UP: Conduct Regulations For Government Employees Now Extend to Social Media, News Sites

According to the old regulations, employees could not feature on radio broadcasts or write for publications without the government’s permission – the new regulations now extend this to news channels, social media platforms and “digital media”.

New Delhi: Uttar Pradesh’s government has said that existing rules regulating its employees’ contributions to the print media and appearances on radio broadcasts also applies to social media platforms, digital news outlets and news channels.

A government order issued on Wednesday (June 19) to all the state’s additional chief secretaries, principal secretaries and secretaries asked them to inform their subordinates of this new interpretation of existing rules.

The order said that while the Uttar Pradesh Government Servants’ Conduct Rules, 1956 deals with print media and radio, it was “noteworthy that in present times, the forms of media have expanded”.

It went on to say that news channels, social media platforms – including Facebook, X (formerly Twitter), WhatsApp and Instagram – as well as news portals are part of the media today, and that the 1956 Rules will be understood to cover these and “all possible prevalent forms of media” in the “current scenario”.

According to rule 6 of 1956 Rules, government servants cannot own, operate, edit or manage newspapers or periodical publications without permission from the government.

Nor can they make radio broadcasts, send articles to newspapers or periodicals, or write to publications anonymously or using a pseudonym without permission.

The exception is that permission is not needed when such engagements are only about cultural, artistic or scientific matters.

ThePrint cited some bureaucrats as being concerned about the lack of differentiation between public and private conversations on social media platforms like WhatsApp.

“There have been instances in the past where people have taken screenshots of a private WhatsApp conversation that an official has had with someone and circulated as his/her opinion,” an unnamed senior UP official told ThePrint.

They also said: “This is like a gag order only to ensure that there are curbs on any kind of criticism of the government.”

The outlet also cited a different official as saying that bureaucrats cannot express their opinions publicly and that according to the state government, “bureaucrats expressing their thoughts publicly can lead to anarchy and that the government may have to bear its brunt”.

One bureaucrat who served as secretary to a former chief minister told ThePrint that there have been instances of bureaucrats facing adverse action from the government for posts they made on WhatsApp groups comprising their colleagues.

A government employee told The Telegraph that the order was linked to the BJP’s reduced performance in the Lok Sabha elections in the state.

“It was the government which was forcing its employees and officers to participate in TV shows and other media programmes to publicise the schemes of the government. There were many special shows on news channels in which officers, including policemen in uniform, used to participate and praise the government.

“But as the popularity of the BJP seems to have decreased, it is now intimidating those employees who have been critical of the schemes and actions of the government,” they were quoted as saying.

Last year, the UP government issued an order directing officials to probe ‘negative’ news items published by media outlets.

The order said officials concerned must seek explanations from the media houses if the facts in the story were found to be “twisted” or “false” in order to tarnish the image of the government.

The order did not refer to false or twisted news in the event that they depict the government in a good light.

The Back-Room Mischief Makers

Today’s civil servants are openly subverting established systems to please their political masters.

The term “confession” has a dual connotation: you confess your love for someone or for something beautiful and inspiring, but you can also confess to a misdemeanour or to being part of a disreputable group. In writing this piece on the bureaucracy, I feel obliged to confess that for a good part of my active life, I was an insignificant component of a “giant machine run by pygmies”. This is an insider’s analysis of a not-so-honourable segment of government that has precious little to celebrate but much to be ashamed of. Even my dear spouse has figured out our ingrained professional limitations, evident from the fact that in her quiver of insults, the most hurtful is: “You are behaving like a typical bureaucrat!”

The bureaucracy was conceived to promote and safeguard public interest. It has been defined by sociologist Max Weber as the most technically proficient form of organisation that provides specialised expertise; uniform rules and procedures that are impersonal and equitable; continuity through record-keeping and other markers that preserve organisational memory; and cohesion through hierarchical command and control. The universalised application of laws, rules and “due process” ensures against discrimination and partisanship. The sacred mission is to do good by the common man.

India’s Iron Man, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, by far the greatest politician-administrator the country has produced, envisioned a bureaucracy that would be the “steel frame” of good governance in independent India. Speaking to the first batch of Indian Administrative Service officers in 1947, he exhorted them with these memorable words: “Your predecessors were brought up in traditions which kept them aloof from the common run of people. It will be your bounden duty to treat the common man as your own.”

The great man believed that fulfilling such an onerous responsibility was possible only if the bureaucrat articulated his views with courage and integrity, as not doing so vitiated the process of decision-making. For him (unlike for the small men at the helm today), the foundational principle of a healthy vibrant administration was a civil service that expressed its opinion without fear or favour. In his words: “Today my secretary can write a note opposed to my views; I have given that freedom to all my secretaries. I have told them, ‘If you do not give your honest opinion for fear that it will displease your minister, then you had better go. I will bring another secretary.’ I will never be displeased over a frank expression of opinion.” In telling civil servants that they were dutybound to express their views without fear, Patel underlined the simple truth that the salary paid to them is not hush money that denies them the right to express their views freely on matters in their charge.

Also read: Commandeering Civil Services and Armed Forces for Propaganda Could Make India a Failed State

Patel’s words of wisdom on the basic code of conduct expected of an administrator should make the current lot of civil servants cringe in shame at regressing so far from the professional standards and ethics that he enjoined on them. In the last ten years, instead of safeguarding public interest, they have been contemptible courtiers and underlings, genuflecting without demur before the brute power of a political executive out to remould every institution to correspond to its hard-right creed. Never has the bureaucracy fallen so low! L.K. Advani’s withering denunciation of the media during the Emergency applies with greater force to the current breed of civil servants: “You were only asked to bend but you chose to crawl.”

Today’s civil servants have been subverting established systems to please their political masters. Look at what’s happened to the Election Commission of India (ECI) under the present Chief Election Commissioner (CEC), a dyed-in-the-wool bureaucrat if ever there was one. The ECI has come a long way from the halcyon days when T.N. Seshan called the shots or, to be precise, cracked the whip, terrorising politicians into decorum. He took objection to the ECI being treated as an appendage of the Government of India, making it clear that as an independent constitutional body, the ECI would be the ultimate arbiter in all matters relating to elections, keeping equidistant from every political party.

Gore Vidal was spot on when he said that “there is something about a bureaucrat that does not like a poem.” What he meant was that this particular human species is prosaic, insensitive, cautious, without scruples and bereft of empathy. Ironically, the diehard bureaucrat who is the present CEC spouted two-penny Urdu shayiri when announcing the schedule for the forthcoming Lok Sabha elections, not for love of poetry but to deflect and evade grave questions on the reliability of EVMs, ignoring the legitimate concerns of numerous highly respected bodies such as the Citizens Commission on Elections headed by a former Supreme Court judge.

Not without reason is the ECI viewed as a subservient wing of this autocratic regime. Apart from stonewalling any meaningful discussion on the reliability of EVMs, the ECI delayed announcement of the election schedule until after our lord and master had run the gamut of inaugurations. And then ensured that in pivotal States desperate for the Modi magic to shore up the regime’s prospects, the elections are stretched across seven phases spread over 42 days. The sudden resignation of the EC, Arun Goel, known through his career for his rectitude, would suggest that amid the skulduggery, his conscience had caught up with him.

In this dark period of infamy for the civil services, the most egregious has been the role of the IPS and Income Tax officials in law enforcement who have been zealous hatchet men of this iniquitous regime. The faceless functionaries of the NIA, the CBI and the ED are functioning as vicious instruments of oppression of the ruling party, manipulating the law to terrorise and punish political opponents and dissidents. These guys have blood on their hands.

In the last few years, a shadowy new class of individuals has sneaked into the middle tiers of the bureaucratic framework. Using the pretext of improving ease of governance and bringing fresh talent and perspective in government functioning, this regime has, since 2018, made several appointments of private sector specialists through what is called the ‘lateral entry’ mode. They have been given pivotal positions in key ministries such as finance, power, agriculture, statistics and programme implementation. Although the recruitment is through the UPSC, headed by a chairman with impeccable “Modi bhakt” credentials, nobody is fooled about the selection process being fair and objective.

Also read: How the Civil Servant Can Really Guard Taxpayers’ Money

Much like the American system – where appointments are made by the incumbent President – but without its checks and balances, this lateral induction, along with engagement of handpicked consultants and advisors, is a most dangerous infiltration of the civil service. Most are indoctrinated individuals who owe allegiance not to the State or the common man but to this regime, its ideology and its corporate interests. There are murmurs in the corridors of the ministries that these lateral inductees are helping in designing policies for the industrial lobbies rather than for the ordinary citizen. The whole business is a veritable can of worms.

