nationalism” is one example of this culture. Against this background, the sedition law has become a weapon to threaten anyone who speaks his mind or confronts the government.

Recently, several activists including the trade unionist and lawyer Sudha Bhardwaj and JNU students Kanhaiya Kumar and Umar Khalid were arrested under this law. The matter is sub judice. But the law itself is questionable. As historian Romila Thapar says, “We have inherited a vast number of colonial laws that were meant for a different society. Today, we are not a colony. These laws need to be reconsidered now.”

Attempts to throttle free speech and dissent isn’t new. Former regimes have booked artists and activists under the same law. Leaders of the principal opposition – the Congress – have criticised the misuse of sedition law. Yet when in power, the Congress had misused the very same law against dissidents of the day.

Also read: On Gandhi Martyrdom Day, Delhi and Mumbai to Mobilise Against the Government

Let’s now revert to Gandhi and the court case in 1922.

Judge Broomfield, hearing the case, was empathetic and courteous. He admitted that in the eyes of millions of Indians, Gandhi was “a great patriot and great leader.” And even those who differed with him in politics considered Gandhi “a man of high ideals.” The Judge went on to say that he can’t forget that Gandhi had “constantly preached against violence” and “done much to prevent violence.”

Expressing helplessness, the judge said it was his duty to judge Gandhi “as a man subject to law.” Gandhi was given a six-year sentence, which by his own admission, was as light a punishment as any judge could deliver in the case. Thought sent to jail, the entire trial was a great political victory for him. He had rejuvenated the movement; instilled a new energy in the masses.

Gandhi’s rebellion against brute state power has been emulated across the world. Be it Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Martin Luther King or Jai Prakash Narayan – the leaders challenged the ruling power in ways similar to Gandhi. To some extent, they were inspired by the life and politics of Gandhi.

Interestingly, Gandhi was the theme of this year’s republic day celebrations. This is also the year the nation commemorates his 150th birth anniversary. Surely there can be no better tribute to Gandhi than scrapping the draconian sedition law in 2019.

Hridayesh Joshi is an independent journalist. He tweets at @hridayeshjoshi.

‘Reservation Is Not Poverty Alleviation Programme, New Bill May Be Struck Down’

In an interview with The Wire, former secretary to the government of India P.S. Krishnan says economically weaker sections require financial aid, not reservation.

P.S. Krishnan, the former secretary to government of India, was one of the crucial people behind the enactment of several historic laws regarding social justice. The current Bill proposed by the government to provide reservation to economically weaker upper castes in jobs and education, he says, violates the Constitution and may not withstand judicial scrutiny.

Speaking to The Wire, Krishnan said the Constitution did not envisage reservation provided by to SC and ST communities as a poverty alleviation programme. The economically backward upper castes do not need reservation, he says. They need scholarships, education loans, skill development assistance and other welfare schemes.

How do you react to the government’s decision to give 10% quota in jobs to economically backward upper castes?

There are poor people among upper castes who need help. This should be appropriate and constitutionally sustainable. Our constitution introduced reservation and other social justice measures for those who were excluded collectively from education and entry into services of the state and better opportunities because of the caste system. They inherited the caste system.

Also Read: Opposition Terms New Quota Bill ‘Election Stunt’, But Welcomes Move

The writers of our Constitution deeply and poignantly considered the caste system and the harm it has done. They realised it had to be eliminated and those who suffered by it needed support to achieve equality.

These were the victims of untouchability i.e. scheduled castes and schedule tribes. They were socially and educationally backward classes. This was the basic structure. It was not a programme to eliminate poverty. It was part of a national enterprise to remove the inequalities created by the caste system.

Now, there are poor people in all castes. They are poor Brahmins, poor Thakurs, poor Syeds and poor Banias who need help to complete their education. So, they need comprehensive scholarship, education loans, skill development assistance. They are economically backward, not socially. They require only economic support, not reservation.

So what about the government’s current step?

This has not been done appropriately and may be questioned in the Supreme Court. The issue here is that whether it is in accordance with the basic structure of the Constitution. It may be found violative of the basic structure and on that ground, struck down.

The Bill may have to withstand the Supreme Court’s scrutiny. Credit: PTI

Several socially powerful castes such as Jats, Marathas and Patidars have been seeking reservation. How do you see this step in the light of this development?

