A Layman’s Guide to the Union Budget: What to Look out For, Even if FM’s Speech is Silent About it

There are ten key macro elements that make up the budget document, which is otherwise often an arcane exercise.

India’s budget can often be an arcane exercise, encompassing a plethora of documents that lays out the  revenue and expenditure of the Centre for a three-year-period. For instance, Budget 2020 will provide the actual estimates for FY’19, revised estimates for FY’20 and budget estimates for FY’21. 

With the sheer amount of data and detail available across various sub-documents of the Budget, understanding the intricacies and convoluted structure can become a chore. To add to this, the budget speech, given by the finance minister of the day, is often a long monologue designed to focus on achievements rather than dispensing key facts.  

 To make things simpler, following is a list of some key elements which one can look at to get a macro sense of the entire document. This is not an exhaustive list and does not cover any sector-specific wish-lists or probable announcements. 

Balancing the ‘deficit’ math

There are four deficit numbers i.e revenue deficit, effective revenue deficit, fiscal deficit and primary deficit, which are detailed in the “Budget at a glance” document. Each of these numbers is represented as a percentage (%) of India’s GDP (in nominal prices). Within these four, the most crucial number which everyone monitors is the fiscal deficit (FD) as a % of GDP.

The government had budgeted FD at 3.3% of GDP in the July budget but subsequent to first advance estimate of GDP, this was automatically revised upward to 3.44%.  Given the requirement of higher spending and subdued revenue collections, the FD could be higher at around 3.8-4% for both FY’20 and FY’21.

Higher the fiscal deficit means higher market borrowings, which in turn means lower funds available for the private sector to borrow. The current weakness in government’s revenue and likely higher expenditure to address the slowdown in the domestic economy will widen the fiscal deficit. It will be important to monitor this number for both FY20(RE) and FY21(BE) and also look at the “medium term fiscal policy” to understand the fiscal consolidation framework going ahead. 

‘Financing’ the deficit

There are a few sources to finance the fiscal deficit, chiefly of which is “market borrowings”. Details of both gross and net (amount after repayment of borrowings) are provided but while looking at financing the deficit, we always look at net borrowings. Gross and net market borrowings were budgeted at Rs 7 lakh crore and Rs  4.5 lakh crore respectively. Both these till mid-January, 2020 have been almost 95% of the budgeted number.

Also read: India Deserves a More Comprehensive Budget Process

Given the significant utilisation of market borrowings, the Modi government will resort to two other sources to finance the deficit: “securities against small savings” and “drawing down of cash balances”, both of which have recently seen an increase.  These two components will also have to be watched as higher this number; lower will be net market borrowings. 

‘Tax revenue’ vs ‘GDP’ growth

The growth in tax revenue needs to be looked at in reference to growth in nominal GDP. In the previous budget, tax revenue was budgeted to grow by 11.1% while the nominal GDP growth was estimated at 12%. However, so far between April-November, tax revenue growth has been notably lower at 2.6% while the nominal GDP growth as per FY20 (AE) is at 7.5%. 

Lingering bottlenecks in GST collections coupled with corporate tax cut would make it difficult to project a significant jump in tax revenue. Higher tax revenue growth would mean lower deficit but the credibility of the number would depend a lot on forecasting both these numbers. 

Capital expenditure for infrastructure

 Capital expenditure of Rs 3.38 lakh crore accounts for only 12% of the budget size and within capital expenditure, defence, railways and road transport accounts for 3/4th of total capital expenditure. It has grown at CAGR 7.6% in the past 4 years and was budgeted to growth by 7% in FY20.

Any potential shortfall in GST revenues will have an impact on government spending, which in turns has implications for India’s economic growth. Photo: Reuters

So far, the government has spent almost 65% of its budgeted target and is in line with the corresponding period a year ago. With the announcement of the National Infrastructure Pipeline, there could be a spike in this number as 39% of the infrastructure spending has to be incurred by the Central government (including public sector undertakings). Higher growth in capital spending is important as it has backward linkages, multiplier effects and support investment led consumption. 

‘Outside the Budget’ borrowings

Technically referred to as “Internal and Extra Budgetary resources”, these are the different ways in which the government PSUs will raise funds to fund infrastructure spending. Internal sources of the company, external commercial borrowings (ECBs) and bonds are the various sources of off-budget borrowings. This amount is higher than the gross budgetary support for capital expenditure. To curtail the widening of the fiscal deficit, outside the budget spending of capital expenditure could be higher. 

Rise in tax slabs or deductions

Just prior to every budget, every wish-list has either raising the income tax slab or higher deductions to benefit the individual tax payers. In the previous Interim Budget, a rebate of Rs 12,500 was provided to individuals having taxable income up to Rs 5 lakhs. Income tax which accounts for 16% of total revenue is an important revenue source but announcement of either of the above two favourite wish-list items would weigh on the top-line.

Also watch | Budget 2020: How Can Nirmala Sitharaman Make it Count?

Despite this, increase in one of the popular income tax deductions like 80C (from current Rs 1.5 lakhs), standard deductions (from current Rs 50,000) or deduction on interest paid on housing loans can be watched out for. Not all, but one of these 3 could be on the cards. 

Targeting ‘disinvestments’

One of the popular “capital receipts” is “disinvestment” which in recent years has been budgeted for more than Rs 1 lakh. However, so far this year the number has be around Rs 18,000 crore till December.

The government had approved strategic disinvestment of five CPSUs including two key entities namely BPCL and CCIL. Budgeting this number again at Rs 1 lakh crores for FY21 would be achieving almost Rs 1.5 lakh crores in one year. The details in achieving the target would be the imperative component of the disinvestment target. 

Market sentiment announcements

The stock markets have been seen an uptick in recent days hopeful of reforms in the Budget to drive the economy. However, market enthusiasts are even more hopeful of announcements like abolishing of long term capital gains tax on equity shares (currently at 10% for LTCG more than Rs 1 lakhs) or no tax on dividends in the hands of individuals (currently 10% on dividend income above Rs 10 lakhs), which could further buoy the markets. 

Schemes for the welfare of people

Out of the total budget size of around Rs 27 lakh crore, schemes for the welfare of the people (clubbed under centrally sponsored schemes and central sector schemes) account for almost 45% of the total expenditure.

Also read: India’s Growth Slump has Uniquely Domestic Causes. Modi’s Budget Must Address That.