In trying to justify their craven professional comportment, civil servants allude to the government rules that restrict the freedom of a public servant from criticising the government or not complying with its orders. Conduct rules as well as convention enjoin silence on the civil servant in matters of political controversy or where security of the state or public order are involved.

But that does not mean that the public servant is obliged to execute the illegitimate orders of the minister. He needs to remind himself that his foremost commitment is to the service of a state that is pledged to the ideals of justice, equality and fraternity. If the public interest demands something other than what the minister asks for, he should record his dissent, and if the orders are illegal or unjust, he is duty bound to refuse compliance. Unfortunately, what’s been happening in the last ten years is a deadly jugalbandi of the political executive and the bureaucracy devoid of concerns with justice or the needs of the people.

Apart from the unremitting propaganda using the official organs of state and the lapdog media to purvey falsehoods, half-truths and misinformation, this government has commandeered all manner of spin doctors to vilify government critics and deflect attention from its own misdeeds. (Last week, a syndicate of lawyers led by the infamous Harish Salve, berated activists and public interest advocates who have been fighting for democracy and freedom, labelling them “vested interest groups” bent on disrupting the functioning of the judiciary.) Even superannuated bureaucrats have been summoned out of the woodwork to defend the regime. One recalls a public statement by a group of retired Indian Foreign Service (IFS) officers led by a former foreign secretary, attacking their former colleagues for indulging in a smear campaign against the present government.

Besides betraying an unashamed majoritarian sensibility, these ex-diplomats stooped to a new low with cheap shots aimed at their erstwhile civil service compatriots, sneering that their criticism of this government stemmed from not receiving recognition post-retirement or was an investment in a “potential political change at the Centre.” Ironically the holier-than-thou former foreign secretary has since been rewarded for his sycophancy with the post of chancellor of Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU). Bah!

When the history of this period is written, the harshest judgement will be reserved for the craven professional conduct of civil servants who have let the ‘steel frame’ crumple into putty in the tyrant’s hands. The stark truth is that they have been facilitators in perpetrating injustice – servile abettors of an authoritarian regime. That genius, James Baldwin certainly had bureaucrats in mind when he sounded the dire warning: “A civilisation is not destroyed by wicked people; it is not necessary that people be wicked but only that they be spineless.”

Mathew John is a former civil servant. The views are personal.

Modi Is Hell Bent on Building an Administrative System That Treats Him as King

The prime minister’s fixation is with unflinching personal loyalty from bureaucrats – a trait that both the law and centuries of experience discourage.

There is no doubt that the increasing politicisation of the bureaucracy has been corroding, for quite some time, the pillars on which fair and efficient administration rest. The pains taken by the founding fathers of our constitution to protect and insulate the civil service from political interference had ensured a large degree of neutrality, for several decades — except perhaps during the Emergency. What is more important is that it created a culture of looking down at any suspiciously close liaison between politicians and bureaucrats (for mutual personal gain) to be illicit and adulterous.

The recently passed Delhi Services Act runs counter to this ethos and legitimises the babu-neta nexus. While asserting the supremacy of politics and administration (euphemistically called the executive) over the judiciary, it ensures that the Union government’s political agenda is thrust on an elected chief minister. This law damages the very federal structure, to uphold which, the all India services were created. The chief minister’s control over the civil service, enshrined in List II of the Seventh Schedule of the Constitution, is undermined by legally empowering the chief secretary and the home secretary of Delhi to overrule him. The root of the success of political governance that lies in the subordinate position of the bureaucracy is, thus, uprooted – which, in effect, exposes officers to a field that is full of pits and mines. It is not that senior bureaucrats have never differed from chief ministers, but officials believe that when two persons ride a horse, one has to ride behind.

Those who know Narendra Modi are, however, not scandalised with this daylight politicisation of the administration, for he has never hidden his contempt for its basic principles of experience, merit and seniority. Modi’s fixation is with unflinching personal loyalty – a trait that both the law and centuries of experience discourage. An open structure like public administration cannot and should not be converted into a closed private limited company. But Modi’s basic insecurities prompt him to pick his cabal, often over the heads of many other competent bureaucrats. He rewards  loyalty and ensures that every officer who has been of use to him is recompensed, often beyond his dreams. This strategy seeks to break the spine of neutrality of civil servants and explains why many are collaborating in Modi’s grey-to-black-area decisions. These ‘collaborators’ are banking on his ever-continuing rule, and they often overlook the fact that their fingerprints can later be traced in the controversial surrender of national assets like airports, port areas, power utilities and coal blocks to cronies. These will reveal how much collaborators had stretched to please the boss. It is good to remind them that ultimately it was officials (even upright ones) who were given jail sentences in the coal controversy.

Also read: Civil Servants: From Colonial Clones to Compliant Managers?

The other less-discussed characteristic of the functioning of Narendra Modi, as chief minister or prime minister, is his sheer panic with the English language. This is strange, as Chaudhary Charan Singh and H.D. Deve Gowda could manage quite well, with a judicious mix of languages and Modi has the credit of mastering a second language, Hindi. But his unease with English is quite visible and explains his obsession with Gujarati and Hindi. He is not embarrassed in selecting a grossly disproportionate number of officers from Gujarat, irrespective of their state of origin. He plonks them in most critical positions — from the omnipotent principal secretary in the PMO to heads of several agencies through which he spreads terror. They explain files and reports to him in Gujarati or in Hindi, and he confesses that he is loathe to read the written word. Working in Gujarat becomes an unimaginable asset, and even a private sector employee of a crony company now wields the whip in Delhi.

These two limitations restrict his choice severely and explains the third, i.e. why he hates to let go of these henchmen. His distrust of non-tested officers is just too strongly embedded in his psyche, which is why the present cabinet secretary and home secretary are on perpetual extension. In fact, the first law he amended as soon as he became prime minister was to get over a legal prohibition and have a bland but trusted retired officer as his principal secretary. The extension after extension that Sanjay Mishra continues to get as the director of the now-notorious Enforcement Directorate vindicates his clutching-on habit.

Under Modi, Faustian babu-neta bargains are reportedly on the rise, even if they wreck civil service ethics and ethos. The civil service continues, however, to remain attractive despite severe criticism, a large part of which is misplaced. Every year, several lakh youth still compete for the less than a thousand top posts in the higher echelons of the civil service. This fresh blood transfusion helps maintain the best stream possible, and it is commendable that a large section of the bureaucracy does not connive to benefit the regime’s favoured plutocrats and oligarchs. This is evident from the reluctance of the conscientious officers to allow wholesale privatisation of national assets at throwaway value or even to indulge in questionable lease of government properties. This invited Modi’s bitter wrath at the IAS, some time ago.

Watch: ‘The IAS Has Failed India and Must Change’: Ex-RBI Governor Duvvuri Subbarao

Terror is Modi’s favoured instrument and affects many an officer. He is not, of course, the only one who uses this patronage-or-punishment choice, but he has sunk it to dizzying depths. How else how does one explain the stock-market regulator SEBI looking the other way when the valuation of questionable companies went up by 5,000% in three years? Finance ministry officials of that period cannot claim to be unaware of what was happening. Similarly, those in the coal and power ministries can hardly feign innocence while framing policies to facilitate a monopolist to handle coal import at costs that are 8 to 10 times higher than domestic, and extract the higher bills from us. Similarly, bank chiefs and ministry officials have all been privy to (and part of) the unprecedented write-offs done during Modi’s nine years, amounting to a staggering Rs 12.51 lakh crore. This humungous sum was ‘adjusted’ in the name of “cleaning account books”, by destroying forever the money kept in banks. In reality, however, cronies and frauds like Nirav Modi and Mehul Choksi could get away and splurge in luxuries abroad.

Modi’s regime has surely facilitated the rich to become incredibly richer. Ambani increased his wealth from $18 billion in 2014 to a staggering $90 billion now. Adani, who flew Modi from Ahmedabad to Delhi in his private plane in 2014  (sending all sorts of signals), increased his worth from $8 billion then to an unbelievable $140 billion in eight years. Then, the Hindenburg report punctured it and brought it down to $64 billion at present — which is still sky high. One noticed that babus who successfully managed these and other ‘best friends’ did phenomenally well in service, and even in politics later on.