They all have a high social status. Firstly, they can’t be called backward classes. In the Bill, they are not being called backward classes. They are being called economically weaker sections. The Constitution does not provide for reservation to economically weaker sections.

When the P.V. Narasimha Rao government tried to provide reservation to the economically weaker sections, the Supreme Court struck that down. How is it different this time?

Narasimha Rao’s government only passed an executive order. Now, parliament is considering a Constitutional amendment. Therefore, the government hopes that it will withstand judicial scrutiny. But that scrutiny will still ask if this Bill or law is not violative of the Constitution’s basic structure.

So, I don’t think making a Constitutional provision or including it in the ninth schedule will make it immune from judicial scrutiny. It will definitely follow.

But finance minister Arun Jaitley in parliament said the 50% ceiling was for caste-based reservation. Here, the government is proposing reservation for economically poor. Do you agree with that?

That isn’t the main problem. The question is whether the Constitution’s basic structure was violated or not. The Constitution has a special provision for victims of the caste system. The economically backward are not victims of the caste system.

You are creating a percentage of reservation for people who are not the victims of the caste system. What the Supreme Court will ultimately say, we will have to see.

Ground Report: Illegal Mining in Aravali Has Not Stopped Despite SC Ban

The electoral battle is a direct contest between the BJP and the Congress. However, politicians from both parties have a stake in the mining business – it funds their election campaigns.

Alwar, Rajasthan: Last month, when the Supreme Court ordered the Rajasthan government to ensure that all illegal mining in the Aravali region was stopped within 48 hours, one man had doubts whether mining companies and contractors would comply. Haribol baba, a sadhu-activist who has been fighting against illegal mining in Aravali for more than 15 years, knew that the nexus between politicians, contactors and bureaucrats was too strong.

The sadhu wasn’t wrong. The illegal mining has not stopped. This reporter travelled in Alwar and Bharatpur districts and found mining and stone-crushing even after the SC lambasted the state government just a week ago. In some parts, like Ladiya near Bhiwadi, quarries even ran in the daytime.

Also Read: In Five Years, 98.87 Lakh Tonne Minerals Were Illegally Mined in Five Rajasthan Districts: CAG

“Many people mint money with this activity here. The politicians put pressure on bureaucrats and even they (bureaucrats) find it lucrative,” said 44-year-old Haribol baba. “There was one officer who earned so much money during his tenure that he later became directly involved in the mining activity. The court has ordered mining to be stopped several times, but the government is not keen.”

A view of devastated Aravali hills in Alwar district of Rajasthan Credit: Hridayesh Joshi

The vanishing Aravalis

A Supreme Court bench had banned illegal mining in Aravali last month when the committee it had appointed said that 31 of the 128 of Aravali hills have vanished.

The court observed that “humans seems to be flying away with the hills just like Hanuman”, adding that the destruction of the Aravalis endangers lives of millions of people in Delhi as well.

The Aravalis are critical for recharging groundwater in Rajasthan and Haryana. They prevent the spread of Thar desert towards Delhi. Credit: Hridayesh Joshi

Apart from their ground water recharging capability, the Aravalis prevent the spread of the Thar desert towards the capital and block dust storms from an already choking Delhi. The Supreme Court echoed the views of environment experts, saying the hills work as a “barrier” and reduce the pollution in Delhi and its surrounding areas.

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“The air quality index (AQI) which crosses 400 or 500 every winter will easily reach 700 or 800 if the Aravalis are not protected,” says Harinder Dhingra, a Gurgaon based environmental activist.

Impounded vehicles carrying illegally mined material in Alwar. Credit: Hridayesh Joshi

The Aravalis are rich in biodiversity and function like mini-ground water towers that absorb rainwater, reviving the ground water level. In many parts of Rajasthan and Haryana, illegal mining has wiped out many hills. As a result, dealing with the rapidly falling water level will be a big challenge soon.

One mine worker in Bharatpur says that the the hill landscape has changed a lot over the past 15 years. “The hillocks have disappeared very quickly,” said the worker, who spoke on the condition of anonymity. “A large number of contractors are involved in the illegal mining. The violation has increased by leaps and bounds in the past one-and-a-half decade,” he added.