Given the current economic slowdown on account of consumption deceleration means that higher spending towards various schemes is critical. Balancing this with the fiscal deficit target in the backdrop will be crucial. 

‘GST’ numbers and compliance

Following the implementation of GST, it accounts for almost one-fifth of total government revenue. Though GST rate cuts are something which comes under the ambit of the GST council, the collection under this head will be looked at closely.

The states, which are supposed to be compensated for the revenue loss for switching to GST and are currently protesting for lower transfers from Centre will look at both budgeted collections and transfers. The ease of GST compliance and refunds to exporters are key ingredients in the regime, cues of which everyone would look at. 

The Budget exercise is a lengthy process involving a number of consultations, rent-seeking and comprehensive budgeting and balancing of the entire fiscal math on which a number of other variables are dependent. This time around, with other engines of the economy slowing down, hopes are pinned on the government to continue supporting the economy.  

Sushant Hede is an Associate Economist at CARE Ratings. Views expressed here are personal.

Budget 2020: India’s Silent Fiscal Heart Attack Persists

There is a massive shortfall in budgeted revenues. How will Nirmala Sitharaman deal with that?

India’s public finance is going through a “silent heart attack in fiscal terms” is how economist Rathin Roy, then member of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s economic advisory council, described the massive tax revenue shortfall of Rs 1.7 lakh crore (1.2% of GDP) in the 2018-19 revised budget numbers presented last year by finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman.

It is important to describe the backdrop in which Roy had made this grave diagnosis. The interim budget present by Piyush Goyal before the 2019 elections did not reveal this massive revenue shortfall in the revised estimates. Perhaps the Modi government did not want to go public with the “silent fiscal heart attack” then.

However, this big hole came to light later, when Sitharaman presented the full budget after the new government was formed. By then the Controller General of Accounts, who records the actual tax collections, revealed the bitter truth that tax revenues had fallen by 1.2% of GDP within a year which is unprecedented in recent decades.

When there is such a huge revenue shortfall and the government’s budgeted borrowings for the year remain more or less the same, what is the consequence? Obviously there is a massive expenditure contraction. The government spending did shrink the months preceding the elections and there was an utter lack of transparency about this consequence of the fiscal “heart attack”.

Also read: Nirmala Sitharaman Is Unlikely to Deliver a Budget that Will Boost Spending

The government started delaying payments to private sector contractors for doing public works and even the expenditure on much touted Modi welfare schemes started becoming very patchy. There are reports of how PM Kisan payments (Rs 80,000 crore annually) and Ujwala gas cylinder handouts have slowed down considerably. A senior bureaucrat of a large state tells me even the much publicised affordable housing scheme launched in the name of the prime minister is short of funds and states are being forced to borrow more to fill the gap.

The budget to be presented on February 1 will tell us how the “silent heart attack” afflicting India’s public finances is continuing. One simple government data point makes this very clear. The Centre had budgeted for 18.5% growth in overall tax revenues for 2019-20. Obviously, the expenditures budget would have been planned accordingly, with gross borrowings (fiscal deficit) fixed at 3.3% of GDP.

However, latest reports suggest that actual tax revenue growth for nine months is merely 3% as against the budgeted growth of 18.5%. The “silent heart attack” continues. The budgeted tax revenue for 2019-20 is Rs 24,61,000 crore, which is an ambitious 18.5% growth over the gross tax collections in 2018-19.

Also read: Budget 2020: What India Really Needs is A Booster Shot of Credibility

Now if the actual collections are growing only at about 3%, then simple calculation would show a shortfall of about Rs 2.75 lakh crore against the budgeted amount. An important part of this fiscal crisis is GST revenues remaining more or less stagnant since 2017-18, while the Centre is projecting a 14% annual growth as per the compact with states.

The big question to ask is how is the Centre dealing with such a massive shortfall in budgeted revenues. How is it meeting all the budgeted expenditure in the face such a big shortfall in revenues? Is it cutting expenditure massively, as it did in 2018-19 which ended up negatively impacting the GDP growth? Whatever little GDP growth we are getting is driven largely by government spending, in the absence of a pick up either in private consumption or investment.

So the biggest question finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman will have to answer on February 1 is how is she keeping the budgeted expenditure going in the face of such an unprecedented shortfall in revenues. The only way she can meet such a shortfall is by borrowing a lot more from the market. But is she doing that? Reports suggest that there is a conscious move to sharply cut back expenditure in the last quarter (January to March 2020). This could impede GDP growth recovery in the short to medium term.

BJP has made a fine art of spinning its own self-serving narrative in politics. But in economics, it is difficult to create an alternative reality when the hard numbers tell a different story. The fiscal heart attack is not silent anymore.

A Quiet Epidemic of Clerical Work Is Choking Public Education

Having a peaceful place to write, think and teach without fear is not a privilege but a basic right for every academic.

One of the authors (Kiran) first worked at a new private university on the outskirts of Jaipur. He had joined the English department as an assistant professor shortly after completing his PhD at the University of California, Berkeley. He was convinced that he would not get a job in his own field of expertise – modern Tamil literature – plus the postdoctoral positions were very competitive.

Although he was lonely and homesick in America, the possibility of returning to India made him anxious. He had never worked in India but he was told that a foreign degree would strengthen his chances of getting a job. A friend who had joined the history department of the university told him there were vacancies. When he was applying, he discovered the website had no description of the kind of the person they wanted. The fear of being unemployed was greater than his reluctance to move to a newly set up university in rural Rajasthan.

His application was shortlisted and he was invited to visit the temporary campus: a couple of freshly whitewashed buildings sandwiched between two villages. He was made to wait for a long time in the administrative office before he could meet the vice-chancellor, a surprisingly pleasant man. But to his disappointment, after he told the VC that his expertise was in literature and not language, the VC said the university had not made any provisions for appointing language experts.

That was his first experience of the ignorance of engineers and technocrats who don’t understand the difference between language and literature experts. We see this happening in most departments of humanities and social sciences in leading technical and scientific institutions in India.

He was fortunately offered the position a month later. The offer letter he received mentioned his salary bracket along with some terms and conditions to protect its own reputation from any potential trouble. Faculty members were provided lodging in a housing complex full of large three-storied apartments with cots, tables and nothing else. It was scorching in the summers and freezing in the winters. He shared his flat with three colleagues who later became his only friends.

A few months after, he was shocked to discover that assistant professors in the humanities were paid less than assistant professors in the engineering and management departments. This was strange considering assistant professors in the humanities department taught as much, if not more, than their counterparts in other departments. But it appeared the humanities department was – like in many other technological institutions of the country – just a service department to the schools of engineering and management.