The system is so convoluted that few can realise how this regime facilitates the rich to get richer. Let’s see an example. If one examines India’s controversial role in playing ‘neutral’ during Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, we find it actually benefitted two Indian corporates of Gujarat more than it helped the people of India. While the external affairs minister and his horde of unusually-biased officials, who troll anyone for saying the truth, loudly justified Modi’s decision to procure cheaper Russian crude by defying the West as patriotic, the public sector refineries could hardly gain for almost a year. They were bound by long term contracts to source their supplies at much higher prices. It was two private refineries in Gujarat which have (with low obligation to supply oil to our pumps) lapped up cheap Russian crude and then re-exported petro-products at phenomenal profits. India exported 98 million tonnes of petro-products for $97 billion in the Ukraine-shattered year 2022-23 — as compared to the $67 billion we got in 2021-22, for the very same quantity. ONGC and IOC are prohibited by the government to export and make profits. The government’s narrative and BJP’s propaganda did not mention that the Ukraine policy actually enriched Modi’s cronies. Another ex-diplomat in charge of the petroleum ministry and his officials disclose nothing to the nation, not even why our petrol prices were not coming down despite lower costs of imports.

Every profession suffers a few pejorative terms and the choicest one for bureaucrats is ‘courtier’. But Birbal was also one — a wise one. Even the most rancid critics cannot deny that the calling is, indeed, a critical and coveted one. So much so that countless wannabes hang around politicians till late at night, hoping to find a place in the ‘court’ of political governance. But, as we have seen, most constitutionally selected ‘courtiers’ still follow principles. The problem is that the present ruler does not appreciate this and rewards only those officials or courtiers who dispense with all morality to please him.

Jawhar Sircar is a Rajya Sabha member of the Trinamool Congress. He has been culture secretary in the Government of India and CEO of Prasar Bharati.

Modi’s Anti-Politics Tirade Is Preparing the Ground for an Authoritarian Switch-Over

If Modi’s anti-politics narrative is allowed to acquire traction on our national imagination, we shall be trading only one strong man with another when the time for change comes.

Last week, ‘Civil Service Day’ was observed with the customary address by Prime Minister Narendra Modi at Vigyan Bhavan. To a captive audience of the country’s seniormost babus, Modi delivered a sermon with his familiar cockiness. That, of course, is the privilege of the prime ministerial pulpit.

But the message Modi delivered was meant for a larger constituency. And the message is not only dangerous but it also reveals an authoritarian persona hopelessly overloaded with extraordinary delusions of infallibility.

It is one thing for a prime minister to sing his own songs of self-congratulation, it is quite another for him to instigate the bureaucracy against the political class. That is precisely what the prime minister ended up doing at Vigyan Bhavan.

The crux of his exhortation was that all political parties – except his own, the Bharatiya Janata Party – are self-serving instruments of self-serving leaders, and that these organisations are intrinsically pitted against the collective good and cannot be trusted to guard and advance common welfare, public interest and national well-being. And, though political parties cannot be wished away in a democratic set-up, it was the bureaucracy’s “duty” to sit in judgment over all policies proposed by duly elected governments. More significantly, the prime minister suggested that senior bureaucrats must be vigilant against any tinkering – by a newly elected (state) government – with the existing policy regime because the change could be at the behest of the new ruling party’s business friends.

His Orwellian double-speak apart, the prime minister seemed to be manufacturing an ethical narrative to justify his government’s pervasive and demonstrative use of the Enforcement Directorate, the Central Bureau of Investigation and other coercive instruments against the BJP’s political rivals and opponents. A classic case of cooking up legitimacy for political vendetta.

The prime minister’s tirade against political parties must be music to the newly-empowered technocratic elite, which is ipso facto impatient with democratic constraints and is intellectually anti-people. This new elite compliments Prime Minister Modi’s self-serving righteousness. Just as he believes that whatever he does (or does not do) is guided and motivated by genuine concern for the national interest, the new ruling class wallows in its own partisan definitions of public good.

Also read: The Form of Corruption that Makes a Banana Republic

Running down political rivals is every politician’s trick of the trade. But Modi this time appears to have crossed one more rekha. Speaking in Hindi, after listing all the possible ways in which political parties could misuse their mandate, he suggested it was up to the bureaucracy to step in: “Ye aap logon ko dekhna hi hoga, doston (You will have to look into this, friends).” In other words, an open invitation was extended to the bureaucracy to join a kind of conspiratorial jugalbandi against non-BJP parties and governments. This is a new low point in our already much debased politics.

Of course, these last nine years, the prime minister has diligently used – on a massive scale – the resources and instruments of his office to build himself up as the sole national saviour; neither his party nor his cabinet colleagues nor the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh nor the Vishwa Hindu Parishad nor crony capitalists are allowed to share the frame. He stands alone and tall on a self-commissioned pedestal.

On a parallel track, his vast propaganda machine has corrosively undermined all other political leaders and their parties by labelling them as contaminated and corrupt. A newly devised dogma renders illegitimate the very existence of opposition to his regime. Already, civil society and its democratic voices of dissent have been obliterated out of the public imagination. The Great Demagogue stands between order, stability, prosperity and chaos, confusion, contention.

This, of course, is not the first-time individuals, external and internal forces and circumstances combined to destroy public trust in the political class and its ability to steer the ship of the Indian State. In 1991, we ended up collectively putting our faith in the curative power of the market, with a capital M. The political class had lost its self-confidence and willingly ceded dominant space and moral aura to the purveyors of “animal spirits” of our business community and to civil society, which ritually chanted the “good governance” mantra. A chief minister even preferred to be called a CEO.

The long and short of this confusion was that the political class never recovered its old elan nor the public’s trust The judiciary, other institutions and civil society muscled their way into the domain of political parties. The old certitudes were gone but the new forces, individuals, ideological pretensions and interests sought to impose themselves in any manner.

And, when the “terror” era began, Indian society began pinning for a “strong” dispensation that would firewall us from external dangers and internal  enemies. This clamour for a “strong” and “decisive” ruling arrangement was clearly at the expense of conventional democratic ways of negotiation, bargaining, adjustment and consensus-building among disparate sections of our society with its multiple fault-lines. Finally, in 2014, the Narendra Modi Project was sold to a vulnerable electorate as the answer to our polity’s fears and disenchantments. The unambiguously decisive mandates he won, in 2014 and 2019, were in expectation of a new democratic vitality and social harmony.

Also read: Unchecked by Consequences, a New Authoritarianism Is Unfolding in India

Nearly ten years later, however, the Modi experiment is running at the level of inefficiency inherent in any despotic arrangement. But the prime minister and his drum-beaters are wilfully denigrating the achievements of all pre-2014 governments, all of which were anchored in democratic mandates and constitutional sanctions. From this negation of previous regimes it is only the next logical step that the prime minister and his hit-squads should seek to delegitimise all constitutional institutions – the judiciary, parliament, political parties – as dens of anti-national sentiments. Unsurprisingly, the lawlessness of the police in Uttar Pradesh is being touted as a much-needed short-cut.

This markedly anti-politics disdain is gradually congealing into a new national religion, with Modi being the only high priest. This begets a deeper mischief. Whereas the much-maligned Nehruvian years ensured that India acquired a democratic culture that came handy in sorting out various succession crises, the exaggerated accent on one man today is depleting the polity of its republican vitality. If Modi’s anti-politics narrative is allowed to acquire traction on our national imagination, we shall be trading only one strong man with another when the time for change comes.

 

The Delta Wave Death of Biplab Swain and the Unreported Struggles He Left Behind

A tribute from a sister to her brother who fell to the delta wave and her rage at all the missing mainstream media reportage.

According to a study published in the Lancet Child and Adolescent Health journal, more than 1.9 million children were orphaned (lost their caregivers) between March 2020 and October 2021 in India. One of them is Binayak, our child, who was raised by my brother. 

My brother, Biplab Swain, would have turned 49 on April 12 this year. He fell to the delta wave on May 4, 2021; 22 days after his 48th birthday. But the Lancet study doesn’t count people like me and my sister-in-law (his wife), who were also orphaned.

He was my only sibling, best friend, parent (both our parents are dead), confidante and pillar of support in a patriarchal world where divorced/single women are ‘lesser’ citizens. He was the centre of our universe and the world is a distinctly lesser place without him.