The Dehradun-based Forest Survey of India (FSI) had also reported last year that illegal mining could be observed in 778 hectares of area in the Aravali region. State government officials dispute the FSI’s study. The government has admitted in court that illegal mining was observed in 115 hectares.

Illegal mining occurs even in daylight. Photo of mining equipment was taken in Ladiya region of Alwar after the workers fled, leaving the tools behind. Credit: Abhishek Upadhyay

Flouting court orders

When this reporter reached Ladiya, mining was underway. When the workers spotted us, they ran away, leaving behind the equipment. The administration and police’s sloppy attitude ensures that illegal activities are carried out brazenly in many places. Even in the Nagal area of Bharatpur, this reporter observed mining in action in broad daylight, apart from and stone crushers.

Illegal mining continues despite the Supreme Court’s order in Nagal area of Bharatpur in Rajasthan. Credit: Hridayesh Joshi

In several places, the stone crushers begin working at dusk and carry on till early morning. The stones are loaded onto trucks and tractors and are transported out of the quarries under the cover of darkness. In some places, it is business as usual even after daybreak.

Truck carrying illegally mined material. Credit: Hridayesh Joshi

Local activists and reporters also displayed videos and photographs showing mining activity in places like Gadhaner, Chinawada, Bolkhera, Lahsher, Indroli, Bhuapurgadi and Chapara. All of them fall under the Bharatpur and Alwar districts, where officials claim illegal mining is absent.

In the past, some government officials have paid with their lives for standing up to the ‘mining mafia’. Last year, Lalaram Yadav, a constable of Rajasthan police, was run over by a truck driver in Chaupanki area in Alwar district. He was trying to stop a vehicle that was transporting illegally mined materials.

Constable Lalaram Yadav was run over by a truck last year when he tried to stop it from carrying illegally mined stones. Credit: Hridayesh Joshi

A lucrative cottage industry

Chetan Agarwal, an ecological expert who has witnessed mining in the Aravalis closely over the past decade, says illegal mining has become a “lucrative cottage industry” and a “way of life”. “Even if the court bans mining, it carries on at several places on a smaller scale. Frequently, illegally mined materials are mixed with material that has been legally mined. This helps evade tax and makes it lucrative,” he says.

Most of the illegal mining occurs after dusk and the material is transported before sunrise. Credit: Hridayesh Joshi

The Rajasthan government informed the Supreme Court last month that it receives Rs 5,000 crore in royalties from mining. The government does not receive any revenue from illegal mining, resulting in a huge loss to exchequer. In 2013, Alwar district forest officer P. Kathirvel had calculated that the state had lost around Rs 50,000 crore over 15 years in just Bhiwadi area. When contacted, the officer declined to comment but confirmed that he had written to senior officers to set up an enquiry to reveal the gamut of illegal mining.

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Not an election issue

Despite the issue’s economic and environmental significance, political parties are not keen to make it part of their election agenda. With assembly polls due on December 7, the issue of illegal mining is completely missing from political discourse.

The electoral battle is a direct contest between the ruling Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) and the Congress. However, politicians from both parties have a stake in the mining business, either directly or otherwise. Money generated from mining is used to fund their election campaigns.

Also Read: BJP Minister in Rajasthan Booked for Seeking Votes in the Name of Religion

“Why would any party make this an election issue when their own supporters benefit out of it? Members of Sangh parivar organisations such as Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal are involved in the mining today. If the Congress comes to power, their people have the contracts,” says Omprakash, a resident of Pahari tahsil in Bharatpur district.

The economic gains of mining are so overpowering that apart from the environment, the religious constituency is also ignored. The BJP, which often rides the election campaign on Hindutva issues, has dismissed the dissenting sadhus on this issue. Haribol baba and his guru Ramesh baba have been protesting against the destruction of the hills for many years because the Kama and Pahari Tehsil are considered part of Lord Krishna’s land. They say that the BJP government has not extended any support.

Haribol Baba, a sadhu activist fighting to stop illegal mining. Credit: Hridayesh Joshi

Haribol baba said the sadhus were disappointed with the BJP’s failure to save the dharamsthali (holy land). “When we organise protest they suppress us. They slap cases on us and other devotees and when we try to file a complaint against the illegal miners, they refuse to lodge them,” says Haribol Baba.

Hridayesh Joshi is an independent journalist. He tweets at @hridayeshjoshi.