Hardly any of the 300 students were interested in what a teacher had to say about communicative English. Faculty members were made to stick to a rather unimaginative syllabus designed by a head of the department more interested in advancing his career as an administrator. The management had even divided the class into different sections based on the students’ grades, precipitating a lot of resentment among underperforming students who believed the university was against them.

Kiran was sympathetic to their problems but otherwise powerless. Grading hundreds of mediocre answer scripts at the end of the semester only reminded him of the futility of being a teacher. Most suffered in a competitive environment hostile to any form of creativity and self-exploration; when they realised they couldn’t cope, they grew depressed, and there was no one they could turn to.

But what really contributed to the university’s unpleasant ethos was that most of the men in positions of authority were retired army, navy and air-force officials who had no teaching credentials and scholarship. They ruled the university like their own fiefdom and did not hesitate to wield punitive measures to suppress any signs of protest. They expected their junior colleagues to address them as ‘sir’ and did not imagine they could have any claims to their own dignity and intellect. If they were condescending to younger men, they were chivalrous towards their female colleagues who apparently needed ‘protection’. This was their idea of feminism.

They were so insecure about their position in the hierarchy of the administration that they expected their names to appear in the same order of seniority in all the emails that were addressed to them! The very possibility of mobilising students and faculty members was unthinkable on a campus so hostile to any form of intellectualism. Considering the political beliefs of the founders of the university matched those of the ruling dispensation, none of this was surprising. The hierarchy between senior and junior faculty members is evidently present in most Indian institutions, where you hear an assistant professor addressing an associate professor from the same department as ‘sir’ and ‘madam’ – sometimes to the extent that one even encounters ad hoc and temporary assistant professors call the permanent assistant professors ‘sir’ or ‘madam’.

The only saving grace was the friendships Kiran forged with some of the senior students, and the literary club he formed where he discussed short stories, organised debates and poetry- and essay-writing competitions. The club threw up many occasions on which he and his students could share their lives’ stories. He spent hours at the printers in Jaipur editing their annual literary magazine. The getaways to the city were precious moments of freedom from the stifling anxiety of campus life.

He realised ultimately that some of these friendships were possible because he had never taught them. Friendships with students are difficult in a sterile academic environment that is driven by a spirit of competition and quantifiable targets. Students thus begin to associate the teacher with a subject that is not on their list of priorities but unfortunately has to be cleared.

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The insignificant lives of Indian PhDs

Photo: Issy Bailey/Unsplash

Elite private universities in India lack all originality; they exist seemingly only as wannabe Ivy League institutes. They typically look for American PhD-holders to join as faculty members, and what matters to them is whether they can use these ‘laureates’ to attract more students. In their eyes, those who did not go abroad for their PhDs, or don’t have the necessary economic and social background to do so, are ‘inferior’.

Even PhDs from many leading Indian universities are often not good enough because they are perceived to be substandard. Indeed, the administrators of elite universities often advertise that their teachers have graduated from the likes of Harvard University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Such institutes also don’t follow constitutionally guaranteed reservations for appointments and admissions – which makes them an ideal place for the typical Indian middle class.

In public institutions and colleges where we work, the focus is more on rules and less on quality education. One has to deal with a tremendous amount of bureaucracy in these places, where one is also not treated as an academic but is expected to undertake all kinds of clerical work. If a professor is invited to lecture at a foreign institution and/or at institutions of national importance, she is expected to justify its relevance to the concerned authorities.

Also read: Higher Education Is No Wonderland, but Does the New Education Policy Know?

A great hypocrisy of these institutions is their desire for accreditation by the National Assessment and Accreditation Council, including for the best scores in all columns. Administrators send emails asking for details of faculty members’ publications and invited talks to ‘showcase’ the institution – a humiliating exercise considering these institutions never support research by giving their teachers the time to write or even think. Moreover, the hard work that goes into writing during weekends and vacations become easy data for them. Thus, many of us are forced to forsake our personal lives and often forego fieldwork and archival work as well.

Not all of us write and publish to win points and advance our careers. We write because it is often the only way to find happiness in a world of monotony and mediocrity, to feel alive in a stifling institution. Excessive teaching responsibilities alienate teachers from their teaching and students by reducing the latter to mere followers of a ‘syllabus’, and dismissing any form of discussion and critical thinking as ‘not part of the syllabus’. In effect, such education administration refuses to acknowledge us as thinking individuals with dignity.

Moreover, institutions regularly infantilise teachers and professors. Comments like “research is your personal work, and you are doing it for your personal growth” and “these are things you should be doing during your free time” when there is no time, as if one’s scholarship has no implications to the overall growth of an institution, fly thick and fast.

This narrow understanding and lack of vision destroys imagination and progress. Teaching and learning are no longer joyful experiences for teachers and students. In effect, the students lack interpretive skills since they have not been trained to be critical.

Having a peaceful place to write, think and teach without fear is not a privilege but a basic right for every academic. What we have tried to describe is a skewed market where education has been instrumentalised as a commodity with opportunities for profit, with quantifiable targets. A hierarchy of institutions ruled by discriminatory administrators separates people with similar qualifications.

What we need is administration that does not have an instrumental view of thinking, writing and teaching, and understands its intellectual and social importance for and beyond the university. We need administrators who are thinkers in their own right and who do not treat their fellow colleagues like ‘minions’. It is in places like these that critical scholarship has flourished; this is the only way great institutions have emerged in India. Sadly, many of the same institutions are now in crisis thanks to bureaucratic and unimaginative leadership.

However, the magnitude of clerical work in many public institutions causes emotional and physical exhaustion forcing many young faculty members to apply for other opportunities, especially in the new private universities, where they hope they will be given the space to think and write. But private universities with their preferential rules and policies cannot be the solution. What we need are robust public institutions that provide quality education to everyone. Indeed, if one had to choose between public and private institutions, one would rather deal with bureaucracy in a public institution, where every department enjoys autonomy and freedom, than at a private setup that by nature is exclusive and market-driven.

Also read: Why We Need the Humanities Now More Than Ever

But the times being what they are, we can no longer afford to make this distinction lightly. There are fewer and fewer islands of educational experience not already eroded by the tides of conformism, nepotism and corruption. We can only hope that in the years to come, students, academics and activists unite to express their dissent against an intolerant world already unabashedly devoid of the subtleties of the imagination.