But why should anyone care about what I have to say about my brother? He was not a celebrity; he didn’t live an extraordinary life. Rather, he believed in living an ordinary life well, and that the extraordinary would take care of itself. But people should care because there are too many brothers, sisters, everymen, everywomen, every-humans who fell to the virus.

And a pandemic death is not an individual family’s failure; it is the failure of the state and society. This is especially true of delta wave deaths in India and Vidya Krishnan, in the Caravan, has done a deep dive into the decisions that led to so many funeral pyres

Those who fell to the virus left behind not just an empty chair at the dinner table or an inactive number in our phonebooks; the fallen were humans who were at the centres of our universes. Nature magazine puts the number of such humans at 22 million and the Economist estimates them to number 24.3 million; four times the global official data.

Biplab was an IT systems expert who had worked in Europe and the US but had come back to India, Odisha specifically, to be with his family. He was a family man; a loving son, husband, father, brother, human; an entrepreneur, a farmer, an engineer; an active citizen and a general genius.

Also read: ‘Mistakes in COVID Response Being Repeated’: Experts Write to Centre, States

His defining characteristic was his kindness. We were born in a trade-unionist household. As Amazon employees’ unionise today and South Asian governments and top industrialists engage in ‘union-busting’, my brother, a software and systems man, had more working-class solidarity in his blood than many professional trade-unionists.

He stood by the Odisha Motion Pictures’ Technicians and Workers’ Association during their wage struggle; he drove to the national highway to hand out food and beverages when millions of migrant workers were forced to walk home after the sudden lockdown announcement in 2020; he charged the phones of thousands strangers for multiple weeks from his solar panels when coastal Odisha went dark in 2019, in the aftermath of cyclone Fani.

On May 2, 2021, during the peak of the delta wave, he went to a top private hospital with his wife, never to return home; never to continue with his acts of everyday kindness.

His mantra was justice and solidarity and his favourite poem was Pastor Martin Neimoller’s, First They Came… He lived every bit of this poem and it is fitting that we are commemorating his first death anniversary in an inter-faith ceremony.

Biplab would have been an ‘excess death’ too; an uncounted COVID fatality, like the millions who were denied the dignity of even a statistic by the state and its instruments. Despite having an Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) COVID-positive report, upon his death, the Cuttack municipality issued a normal death certificate. In November, 2021, only after the Supreme Court’s order on writ petitions 539/2021 and 554/2021, did we get his COVID death certificate; a good six months after his death. 

But our battles didn’t end there; rather, they had only just begun. A year after we lit his funeral pyre, standing socially distanced in the crematorium in layers of personal protective equipment (PPE) layers; a year since the country burnt like Dante’s Inferno, our battles are nowhere near an end.

As a female-headed household, consisting of two sister-in-laws and a minor child and without any adult male, we are litigating against our bank for it to recognise one of us as the ‘Karta‘ (manager) of our Hindu-Undivided-Family (HUF) account. This has increased our tax burden exponentially. Professor Faizan Mustafa, in his legal awareness web series, speaks at greater length on the Hindu Succession Act and the sexist bureaucracy.

Also read: Post-COVID, Female-Headed Households Are Left to Battle Paperwork and a Sexist System

COVID also exposed the broken state of insurance-financed healthcare in India, standing on a crumbling health infrastructure and lacking adequate human resources. From 2 million missing nurses to 600,000 missing doctors to an unregulated healthcare sector hell-bent on profiteering from the pandemic, we experienced it all.

We had to take our private insurer to an ombudsman to claim our due settlements, only to discover the plethora of pending writ petitions against health insurance companies in the many high courts of the country, registered during the Delta wave. Hindi daily Dainik Bhaskar did a deep dive into the matter.

Accessing COVID benefits for widows and orphan, too, has been onerous and humiliating in equal measures. Assistance for COVID orphans and widows, – reluctantly announced by the state governments after the Supreme Court’s order – its implementation and delivery deserves more judicial and journalistic scrutiny.

Regular things like the transfer of ownership of vehicles, investments, nominee changes and the like have been akin to walking the Kafkaesque maze. And in the midst of all this, we are litigating against the Cuttack district administration’s incessant attempts to grab our parental land.

Feminist economists and sociologists have been writing reams on the motherhood penalty. I never experienced the actual motherhood penalty because my brother was our mother. With his demise, while motherhood is dawning on me, the penalty is not yet for me to pay, because of my employing organisation, colleagues and many acts of humanity by strangers and random public spirited officials. However, all of this is in spite of the state rather than because of it.

As we soldier on through all these battles and try to deal with survivor’s guilt and grief, and falter in our attempts to heal, I wonder what the mainstream media has been reporting on this past year. These are not just our stories; these are the stories of most survivors. But where is the mainstream reportage on it? Why is the burden to cover these stories on a few independent media platforms? What ever happened to journalism being about ‘comforting the afflicted and afflicting the comfortable’?

There’s a Chinese curse: ‘May you live in interesting times‘. We are no fans of interesting times. We want the banal and the ordinary; a world where social protection, science and solidarity rule. And every time we, the strange family of two sister-in-laws and a child, are complimented for being strong and resilient, I want to scream with all my lungs, “Which civilised society demands this level of resilience from victims?”

Biraj Swain works on the intersection of global development and media watch in Asia and East Africa. She can be reached at biraj_swain@hotmail.com 

Digital India Or Not, the Babu’s Love for Frustrating Rules and Procedures Continues

A mind-numbing process to get the OCI card renewal sets off the author on a rumination of bureaucratic minutae.

Wishing my fellow Indians on Independence Day on Facebook, I referenced my Overseas Citizen of India (OCI) card and borrowed from Nehru’s words 75 years ago to note that my own ‘tryst with destiny’ lies in both India and the US, where I now live. India’s warmth, wonders and diversities – however threatened and pummeled – will always be home. My janambhoomi.

But there’s another India that lives on – that of the omnipresence of authority or sarkar in our everyday lives in India and its diaspora. This holds even for digitalindia.gov.in where we visit 21st century government websites or those of its contractors, including OCI services. The Modi government, however, did not altogether invent the incarnation of our sarkar that can be traced from post-colonial back to Vedic days, if not earlier.

Modi continues, quite vehemently, an older tradition through his sarkar – that of hierarchy, ignoring the wishes of millions, and making sure that the intricacies of sarkar’s workings occupy the inner recesses of our heads – in my case whether I live in Washington, DC, or when I return to my village of Dedhgharat in Tehsil Kandaghat, Himachal Pradesh.

The cultural hold of sarkar in everyday life of India is admirable – the ratio of government versus civil citizens in India is quite low, with only 32 lakh Central government officials, which includes railways. By contrast, there are 21 lakh government officials in the US federal government for a population that is about one-quarter of India’s. The sarkar’s imprint on Indian minds must be understood historically through the everyday acts of its authority.

Also read: When It Comes to Digitising Healthcare – It’s the Government, Silly

Sarkar in the digital age

My experience renewing the OCI card, that I referenced on Independence Day, reminded me of the continuities of sarkar in the digital age. While OCI cards were issued for a lifetime when the programme began in 2003, the Modi government announced late in 2019 that OCI cards for some categories must be renewed and published new rules for those obtaining OCI for the first time. OCI cards can be denied for ‘unpatriotic and anti-national activities’. In short – sarkar did this because it could, and because it is among the many measures to quash dissent.

My experience and anxiety about OCI renewal were informed less from fears of being viewed as ‘anti-national’ as it was about dealing with the ‘Digital India’ private contractors, namely VFS Global, that processes the OCI applications and thereby expands government functions. While conducting academic research on IT and e-government contractors in India, a senior government official in Himachal once told me that private-sector contractors are prone to behaving like government officials. His implication was that the privilege of acting like government must be limited to government. This begs the question: what does acting like government or sarkar mean?

At first glance, it all seems so efficient: VFS Global has digitised the process of OCI renewal. But VFS, as one finds out through successive interactions, has taken on the mantle of being semi-sarkar. From colonial days, this has meant, as I have written elsewhere, taking on habits of authority in material and digital environments.