Kiran Keshavamurthy teaches English at the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, IIT Guwahati. Renny Thomas teaches sociology at Jesus and Mary College, University of Delhi.

What Happens When You Complain to a Broadcast Standards Authority about Republic TV?

After an industry association directed Republic TV to air an apology last year, a brand-new, rival group quickly appeared and elected Goswami himself as its president.

New Delhi: Who will act to control the disinformation being spread on Republic TV? Kunal Kamra’s direct confrontation with the channel’s editor, Arnab Goswami, is already a defining media moment of 2020. Since then, and after the channel’s blatant misreporting of the identity of the gunman who fired on anti-CAA protestors at Jamia Milia on Thursday, students have been detained trying to protest outside Republic TV’s offices in Mumbai.

Industry self-regulation was meant to be the key to maintaining standards on TV news. But in a climate of impunity for pro-BJP media, the recognised body – the National Broadcasting Standards Association (NBSA) – can be tossed aside if it tries to place ethical checks on Goswami and Republic TV. That’s exactly what happened last year.

On December 9, 2019, it was widely reported that the News Broadcasters Federation (NBF) elected Goswami as its president. PTI described the NBF as “the country’s largest association of over 78 news channels”, and reported that its members had elected Goswami “unanimously”.

Goswami was quoted as well, remarking on how so many channels had come together “so quickly” to make NBF happen.

The NBF had in fact been formed very quickly – a few months earlier, it did not exist. And the quick timing served Goswami well, as it overlapped with an order from the existing body, the NBSA, that Republic “air an unconditional apology” for an ethics violation.

The formation of the NBF was announced on July 29, two weeks after Republic TV rejected a summons from the NBSA, which had found prima facie that Goswami “violated the principles of the Code of Ethics” by “browbeating, hectoring and insisting” that a Muslim panelist say “Bharat Mata ki Jai”.

Timeline, part 1:

March 12: Republic TV airs a program titled “Congress Bharat Mata Claim”, in which the anchor hectored a Muslim guest to say “Bharat Mata ki Jai”.
March 13: Sharad Shah files a complaint with NBSA regarding the Republic TV episode.
March 27: Republic TV responds to NBSA.
May 1: NBSA considered the complaint, and took a prima facie view that “the anchor browbeating, hectoring and insisting that a panelist… should say or repeat something stated by the anchor violated the principles of the Code of Ethics relating to “Impartiality & Objectivity in reporting” and “Neutrality”. It also ‘challenged/deprived the panelists’ right to freedom of speech and expression.’
June 14: NBSA summons both parties to a hearing.
July 10: Republic TV responds to NBSA, stating that “We will not be present for this hearing as as we deem this as a scurrilous complaint tendered by a serial complainant on a matter which carries no merit to warrant such intense pseudo-judicial oversight.”
July 29: The formation of the NBF is announced, comprising fifty, mostly regional broadcasters, “led by Republic” TV.

The NBSA is an autonomous body created by the existing National Broadcasting Association (NBA), currently headed by Rajat Sharma, the owner of India TV. The NBSA is chaired by former Supreme Court justice Justice A.K. Sikri. Its committee includes independent and industry members, among them editors of CNN-News18, India TV and AsiaNet News.

In 2008, Goswami reportedly led the committee that drafted the NBA’s code of ethics (he was then editor-in-chief of Times Now). Soon after launching Republic TV, however, he had warned of his intention to form a parallel organisation.

The formation of the NBF divides the industry between two bodies, each of which now has its own self-regulatory authority supposedly creating standards for TV news.

According to a contributor at NewsLaundry, the fifty-odd members of the NBF are “a mix of politically-partisan channels close to the governing National Democratic Alliance, those owned by industrialists who are under the scanner for dubious business deals, regional channels with considerable local viewership and even a spiritual channel.

In the case of  “Congress Bharat Mata Claim”, the NBSA acted on a complaint by 90-year-old Sharad Shah, a resident of Mumbai, who has previously petitioned the authority about other alleged ethical violations by Republic TV and Times Now.

The NBSA, in turn, has previously ordered Republic TV to air a full-screen apology, for the
“use of words like ‘I am going to show these crude, lewd hyenas/show the dirty faces of lewd, cheap, vulgar, sexist, pervert anti-Indian goons‘ by Mr Arnab Goswami”.

Arnab Goswami. Credit: India Today/Twitter

The channel did not air the apology text. Instead, after being called out, it apologised for targeting “a reporter from ABP News, Jainendra Kumar” as a man harassing its reporter; in fact, Kumar had helped Republic TV’s reporter depart from the scene.

Also Read: Why Arnab Goswami’s Banana ‘Republic’ Also Needs to Have a Seat at the Table

In the latest case, on October 7, the NBSA called for another apology, shifting the issue from the broadcaster’s on-air ethical violation to its defiance of the NBSA’s authority. It directed Republic TV to “air the following text (static) on full screen in large font size with a clearly audible voice-over (in slow speed),”

“Republic TV tenders an unconditional apology for the use of the language in the email dated 10.7.2019 which carried the words ‘carries no merit to warrant such intense pseudo-judicial oversight’, with regard to NBSA’s decision dated 1.5.2019 at the time when it was called for a hearing on 10.7.2019 in respect of the complaint with regard to a programme titled ‘Congress Bharat Mata Claim’ aired by Republic TV on 12.3.2019 at 10 pm. We would like to state that it was never our intention to undermine the authority of the NBSA in any manner. We have the highest regard for the NBSA, its Chairperson and Members. Kindly accept this unconditional apology for closure of the same.”

Republic TV failed to air the apology. Instead, it proceeded with forming an alternative self-regulatory body (announced on November 4, 2019) under the NBF. Where the NBSA is chaired by a former Supreme Court justice, it was announced on December 9, 2019, that Goswami himself would be president of the new body – giving a whole new meaning to “self-regulation”.

Timeline, Part 2:

October 7: The NBSA, considering that “the broadcaster is a member of the NBA” and so is obliged to submit to its hearing process on complaints, directs Republic TV to “air an unconditional apology” on October 14.
October 14: No apology is aired on Republic TV.
November 4: The NBF announces the formation of its own self-regulatory standards organisation, the News Broadcasters Federation Authority (NBFA), which “will create new standards for news broadcasting.”
December 9: NBF members “unanimously elect Goswami, who is the managing director and editor-in-chief of Republic TV, to be president of the governing board.”

The Wire sent a questionnaire on this matter to Vikas Khanchandani, the CEO of Republic TV, as well as others in the channel’s management, but has received no reply.

To date, the NBF has no website or published charter. However, its officers have already been granted a meeting with Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman to lobby for seek parity with the print media in the Goods & Services Tax (GST) on January 17 this year.

NBSA Order on Republic TV Programme by The Wire on Scribd

Revisting the 2002 Sardarpura and Ode Massacres for Which the Convicts Just Got Bail

The Narendra Modi-led state government’s failure to probe the massacre of 58 Muslims led the Supreme Court to assign the cases to a Special Investigation Team. But now, the court has released the killers on bail and prescribed “social service”.

Jaipur: The Supreme Court on Tuesday granted bail to 17 convicts in the 2002 Sardarpura massacre and 14 convicts in the Ode village massacre, who had appealed against the high court order upholding their conviction.

A bench headed by Chief Justice of India S.A. Bobde ordered the convicts to undertake social service while out on bail and also tasked the Madhya Pradesh administration with finding the convicts work to earn a livelihood.

Unhappy with the bail orders, human rights activist Teesta Setalvad who has worked on this case, termed the development “unfortunate”.

Sardarpura massacre

On February 28, 2002, in Sardarpura, a mob comprising local Hindus burnt kiosks owned by Muslims. Anticipating another attack, the police were called the following day.

Again, a mob from nearby villages led by Hindutva activists gathered in Sardarpura at around 9:30 pm and attacked all the three Muslim localities (of Pathans, Sheikhs and Memons) in Sardarpura. The two sub-inspectors present in the village when the attack began,made an excuse and left from the spot.

To save themselves, 31 Muslims – mostly women and children – hid in a house in the Sheikh locality. However, when the mob discovered them, they locked all of them in a room and threw acid on them from outside. They also shoved an iron rod, attached to the loose end of a live wire, inside the room, which electrocuted and killed 29 of them.

The mob even blocked roads  to prevent Muslims from escaping. The superintendent of police, A Gehlot, reached the spot at about 2.30 am and took the survivors to Sawala village.

Also read: What Bilkis Bano Survived That Day in Gujarat, 2002

The FIR had named Chandra Kant, a Bajrang Dal activist, as the prime accused.

Unhappy at the failure of the Narendra Modi-led state government to properly investigate cases where Muslims had been killed in large numbers, the Supreme Court in 2008 said that the cases of Godhra, Gulberg Society, Naroda Patiya, Naroda Gaon, Sardarpura, Ode, Dipda Darwaza needed to be re-investigated, and recommended the formation of a special investigation team (SIT).

Out of the 76 accused arrested in the Sardarpura case, 31 were convicted by a special riots court, including the then sarpanch of Sardarpura, Kachrabhai Tribhovandas Patel and a former sarpanch Kanubhai Joitaram Patel, who were affiliated with the Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP)

Of the accused, 31 were acquitted over the benefit of the doubt, and 11 were discharged. Two of the remaining accused died while the trial was underway while one was tried as a juvenile. Later, the high court upheld the conviction of 17.

Ode massacre

A few days after the train burning incident at Godhra took place, a mob of Hindus led by political activists attacked dozens of Muslim homes in Gujarat’s Ode village. When the Muslims took refuge in a house, the mob set it on fire.

Twenty-seven Muslims were killed in three separate incidents at Ode village; 26 were burnt alive on March 1, 2002, in the Piravali Bhagol area and Mal Bhagol area and one more was killed on the streets the next day in the Surivali Bhagol area in the village.

Only two bodies were recovered from the house while the rest were so severely burnt that they couldn’t be identified. The police later declared them missing.

Two FIRs relating to the incidents of the first day were filed, by Rafiq Mohammed Abdulbhai Khalifa and Rehanaben Yusuf Bhai Vohra, at the Khambolaj police station. However, no FIR was lodged about the torching of Ghulam Rasool Miya on March 2, 2002.

Also read: Maya Kodnani Acquitted in 2002 Gujarat Riots Case

Forty-one accused persons were arrested in both cases but were granted bail almost immediately. Even the remand application was rejected by the first class judicial magistrate, Umreth. A revision of the remand application was made in the sessions court, Anand district; however, the court,released the sixteen accused on regular bail while the revision was still pending.

In 2011, 23 accused persons were convicted out of which 18 were given life sentences and the remaining were sentenced to imprisonment of seven years for offences punishable under sections 302 (murder) and 307 (attempt to murder) read with sections 120B (criminal conspiracy) and 149 (every member of unlawful assembly guilty of offence committed in prosecution of common object), as well as sections 143 (punishment for unlawful assembly) 144 (unlawful assembly armed with any deadly weapon), 147 (punishment for rioting), 148 (rioting armed with a deadly weapon), 153A (promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, caste or community and doing acts prejudicial to maintenance of harmony), 435 (mischief by fire or any explosive substance with intent to cause damage to amount of one hundred rupees or ten rupees in case of agricultural produce, 436 (mischief by fire or any explosive substance with intent to destroy house), 427 (mischief causing damage to the amount of fifty rupees) and 440 (mischief committed after preparation for causing death or hurt) of the Indian Penal Code (IPC).

In 2018, the high court upheld the conviction of 19 persons, including 14 who had been sentenced to life imprisonment.

Nazis Murdered a Quarter of Europe’s Roma, but History Still Overlooks This Genocide

Up to 500,000 Roma and Sinti were murdered by the Nazis and their collaborators.

The murder of around 500,000 of Europe’s Roma and Sinti by the Nazis and their collaborators during the second world war is a little-known aspect of the atrocities committed during this period.

In the immediate postwar period, war crimes against Roma were not prosecuted. Survivors struggled to get recognition and compensation for the persecution they experienced. Roma victims were also not acknowledged in monuments commemorating the Nazis’ victims.

Although there is now a greater awareness of the atrocities committed against the Roma, the struggle for recognition continues. The genocide against the Roma is described by Professor Eve Rosenhaft, a historian of modern Germany, as “the forgotten Holocaust”.

As curator of The Wiener Holocaust Library’s current exhibition, Forgotten Victims: The Nazi Genocide of the Roma and Sinti, I aimed to explore this often over-looked history.

Unpublished accounts collected in the 1950s as part of The Wiener Library’s project to gather eyewitness accounts of the Holocaust. Wiener Holocaust Library Collections, Author provided

The Library is the world’s oldest archive of material on the Nazi era and the Holocaust, and has gathered evidence and information about the experiences of Roma Nazi oppression since the 1950s.