The VFS website comes with pages and pages of instructions – a PDF file in fact, on how to obtain an OCI card and what to fill out at each step. However, there’s no button or tab for OCI renewal. The smart-sarkar-fed-and-reared potential OCI person must figure out that it must be the application for “miscellaneous services”. That’s the easy part. The uploaded picture must be of a certain size, and departs from most global norms. This takes some digital acumen and infrastructure on the applicant’s part. There are many supplementary documents to be submitted along with the physical application that must be printed out and sent to VFS. Many of those supplementary documents are not mentioned in the instructions.

This boring laundry list of bureaucratic minutiae is important: the Indian sarkar has lived in our heads through these micro intrusions. The intricacies and opacity of rules is such that applications for anything can be denied, rules reinterpreted and justified, and the supplicants blamed at any stage. An email I sent to VFS Global about the total charges for the application included a list of unspecified charges that it called “etc.”

My OCI application was returned once because they could not find a record of it on their computers. It magically reappeared when I chose to pay by credit card rather than money order. Although the website offers both possibilities, the credit card ‘functionality’ was not easy to find on the website, and therefore I had opted for a money order (returned to me). I had to send supplementary documents three times by courier as VFS officials finally realised what they deemed missing. VFS-sarkar had the authority to make me comply if I wanted my OCI card renewed.

While a great deal has been written about the recent changes to OCI card and the Modi government’s agenda, we need to equally understand another continuity here: the workings of sarkar in the everyday life of Indians where every new micro rule change has produced headaches and anxieties, and a sub-class of contractors and sub-contractors. Economics calls this high transaction costs, but these calculations ignore the psychological and cultural dimensions of governments.

A few scholars call this the ‘neo-liberal state’: Indian historians can easily remind them of similarities with the Vedic or Harappan state – in the evolution of the caste system, patterns of land ownership, religion and governance, or the habits of written records that justify many means to no end. Many of us grew up with government offices being surrounded by black-coated advocates, clerks, and auxiliary services for filling out forms and photostatting papers (or carbon copying them in an earlier era).

Of course, if you have ‘connections’, you can bypass these intermediaries. My mother, an Indian citizen determined to always follow the correct procedures, lives in my head – she railed against authority but forbid us to bypass it. I got used to standing in lines.

Also read: Government Assault on Digital Media Reflects Modi’s Paranoia

My experience is not just that of a complaining NRI or OCI, sometimes derided in India’s media. Unlike these media, usually situated in metros and big cities, my home in India is in village Dedhgharat that I mentioned above. Trips to India often mean spending time at the sub-divisional magistrate (SDM) or tehsil headquarters in Kandaghat where most services are now digitised, but the new building carries old icons: quite literally that includes a giant statue of Shiva that now sits in its main lobby. Himachal is Shivbhoomi, after all!

As with OCI and VFS services, the SDM’s IT-centre services staff can turn you away because you printed out the electronic application on the wrong-sized paper, or it wasn’t single-hole punched in the upper-left-hand corner and duly tied with a pheeta (tag), or placed correctly in that inimitably Indian file that can be purchased for Rs 10 outside the offices.

In 2018, my driver’s license application could not get approved for days because the SDM was on pooja duty. I am not sure if he was on leave or whether pooja duty is now required of SDMs.

I submit that there is a direct connection with the culturally repetitive everyday life of sarkar and the kinds of new threats the Modi government makes against Indian citizens, overseas or domestic. Habits of authority die hard. It is only through consciousness and protest against these micro aggressions, from the tehsil to the global levels, that we can change this culture. I miss my mother: She was masterful at this!

I also submit that any potential OCI or OCI-renewal person who successfully completes an OCI application online should be immediately granted an OCI card. Only a legitimate person of Indian origin can figure out the application’s intricacies. You possibly cannot be a deshdrohi if the love of Bharatbhoomi drives you to endlessly indulge in arcane and time-consuming habits of authority bestowed from sarkar and its ancillary contractors.

While deeply troubling, the changes in OCI rules are consistent with the workings of former sarkars. There is continuity in the driver’s license, citizens’ quota, or sundry permit Raj in India. Ultimately, the continuity is the deep cultural impression, and both the frustration and resignation to the working of sarkar in our lives.

Sarkar will always have a special meaning for everyday life in India. Notice we call each other sarkar when we are being polite and respectful – or, for people like my mother, being diffident.

J.P. Singh is professor of International Commerce and Policy at the Schar School of Policy and Government, George Mason University, and Richard von Weizsäcker Fellow with the Robert Bosch Academy in Berlin. His research addresses issues of culture, technology, and political economy.

How Bureaucracy Has Left the Indian Civil Services Adrift

India’s crisis-ridden bureaucracy is unrecognisable, and this perception of the civil services overshadows the handful of upright officers who continue boldly to keep the system afloat.

Once hailed as the steel frame of independent India, the country’s civil service today is a pale shadow of its halcyon past when officers of high intellectual calibre, personal integrity, and the brio to give unbiased advice, held sway.

Successors of the ‘heaven born’ colonial Indian Civil Service, or ICS, and the analogous Indian Police or IP, newly independent India’s civil services was not too different. They equitably managed the turbulent times of Partition, rife with bloodshed, refugees’ influx, and the division of assets between the two newly created nations.

In the decades thereafter, guided by competent political leaders they kept hope alive by nurturing a fledgling democracy in a hugely diverse country, which few in the world thought would survive as a nation state.

But over seven decades later India’s crisis-ridden bureaucracy is unrecognisable; vilified for its inefficiency, nepotism, and corruption, but above all else, for its arrogance and high-maintenance and low mileage capabilities. This common perception of the civil services overshadows the handful of conscientious and upright officers who continue boldly to adhere to old values and keep the system afloat.

Ironically, it is because of this latter diminishing complement of officers that many systems continue to function relatively well.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi seems to concur with this public perception of the Indian bureaucrats. He recently excoriated the country’s civil servants in the Lok Sabha, venting his ire particularly against members of the ‘hallowed’ Indian Administrative Service (IAS) that heads the country’s bureaucratic pinnacle.

Also read: The Civil Services Have Failed To Deliver and It’s Time To Reconsider Their Importance

The ‘babu’ culture

Participating in the motion of thanks to President Ram Nath Kovind’s parliamentary address, an incensed prime minister lamented that India’s growth had become ‘hostage’ to the whims and fancies of babus a mildly pejorative euphemism for civil servants and the untrammelled power they wielded.

“Babus will do everything,” an incredulous prime minister asked rhetorically. “Because they became IAS (officers) they run fertiliser factories ….chemical factories… even fly planes,” he fulminated. “What is this big power we have created,” he asked, going on to inquire of his fellow parliamentarians whether it was judicious to hand over the ‘reins of the nation (of power and governance) to babus’.

The prime minister’s outburst upset senior civil servants who rather than introspect on the criticism levelled against them spent their energy speculating on what had prompted Modi’s outburst. Near-unanimously they agreed that the prime minister’s tirade against them was because of a handful of projects that had been delayed; of course, due to no fault of theirs.

What Modi stated in parliament on February 10, starkly echoed the despair and helplessness of billions of Indians, subsumed by a bureaucracy which other than the IAS is supplemented by the Indian Police Service (IPS), and overseas by the Indian Foreign Service (IFS). Assorted central services oversee varied other departments like revenue, customs, railways, forests, and cantonments, amongst others.

New IAS civil servants headed for training. Credit: PTI

New IAS civil servants headed for training. Photo: PTI

Exceptions notwithstanding, there is a collective strain that defines them all, at least in the popular perception: power, pelf and relative inviolability. The civil servants’ calibre is in direct proportion to their ability to perform in the qualifying examination and the subsequent interview. Thereafter, efficiency, probity, conscientiousness, and empathy are of limited relevance for the average three decades most officers serve.

Most officers assume the trappings of feudal grandeur much like their colonial predecessors, but without either their efficiency, commitment, or impartiality. Their ‘power’ props begin with their massive office revolving chairs, with the mandatory white towel changed regularly draped over the back for reasons unknown. Over decades this white towel has emerged as an unquestioned symbol of bureaucratic authority that brooks no challenge and is always right.

Red lights flash continually outside their office doors to further indicate high office and importance. These worthies, ironically known as public servants, are largely inaccessible to common people who obsequiously line up outside their offices for redressal of their grievances, sometimes waiting the entire day without getting to see the ‘sahib’. In colonial times, those in authority were commonly known as ‘mai baap’ (my father); in independent India they have a shorter, adaptive Anglo-Indian appellation sir ji.