It includes materials collected by academic researcher Donald Kenrick and activist and researcher Grattan Puxon in the late 1960s as part of the first attempt to systematically document the genocide against the Roma.

Forced labour and incarceration

One story featured in the exhibition is that of Hans Braun, a German Sinti man.

Hans Braun’s certificate of incarceration in Auschwitz & Flossenbürg, 1950. 1101269562 © International Tracing Service Digital Archive, Wiener Holocaust Library Collections, Author provided

Braun survived forced labour service and incarceration in Auschwitz. In the 1980s, he gave a testimony of his experiences, a copy of which is held by the Library.

Other documents in the archive show that Braun’s first attempt to gain compensation failed, probably on the spurious grounds that he was held by the Nazis because he was a criminal, rather than for “racial” reasons.

In the early years following the war, compensation was often denied to Roma and Sinti victims on this basis, despite extensive evidence that they were in fact persecuted as part of a campaign of targeted and ultimately genocidal racism.

Nazi racial ideology

By the late 1930s, Nazi racial ideology had been extended to encompass the notion that, like Jews, Roma were also of “alien blood” and a threat to the racial strength of the “Aryan master race”.

Margarete Kraus, a Czech Roma, photographed after the war. Her Auschwitz tattoo is visible on her left arm. Wiener Holocaust Library Collections, Author provided

As part of the development of these ideas, Roma were subject to a massive programme of pseudo-scientific investigation.

They were also targeted for forced sterilisation and forced medical experiments.

Margarete Kraus, (in the photograph to the left), a Czech Roma survivor of Auschwitz, was a victim of forced medical experiments.

In this post-war image, taken by German journalist Reimar Gilsenbach in the 1950s, her camp number tattoo is just visible on her left forearm.

The “Gypsy” camp

The exhibition also features eyewitness accounts detailing the so-called “Gypsy” camp in Auschwitz. Julius Hodosi, a Roma man from Burgenland in Austria who survived Auschwitz, recounted his children’s death from starvation in the camp. A number of Jewish survivors, including Hermann Langbein, described witnessing horrific conditions in the “Gypsy” camp. He said:

The conditions were worse than in other camps … the route between the huts was ankle deep in mud and dirt. The gypsies were still using the clothes that they had been given upon arrival … footwear was missing … The latrines were built in such a way that they were practically unusable for the gypsy children. The infirmary was a pathetic sight.

Another witness, Dr Max Benjamin, a Jewish man from Cologne who was a doctor at the “Gypsy” hospital in Auschwitz, gave an account to the Library of the “liquidation” of the “Gypsy” camp in August 1944: “[In] one fell swoop every single one of the gypsies who represented the population of this camp was chased into the gas chambers.”

Of the 23,000 people who passed through the “Gypsy” camp at Auschwitz, 21,000 died – of starvation, ill-health or were murdered in the gas chambers or by other means.

In the 1950s, Hermine Horvath, an Austrian Roma woman, gave the Library an extensive account of her experiences of persecution after the German takeover of Austria in 1938. She was forced into labour service and later survived the camps. She herself experienced sexual violence perpetrated by an SS man, and later witnessed sexual violence committed against Roma girls in Auschwitz by members of the SS.

August (centre), a Sinti boy with relatives in Germany. August died in Auschwitz as almost certainly did the other children in the photograph. Photo: University of Liverpool GLS Add GA, Author provided

But while the Library’s collections on the persecution of and genocide against the Roma contain a great deal of valuable evidence and testimony, it does not tell the entire story. Most of these documents relate to events in Germany, Austria and central Europe, as well as the situation in the camps and ghettos in German-occupied Poland.

But both the Jewish Holocaust and the genocide against the Roma also involved mass shootings carried out by the Nazis and their collaborators in Eastern Europe and in Soviet territories. In other places, such as Croatia, regimes supportive of the Nazis, carried out their own atrocities against the Roma.

The genocide against the Roma and Sinti affected people across Europe from communities in France to those in Ukraine and Greece. Yet this terrible history is frequently overlooked and Europe’s Roma continue to experience extensive discrimination and violence across the continent.

It is hoped this exhibition will help to shine a light on the history of the Roma in Europe, and warn where discrimination and prejudice can lead.

Barbara Warnock, Course Tutor at the Institute of Continuing Education, University of Cambridge

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Identity in the Time of Dissent II: Tricolour Symbolism

An encounter with the social media hate factory over a poster of a tricoloured-hijab-wearing woman.

Never have we seen so many Indian flags in India as we do today. Not on Independence Day, not on Republic Day, not in the stadium during an India versus Pakistan cricket match.

Today, every Indian carries a tricolour, every shop and home hangs a flag, and almost every establishment has hoisted the flag this Republic Day.

And never have we seen as many hijabs in public spaces.

I am convinced the hijab is a symbol we deserve as secular Indians – both Muslim and non-Muslim – because as soon as I shared a poster of a tricolored-hijab-wearing woman on social media (which was nothing short of a social experiment), I began to receive expected brickbats – some from users who had a saffron flag as their display picture.

Though there were plenty of people who rejoiced at an image that represents the diversity of India and all that is Indian today – especially hijab-wearing Muslim women who could relate to it the most – the comments of haters are very telling of their mentality.


Also read: The Hijab Has Arrived: Identity in the Time of Dissent and Conditional Allies


A few people “discovered” that it was “copied” from the American version of the artwork (my original post credited the real artist, Shepard Fairey – and had stated that I had sought permission for this version and that he didn’t reply), and started claiming that Muslims are known to steal ideas and take credit, or that Muslims are trying to take over the world by imposing the hijab East and West.

One person went as far as to redesign the poster, this time using Hindu religious symbols.

Some said I had finally accepted the tilak/bindi on the forehead, though the image has a tika and not a bindi. Many pointed out that the “flag” was upside-down, which was disrespectful and also exposing a deeper agenda to “Islamicise” India.

I had clearly mentioned that this isn’t the Indian flag, only a scarf using the colours of our flag – which is plain to see for anyone who is familiar with the flag, as it’s also missing the Ashok Chakra in the white band.

I even made a version with the orange band on top, the colours in an order similar to the Indian flag, just for the comfort of those who asked me to, due to the familiarity of the configuration.

The attackers then changed direction, and began to talk about radicalisation by Muslims, the patriarchal origins of the hijab, and the imposition of it on poor, weak Muslim women against their will, sometimes as young children so that they would be controlled and “conditioned” into accepting it. Others said that I was alienating women who didn’t cover. I also received veiled and open threats to take down my post.

Right-wing big guns/hate icons such as Tarek Fatah and Vivek Agnihotri also got involved, even though they can’t seem to make up their minds. Fatah tweeted, “Truly disgraceful. Imprisoning Muslim women in the hijab, a political symbol of the Arab Muslim Brotherhood and Indian Jamaat-e-Islami jihadis by Islamizing the flag of the Indian Republic. Why can’t these exhibitionist women wear the traditional Indian ‘dopatta?’ Why mimic Arabs?”

How can imprisoned women with no agency also be exhibitionist at the same time? Are we Schrödinger’s women?

Agnihotri, on the other hand, seemed to have become obsessed with the poster, and tweeted about it all day.

The underlying theme that unites all these haters is hatred. Hatred of “the other,” of Islam, of its tenets, of people following it, of Muslim women choosing to wear the hijab even though they could be liberated from it in a free country, of Muslims asserting their identity and claiming the tricolour as their own.

The tricolour has always taken many forms in articles of clothing, from dupattas to sarees to turbans. Only in the form of a hijab is it offensive, threatening, patriarchal, regressive, repressive, communal, anti-national, un-Indian.


Also read: I Am a Muslim. Here’s Why I Wear My Religion on My Sleeve


These ardent “nationalists” didn’t seem to take any issue at all with Prime Minister Narendra Modi using the tricolour to mop up sweat or touching it with his feet or hoisting it upside-down, or even autographing it!

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on international yoga day in 2016. 

The most common repetitive thread in these hateful comments was that the green in the Indian flag represents Islam, the white Christianity, and the saffron Hinduism. Believing that the tricolour represents Hinduism, Christianity, Islam is not only misguided but a very limited and superficial view of our national flag and of our nation. And it goes to show how ignorant about India and its history these so-called nationalists really are.

Though these colours may initially have been selected as a denotation of different communities of India, this simplistic and exclusionary view was replaced by a more evolved and deeper perspective:

Saffron stands for courage and sacrifice.

White represents peace and truth.

Green symbolises faith and chivalry.

The Ashok Chakra represents the eternal spinning wheel of law and change, that replaced the former charkha (spinning wheel).

As Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan said:  

Bhagwa or the Saffron denotes renunciation or disinterestedness. Our leaders must be indifferent to material gains and dedicate themselves to their work. The white in the centre is light, the path of truth to guide our conduct. The green shows our relation to (the) soil, our relation to the plant life here, on which all other life depends. The “Ashoka Chakra” in the center of the white is the wheel of the law of dharma. Truth or satya, dharma or virtue ought to be the controlling principle of those who work under this flag. Again, the wheel denotes motion. There is death in stagnation. There is life in movement. India should no more resist change, it must move and go forward. The wheel represents the dynamism of a peaceful change.

Now for the most ironic bit: the Indian flag in its current form was designed by a Muslim woman artist from Hyderabad, Surayya Tyabji, based on the Swaraj Flag of the Indian National Congress designed by a student, Pingali Venkayyah. (Surayya also designed the Indian emblem with her husband, Badruddin, and adding the Ashok Chakra to the flag was their idea.) This irony is, of course, lost on ‘desh bhakts’ who lack knowledge and the willingness to learn about anything that defies their confirmation bias.

Knowledge is reluctant to enter minds and hearts already filled to the brim with hatred and ill intent.

India can never be as singular, homogenous, uniform and akhand as some people like to wish. Our differences should become veins and tributaries of celebrated diversity; if they are erased and stifled they may instead turn into cracks and fractures in the gestalt of our nation.

Takbir Fatima is a full-time architect, entrepreneur and educator, and a part-time traveler, thinker, tinkerer from Hyderabad. Find Fatima on Instagram @talkistania and read talkistania.wordpress.com.

Artwork: Takbir Fatima (based on the original design by Shepard Fairey)

Crisis at Nairobi University Has Its Roots in Decades of Political Interference

The crisis at Nairobi University falls within an established pattern of government intervention in universities going back decades.

The University of Nairobi, Kenya’s oldest institution of higher learning, is steeped in a crisis after the education secretary revoked the appointment of a new vice-chancellor. The university council has also been disbanded.

Far from being unusual, however, the crisis falls within an established pattern of government intervention in universities going back decades.

Successive Kenyan governments have sought to control universities. This has been with varying degrees of success. One of the earliest attempts to assert executive control dates back to 1969 when the east African countries resolved to dissolve the regional University of East Africa. Each country was to elevate constituent colleges to national universities.

The Kenyan government appointed a committee to develop a plan for a new university. The committee was made up of two academics, Professor Arthur Potter, Principal of the University College, Nairobi and his deputy Professor Bethwell Ogot, as well as civil servants. But it was dominated by civil servants, including the permanent secretary for education, permanent secretary for finance, and the comptroller of State House.

An unusual addition to the committee was a junior official in the Ministry of Education, who was also the sister of the powerful Attorney General of Kenya, Charles Njonjo. Her involvement indicated that the government considered the establishment of a national university a sensitive matter that needed close monitoring by trusted insiders.

The committee convened against a tense backdrop. By the late 1960s the government of Jomo Kenyatta had started viewing the University College, Nairobi – the forerunner of the University of Nairobi – with disdain because of frequent student protests against the state. As I observed in my recent book, the government even banned the members of faculty from using certain publications because it considered them subversive and likely to inculcate radical ideas among students. These included the Political Thoughts of Mao, Quotations from Chairman Mao, and the Communist Manifesto.

The suspicions of the government became even more clear in 1970 after the elevation of the institution to a national university. The government appointed Dr Josphat Karanja, a career civil servant as its vice-chancellor. Until his appointment he had served as Kenya’s high commissioner in the UK.

The appointment came as a shock to the university fraternity. The expectation had been that Professor Ogot would be appointed vice chancellor. He had served as deputy principal of the college. The irregular appointment became a trendsetter.

When President Moi came into office after Kenyatta in the late 1970s, he made sure that he filled the vice-chancellor positions with those he deemed loyal. The consequence of this executive interference in the appointment of university heads was twofold. The practice disregarded skills, credentials, and competencies which meant that the best qualified people were not appointed. Secondly, the practice resulted in the erosion of academic freedom and university autonomy.