Sir ji’s calls are screened by his army of staffers who invariably mouth the patent questions: ‘aap kahan se bol rahe hain’,  ‘kya kaam hai’, or a helpful ‘dekhta hun sahib kamre mein hain ke nahin’. But this is mere tokenism as most callers are summarily informed that ‘sahib’ is either out or busy in a meeting. This generally means only one thing  the personal staff does not consider the caller important enough to bother the boss. Similarly, visitors are disdainfully discouraged either by making them wait, or advised to meet some other lower-level official in connection with their grievances.

Such inaccessibility contributes majorly towards building public perception regarding the importance and invincibility of the officer. And though civil servants cannot possibly meet, or talk to everyone, there is no system to differentiate between those who have legitimate grievances and others who do not. This malaise has percolated down to the lower power structure echelons, leaving millions of unrequited supplicants across the country.

A large proportion of these civil servants’ business is conducted via haloed meetings, attended by officers whose comprehension of the subject under discussion is normally limited to what is included in the briefs or notes prepared by their juniors. Moreover, these incessant rounds of meetings tend invariably to be long and tedious, devoid of all levity or humour, and seldom result in any definitive decision. In most instances, the minutes are recorded on the ubiquitous file which in turn remains in perpetual orbit.

The German sociologist Max Weber (1864-1920) had famously defined bureaucracy as a highly structured organisation predicated on specialisation and technical competence, a formal set of rules and regulations, a well-defined hierarchy, and impersonality in application of rules. A century later Weber would be hard pressed, to put it mildly, to define Indian bureaucracy even remotely in this overarching framework.

Even insiders, who have spent decades in civil service, find it difficult to explain this sarkari jalebi that impinges on every Indian’s life in varying degrees but one that renders the bureaucrat wholly indispensable. It is also a truism that the power an Indian civil servant wields is vast and in many cases in indirect proportion to the ability of the person exercising it.

Metaphorically, India’s bureaucratic hierarchy divided into four groups mirrors the toxic chaturvarna vyavastha, or the caste system, to which admission is determined by one’s performance in the annual civil service and other entrance examinations. And much like the accident of birth that determines one’s station in the chaturvarna vyavastha, entry into one of these aforesaid categories too determines the future course of one’s career, circumscribing mobility across the broad four civil service groupings.

Specialisation is an important facet of bureaucracy in the Weberian scheme, but in the Indian context the ‘generalist’ IAS officers are the ultimate mavens in all administration branches, as Prime Minister Modi emphatically pointed out in the parliament.

Potentially, an IAS officer with a mere bachelor’s degree in arts could well be deemed as much of an expert in financial management as in aerospace and defence, in most instances learning the basics on the job. The depth of knowledge and experience normally necessary in each of these areas, it seems, are no barrier. As the prime minister declared: the ‘Babu’s can do everything.

Also read: Lateral Entry Is Fine. but What About Enhancing the IAS’s Professional Competence?

Streamlining the country’s bureaucracy

India’s first Administrative Reforms Commission (ARC), aiming at streamlining the country’s bureaucracy, had in 1970 recommended that an overarching ‘functional field’ needed to be created for the lAS. The Commission proposed that this could consist of land revenue administration, exercise of magisterial functions and regulatory work in the states in fields other than those looked after by officials from sundry civil services.

It also suggested that the jobs which do not fall within a particular ‘functional area’ need to be demarcated into eight areas of specialised administration: economic, industrial agricultural and rural development, social and education, personnel, finance, defence and internal security, and planning.

Expectedly, these recommendations were never fully implemented. Instead, a hybrid system was adopted that provided an edge to IAS officers in matters of promotion, postings, and career furtherance. Under this skewered arrangement, the non-IAS services received step-brotherly treatment leading not only to resentment, but also demoralisation. Though the non-IAS officers are now being inducted into higher positions in the ministries in greater numbers than before, such opportunities continue to be limited relative to the number of officers seeking such opportunities.

The recommendations of the first ARC continue to be relevant as governance has become increasingly technologically enabled and specialised. Successive governments declared their intent on assuming office of executing administrative reforms, but these were cleverly stymied each time by the internal forces, reminiscent of the delightful BBC comedy Yes Minister and later Yes, Prime Minister.

In one uproarious episode Prime Minister Jim Hacker asks of senior bureaucrat Sir Humphrey Appleby whether he knew of a civil servant resigning on a matter of principle.

I should think not! What an appalling suggestion! retorts Sir Humphrey in high dudgeon.

Familiar?

Amit Cowshish is former financial advisor (acquisitions), Ministry of Defence.

In India, Ministers and Prime Ministers Come and Go But the File is King

Akin to an object in gravity-less outer-space, the government file remains in perpetual motion, making it difficult if not impossible to track it or to conclusively pin it down.

‘Round and round, like the diurnal revolution of the earth, went the file, stately, solemn, sure and slow.’ – Lord Curzon 

Chandigarh: In official India, there is one inanimate entity that trumps the clout of the country’s most powerful – be it the prime minister, his cabinet colleagues, the collective Union and state bureaucracies, and even the military – and that is the ubiquitous sarkari file.

Of unremarkable appearance, the file is usually little more than a sheaf of papers encased in bright generic folders, with disproportionately-sized multi-coloured flag markers and tags with jagged metal edges stapled on.

But looks can be hugely deceptive.

The file’s outward ordinariness is in inverse proportion to the power it wields, enslaving India’s most powerful with its contents, and whose revelations, in many instances, have surfaced to haunt the high and mighty at inopportune moments.

For within the file lurk printed sheets, peppered with indecipherable handwritten annotations in the margins in multiple-coloured inks by innumerable officials up and down the bureaucratic foodchain. These pages ultimately end up impinging on millions of Indians, either fostering or blighting their wellbeing, but further reinforcing the omnipotence of the file.

The file deals with assorted matters at multiple layers – the national, provincial and even those at the neighbourhood or block levels. But each file has a life of its own and its outcome is, consequently, important, if not vital, so we can only ignore or spurn its contents at great peril.

The reality is that all of us at some point in our lives have been subservient to some file or the other.

Although initiated by the omnipresent faceless government babu, the file travels unhurriedly in a country where the word for today and tomorrow is paradoxically the same. Photo: Reuters

Officialdom has repeatedly informed us, in a country where the state is all-pervasive, that the answer to most of our problems, requests or jams nestles in a specific file that is perpetually in circulation. Not many, of course, have any idea regarding what that file comprises, who its propagators or recipients are, and most importantly, what the deadline for its contents culminating in a happy ending will be.

The latter query is germane for most. In almost every instance, the wait for the ‘fulfilment’ of the file is interminable.

Also read: Lockdown 4.0: Centre Should Forget Red Tape and Stick to Five Principles

Akin to an object in gravity-less outer-space, the file remains in perpetual motion, making it difficult if not impossible to track it or to conclusively pin it down at one specific spot. Even people involved in this perpetual pass-the-file endeavour are equally unaware of either its exact status or whereabouts at any given time.

Although initiated by the omnipresent faceless government babu, the file travels unhurriedly in a country where the word for today and tomorrow is paradoxically the same, kal. Here, deadlines of parson and tarson (the day after or the third day or thereabouts) remain equally nebulous, as is the Hindi phrase ‘dus-ek din mein’, which means, literally in one to 10 days).

Accordingly, the file takes aeons to progress from one official’s desk to the next and endlessly onwards. However, at times, its path along Indian bureaucracy’s precipitous Himalayan highway is well lubricated by ‘considerations’ – thereby ensuring a steady income flow for some of its gatekeepers.

Former Army Chief of Staff General V.K. Singh – now a Union minister – once fittingly compared the movement of any file for materiel procurements in the Ministry of Defence to Snakes and Ladders, an ancient Indian board game, known originally as Moksha Patnam.

Also read: Army: How Red Tape Delayed the Procurement of Lightweight Tanks Until After Ladakh Faceoff

Gen. Singh declared that this file invariably slips back to the start from the top, just as the end appears optimistically in sight, much like the counters in the Snakes and Ladders game following a roll of the dice. In short, the file, like all others remains endlessly in play, yet again buttressing its pre-eminence.

Finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman carried the Budget documents in a ‘bahi-khata’. Image: Reuters/Adnan Abidi

In New Delhi’s power corridors the file is further subjected to security markings ranging from ‘Confidential’ to ‘Secret’ and finally ‘Top Secret’, all of which necessitate different protocols and  packaging to undertake their journey to various offices located along cavernous corridors.

Inside, the file is suffused with a farrago of bewildering anagrams incomprehensible to laymen. ‘Pspk’, for instance, is ‘please speak’, ‘PU’ is short for ‘put up on file,’ and ‘N/A’ means ‘necessary action’, whilst the deadliest clincher or put-downer in any file is ‘LO’ or lay over i.e. ditch the proposal.

There is yet another implacable aspect to the file.

Once initiated, the file is indestructible and immortal, or in official parlance never ‘buried,’ and any attempt to entomb it is looked upon with suspicion, and motives imputed to a concerned officer for wanting to do so. This is because one of the many unstated decrees borrowed unquestioningly by independent India’s bureaucracy from colonial administration and perpetuated thereafter is that the file needs to eternally remain alive in some form, even hibernation.

Thus, it can be strategically activated if required at a later stage, either to settle scores, harass people, earn gratification or for all three motivations. The oft heard ominous threat, ‘purana file khul gaya’ (‘the old file has been reactivated’) is merely euphemism for a civil servant (or the politician directing him) attempting to settle scores with an adversary via the universal folder.

In this respect, Indian bureaucracy pursues what Ajit, one of Bollywood’s renowned villains once advocated for his rival in one of his films. He ordered him to be drowned in a vat full of liquid oxygen to endure everlasting misery. The liquid, he gleefully declared, would not let the hero live, and the oxygen would not let him die. Similarly, for Indian civil servants the file too remains enduringly alive, but in the twilight zone, dipped in ‘liquid oxygen’.

Bollywood villain Ajit. Photo: YouTube

Old timers will recall that the major qualitative difference with regard to the file progressed by colonial civil servants and their Indian successors, was in overall drafting skills. In the former’s file notings that were consistently apposite, brief and succinct, there was invariably a high quotient of drollery that served to lighten the overall drabness of government business.

One retired senior civil servant told The Wire that such humorous talent amongst civil servants and even Indian politicians, continued into the late 1970s, after which the file was swamped by long-winded and  grammatically flawed notings, devoid of all wit.

Also read: Exclusive: Official File Notings on NPR and Aadhaar Contradict Home Ministry Assurances

Over the last decade, he lamented, these had degenerated further into near-incomprehensibility, as bureaucratic drafting skills further dissipated into gobbledygook.

Meanwhile, the file is also the news reporters’ dream, securing which can not only boost careers, but topple or embarrass officialdom and governments which are anxious to keep its contents under wraps. Over the decades, many an investigative journalist has been handed over a damning file by disgruntled officials or, occasionally, by conscience-ridden colleagues, triggering exposés and dire repercussions.

Security and intelligence agencies too have bribed, honey-trapped or ideologically persuaded officials into handing over a file which is guaranteed, without doubt, to be the authentic repository of information from the enemy country. Fittingly, the all-pervading file has been the focus of innumerable Hollywood spy thrillers, though in recent years it has been replaced by the pen drive that succeeded the computer disc of the 1990s.

But not so in official India, where the file has efficaciously survived, over-riding digitisation and continuing to reign paramount, dwarfing its originators.

In short, most Indians, however powerful and grand, are vassals of the tyrannical File.

Watch | ‘Constant Shuffle of Bureaucrats by States and Centre Hinders Effective Governance’

Anil Swarup, former Coal Secretary, spoke with Mitali Mukherjee about the challenges that bureaucrats face in the governance construct we have today.

Anil Swarup, former Coal Secretary and author of the book “Ethical Dilemmas of a Civil Servant”, spoke with Mitali Mukherjee about the challenges that bureaucrats face in the governance construct we have today.

Swarup also talked about the clear economic stress people were feeling, where as much as Rs 30,000 crore has been withdrawn in under four months starting April by 8 million subscribers of the Employee Provident Fund Organisation (EPFO).

As former Central Provident Fund Commissioner, Swarup was at the forefront of setting up many crucial parts of the EPFO system.

He also expressed belief that while intent may be positive on both the NEP (National Education Policy) and opening up the coal sector, implementation would be very difficult because both policy changes were not rooted in a genuine understanding of where the problem lay.

Pandemic and Pandemonium: A Doctor on India’s Kafkaesque Medical Reality

Using irony, satire and black humour, a doctor at a COVID-19 fever clinic breaks down the bureaucratic lunacy that plagues the Indian system.

Manish Tripathi* is quite unaware of the impact that the novel coronavirus is going to have on his life. Late in February, the signs start creeping in, little by little in small increments at first, and finally culminating in the madness, chaos, mayhem, rank stupidity, ineptitude and gross incompetence which characterise any large-scale venture in India.

Kafkaesque doesn’t even begin to describe the situation that he witnesses.

At his hospital, early in March, the administration suspends the biometric method of attendance. Large signs are taped over the machines stating that due to the risk of contracting COVID-19, attendance shall now be marked with new face recognition technology machines.

“F***ing far out and futuristic,” Manish thinks, although he notices that he still needs to use his hands to open the gazillion doors in every corridor, toilet and department at the hospital – which sort of undermines the whole exercise. But never mind.

The IT chaps make him pose in a variety of ways to capture his facial characteristics for the machine, exhorting him with, “Please sir, profile pic first, small smile, thank you very much sir. Don’t frown sir, please show forehead sir,” all of which have the feel of posing for a ’90s amateur modelling shoot.

The next day, he walks up to the machine and starts grimacing and bobbing his head up and down in front of it, but to no apparent effect. A security guard notices and offers some sage advice.

“Sir, you need to touch the screen before it can capture your face.”

“Oh, thanks mate. So are you telling me that the machine which has been specifically installed to prevent us from touching surfaces needs to be touched in order to turn it on?”

“Yes sir, touch the screen, then only pose in front of the camera.”

Cool story. Manish happily complies, secure in the validation that this latest development only proves what he’s felt all his life – the world is insane, India especially so, and the only way to survive is to go with the flow and join all the madness.

The next day, administration requests that all doctors in the hospital attend a conference where they will discuss the hospital’s strategy to deal with the pandemic, and to address any concerns of the staff. A slightly frazzled looking professor takes the stage and starts lecturing the highly trained medical workers on the characteristics of SARS-CoV2.

“So you know why it’s called coronavirus? It’s because corona is Spanish for crown (actually it’s Latin, Manish thinks, but never mind), and this virus has a crown. Do you know crown? Crown, na, like mukut, which kings and queens used to wear?”

This exposition is accompanied by a PowerPoint slide depicting a badly drawn cartoon of a medieval ruler with a crown. Fearing that this vital point has not been communicated properly enough, the lecturer then mimes the shape of the crown over his own head. This goes on for several minutes.

The professor then starts talking about the origin of SARS-CoV2. “It is believed that it came from Chinese people eating bat soup. You know these Chinese, they eat everything. Ha ha ha.”

The audience also sycophantically laughs, while the PowerPoint slide now shows a racist depiction of a Chinese person hovering over a cartoon bat in a bowl.

You got to hand it to this guy, Manish thinks, did his kindergarten children draw these cartoons on MS Paint on short notice, or did he just upload stock images from stupidracism.com?

After several such gems, the Q&A session is thrown open to the audience. Predictably, half the mics don’t work, so a lot of pertinent queries are unheard, or garbled beyond understanding. When they are heard though, the professor responds by attacking the questioner, screaming at them, or evading the question (especially those on a shortage of Personal Protective Equipment – PPEs), or deflecting responsibility to some poor chump in Procurement or Engineering.

Some bold fool stands up and asks, “Just suppose I, or any other healthcare worker, get sick – not just infected, but sick with the disease in the course of our duties, and need hospitalisation and maybe a ventilator, will we be treated here? And if so, does my insurance cover that treatment? And if we won’t be treated here, will my insurance cover treatment at a private hospital?”

The professor is incensed at this frivolous question.