A chequered history

Mwai Kibaki, who succeeded Moi, set about reducing the level of executive interference at universities. The most important step he took was to discontinue the practice of having the president serve as the chancellor of all public universities.

But the legal framework that Kibaki inherited stayed in place until the University Act was passed in 2012. It introduced some fundamental reforms. These included giving the senate and alumni associations the powers of appointing the chancellor.

It also provided for the competitive appointment of vice-chancellors. Interviews were to be done by university councils which would make a recommendation to the Cabinet Secretary.

The new law seemed to create a fair process of appointing the vice-chancellor. But there were still deep flaws. One was that the councils consisted mostly of bureaucrats and members appointed by the cabinet secretary. This allowed powerful politicians to continue influencing appointment.

The flaw of the 2012 law was highlighted in 2018 when Isaac Kosgey was appointed as the vice-chancellor of Moi University. There were claims that some panellists deliberately down-graded Laban Ayiro who was considered a stronger candidate for the position. The intrigues surrounding the interview process prompted Margaret Kobia, chair of the Public Service Commission to lament:

there is worrying trend where some council members award scores that are outliers. It makes one wonder if the panel members are measuring agreed competencies or had a predetermined candidate.

In 2018, the 2012 law underwent major amendments following the enactment of the Statute Law (Miscellaneous Amendments) Act 2018. This stripped university councils of the right to conduct interviews. Instead, this was transferred to the public service commission.

The appointment of Nairobi university’s new chancellor was done under this new regime. But cabinet secretary George Magoha revoked the appointment barely two weeks later. These actions have been challenged in court.

It’s now clear that the 2018 law was deeply flawed.

Firstly, the idea of making the public service commission the fair arbiter in the recruitment of university administers has backfired. Secondly, it gave government enormous new powers. It was given the role of appointing the chancellor and vice-chancellor as well as other administrative positions. These included deputy vice chancellors, principals and deputy principals of constituent colleges.

What next

The 2018 law therefore effectively eroded university autonomy and granted the state the ultimate powers in university governance.

It is time to bring sanity to universities by taking away the role of appointing university administrators from the state. This only serves to enable corrupt politicians and bureaucrats. Instead, constitute appointment panels consisting of the university senate and alumni associations.

Featured image credit: Reuters/Thomas Mukoya

Michael Kithinji, Associate Professor, University of Central Arkansas

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Amid Rising Eco-Anxiety, We Should Address Mental Health, Food Security

As food systems are made vulnerable through climate change, we need to acknowledge and address the eco-anxiety provoked by threats to food security.

For over a quarter of a century, United Nations climate negotiations have failed to reach a legally binding treaty. For instance, the failed 1997 Kyoto Protocol was modelled after the success of the 1987 Montreal Protocol, which legally required all nations to phase out chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs), a chemical used in refrigerators and air conditioners.

Eco-anxiety — the difficult emotions caused by environmental conditions and knowledge — is on the rise. Global mean temperatures are rising, as are sea levels. Eco-anxiety will further rise if non-binding agreements, such as the 2015 Paris Agreement, don’t succeed.

An Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) report on the impacts of global warming predicts that if the current trend of global warming continues there will be a major climate catastrophe within our lifetime. More than 11,000 scientists from 153 countries warn that climate change is threatening ecosystems and humanity. Biologists fear the sixth mass extinction of species. According to the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services, currently, one million species are at risk of extinction.

Our food systems have become vulnerable due to the loss of biological diversity of plant and animal species: we are anxious about hunger and food security, safety and fraud. As a researcher who examines just and sustainable transitions in food systems, I clearly see that climate change puts additional pressure on already vulnerable food systems and populations.

There is no shortage of commitments and declarations. Governments at different levels across the world have been declaring a climate emergency — over 1,000 jurisdictions and counting. On June 17, 2019, the Canadian House of Commons passed a motion to declare a national climate emergency.

Escalating fear and anxiety

The declarations of climate emergency might help to increase the mobilisation of financial and human resources for climate actions. Additionally, the use of wartime language can exacerbate fear, panic and depression among those who are already vulnerable to other sources of anxieties. These sources include anxiety arising from chronic food shortages and ethical production and consumption.

Eco-anxiety can further exacerbate food anxiety, which has been provoked by a range of food scares, food poisonings, distancing of food supply chains, hunger and farming crises.

Disrupting food systems

The IPCC Special Report on Climate Change and Land, to which I have also contributed, recommends eating less red meat. This report estimates that livestock, crop, fertiliser and fossil fuel use in agriculture account for about 21 to 37% of global greenhouse gas emissions.

Canada’s Food Guide recommends reducing meat, egg and dairy consumption in favour of plant-based protein sources. In Canada, agriculture was responsible for about 10% of national greenhouse gas emissions, the largest share coming from livestock.


Also read: Eco-Anxiety: Are Brands Listening?


Nearly 70 billion animals are slaughtered for consumption annually. Eating more plants can achieve benefits for the planet as well as human health. The 2019 Food Policy for Canada promotes low-carbon, climate-resilient and less wasteful food systems that also support local economies and jobs.

A low-carbon food future will clearly disrupt employment and jobs in industrial food systems. One way to secure a sustainable and just food future could be to promote agroecology, which combines science and social movements to transform carbon-intensive industrial agriculture into low-carbon and climate-resilient food systems.

Finding hope

Eco-anxiety should be recognised and addressed as a social practice together with other sources of anxieties, including food anxiety. We should avoid isolating or blaming those who are affected by it. And people are increasingly refusing to live in a constant state of fear. As a result, climate anxiety has sparked mass movements across the world, like the school strike for climate and the Extinction Rebellion.

We need to reframe eco-anxiety to emphasise hope in the midst of human tragedy, social collapse, existential threats and climate catastrophe.

People who are anxious about climate change can benefit from facilitated engagement in climate science. The Environmental Health Clinic at New York University provides a space to talk about climate concerns and prescribe local climate actions as a social practice of reducing eco-anxiety.

Despite high stress and depression, Canadian farmers hesitate to seek help because of social stigma. We obviously need a new generation of competent fighters, science engagement professionals and community development workers in record numbers. We also need to mobilise mental health counselors, psychotherapists, learning circles and support groups.

Featured image credit: Shutterstock

Laxmi Prasad Pant, Senior Lecturer, University of Greenwich; Adjunct Professor, Associated Graduate Faculty, University of Guelph

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.