“Well firstly, why would you think you’ll get sick? You are so young and healthy, ha ha ha. Look at me, I’m pushing 60, and I’m not worried about all this. Listen, you youngsters are always trying to get out of responsibility. In my time, we would stay awake for four days straight and still have the energy to go home and beat our wives ha ha ha. Anyway, jokes aside, if you get sick, you’ll of course be thrown out of here because we can’t risk you infecting others, and sent to a government hospital (he names the hospital which Manish used to earlier work in and of which he has terrible memories). So now there’s no question of insurance and all, is there? It’s free treatment at the government hospital, and of course, maybe sometimes you’re crowded three deep in a single bed with tuberculosis patients, and sure, maybe now and then, they give you the wrong medicine because all the nurses are overworked, and maybe they use the same needle and syringe on multiple patients, but that’s just the life of a tough soldier like you, no? I used to be in the army (officer class, of course), and we never used to complain about petty things like this, you millennials are just used to having things handed on a spoon for you. We’re in a war, dear boy, like those soldiers standing at Siachen glacier etc etc! And we need all you to pull together and act as a team instead of moaning about lack of protective gear and whatnot.”

The audience is suitably chastised and humbled by this tirade, the questioner meekly bows his head and sits down. The professor glowers at everyone, daring someone to ask any further questions. Thankfully, nobody is stupid enough to do so. The lecturer then gives everyone a respite, smiles, and throws the medical staff a bone.

“I also have great news for all of you. Thanks to the tireless efforts of our government and our hospital in particular, we have obtained the drug hydroxychloroquine which we will provide to every single employee here, free of cost…”

At this point, the manager in charge of Procurement steps up to the dais and whispers urgently in his ear.

“Okay, maybe not free of cost, but the point is we have got it! And you all can get it easily, you lucky, lucky fellows.”

At this point, Manish is extremely grateful at the magnanimity of the hospital administration. “What a benevolent institution I work at,” he thinks, “Of course they are deeply concerned about the well being of all of us.”

He decides to gloss over the fact that hydroxychloroquine is a completely unproven drug, and that it might actually be harmful to treat COVID-19 with it.

A few days later, it is announced that the long awaited N-95 masks are now available for the medical staff “who actually require the use of one”. Since Manish sees patients daily, any number of which could be potentially infected, he lines up in the long queue to be allotted one. They hand him what he first thinks is a napkin. He’s a bit nonplussed.

“Excuse me, is this actually a N-95 mask?”

“Of course it is. See, it’s printed N-95 on the mask itself. Why would you ask?”

“I’m sorry, it’s just that it appears more to be a paper thin rag with underwear straps. See, it even has those frilly elastic bands which are used in cheap lingerie. Also, I’ve never seen an N-95 mask which has N-95 printed in extremely large letters across it. I also happened to notice that it has some rather large holes over the part that’s supposed to be covering and protecting my mouth and nose, so you can understand my doubts.”

“Look, the holes are there so that you can breathe (but wouldn’t I end up breathing in the virus, Manish wonders), and the masks are issued by the Government of India itself. Are you saying you don’t trust the Government of India to give you legitimate masks? This same selfless government which cares so much about you that it made all its citizens bang pots and pans and light firecrackers in your honour? Is that what you’re saying?”

“God, no. I love my government and nothing they do can be wrong. Please give me my underwear mask so I can go out fully protected like a good soldier in this great war.”

Manish feels like a bit of an idiot after he puts the mask on. The edges are poorly fitting and leave huge gaps between his cheeks. And although the holes are supposed to let him breathe freely, they somehow don’t work very well, and his breath fogs up his glasses and vision constantly. This becomes a problem that night, when he’s on duty in the Emergency Room and has to intubate (insert a breathing tube into the windpipe) of a patient who is suspected to have COVID-19.

According to WHO guidelines, intubation is one of the most hazardous “aerosol-generating procedures” which carries the highest risk of infecting others in the room, especially those who are doing the procedure itself. Manish should be equipped with a proper face mask, face shield, and covered head to toe in a hazmat-like suit.

Instead he’s wearing a hole-filled tissue paper, his lab coat, and that’s pretty much it. Thankfully, help is on the way.

A nurse walks in carrying what looks to be a plastic version of a medieval soldier’s shield. She places it in front of Manish and instructs him to put his arms through the two holes thoughtfully provided in the shield and then proceed with the intubation. The moment Manish touches the shield, it promptly collapses like a broken umbrella.

“Look the sides are still open, and I’m taller than this shield, so it’s not really protecting my face which I believe is the route of infection. Can’t we get like those decent respirator masks like the ones on the TV shows?”

“Ha ha sir. There’s only two of those masks in the hospital, and those are only to be used in the ICU. Look, I’ll hold up the shield and you can intubate the patient.”

It probably should be mentioned that all this is happening while the patient is gasping for breath and in dire respiratory distress.

“I still can’t see anything because my glasses are fogged up. I might put the tube in completely wrong and then this guy will choke to death.”

Another doctor is hustled in to help Manish and to be his eyes. To avoid infection, since the shield doesn’t ‘protect’ this doctor, he is wearing swimming goggles, and a bandana.

“Are you sure you can see better than me? I don’t think swimming goggles are really good for visibility outside water.”

“Yeah man, I can see just fine. My depth perception might be a little off though, so just factor that into your process.”

After a bit of trial and error, Manish manages to successfully intubate the patient. However, the delay in doing so has dropped the patient’s blood oxygen levels precipitously, and his chances of irreversible brain damage and permanent disability are quite high. But never mind. That only means that he will be on the ventilator for longer, and his family will have to pay the exorbitant ICU rates for longer, and as a consequence the hospital will make a tidy profit.

Although, as a humble employee, Manish won’t receive any share in these profits (those will be distributed among the administrators and senior professors), he is rightly proud of his contribution to the great war and the system which enables such misfortunes to occur. For how else will we fight the pandemic, he reasons, without sufficient funds to do so?

Speaking of funds, Manish is astounded to discover that nearly Rs 5,000 have been “temporarily and voluntarily deducted” from his latest salary, for contribution to the newly established PM-CARES fund. If the PM cares that much, Manish reasons, he can bloody well pay for it out of his own pockets, which are considerably deeper than Manish’s own. Incensed, he storms off to Finance.

“Look, it says that this is a voluntary donation, but I didn’t volunteer, did I? As it is, you leeches hack out a considerable chunk of my pay as taxes every month. I’d like a full refund immediately.”

The Finance Manager sighs, removes his glasses, and starts polishing them with his tie. His whole posture seems to convey a deep and weary disappointment with the selfishness and greed that Manish is displaying. It’s never a good sign when a banker starts fiddling with his glasses.

“See here, we gave you a notice that we were going to deduct this amount.” He points out a badly cyclostyled illegible piece of paper which is pinned up in a dark corner of the room. “It’s voluntary because you didn’t object, did you? However, if you really want to make an issue out of it, please write a written application stating your reasons for refusing to donate.”

“Reasons? It’s my money, I’m a healthcare worker, and nobody asked me, how’s that for a reason? I’ll write out your damned application right now.”

“Also, please attach a copy of your Aadhaar card, PAN card, bank account number, proof of residence, proof of citizenship, and passport number to the application,” adds the manager with a smirk.

This stops Manish in his tracks, as it’s no doubt meant to. Oh shit, he thinks, I’m going to end up on a government blacklist after this. On the other hand, it’s 5,000 bucks. I could buy six bottles of decent whiskey with that money. His outrage re-ignited at the thought of this gross injustice, Manish happily provides the documents and is told that the money will shortly be credited to his account.

It never is.

Lockdown woes

Since the lockdown caught Manish unprepared, he’s been in a mild panic because his booze and cigarettes are running out. Thankfully help is on the way, in the form of one of his patients.

“So, all your tests show that you’ve completely wrecked your pancreas and liver because of your drinking. You’ve got to stop with the alcohol, otherwise you’re not going to live out the year. I’m going to refer you to a de-addiction clinic, and prescribe you some medicines to recover.”

“Doctor sahab, I can’t help myself,” his patient wails. “I run a theka and I always have easy access to liquor. I can’t give up my livelihood so what am I supposed to do when I’m surrounded by so much temptation.”

Manish’s ears prick up at this. He asks the family to leave the consultation room because he needs to “discuss delicate issues of addiction with the patient in privacy”.

“Listen, you run a theka? Do you have some jugaad to get me some booze? Now, you shouldn’t be drinking,” he hastily adds, “but I am perfectly healthy, and maybe if I took some of that liquor off your hands, you won’t be so tempted to drink in the future.”

It’s almost an act of philanthropy, he justifies to himself.

The patient contemptuously smirks at Manish and says, yeah sure, he knows a guy who can provide booze from his warehouse, provided that doctor sahab is willing to drive out to the boondocks. Of course doctor sahab is willing and phone numbers are quickly exchanged. Manish writes out a prescription, and assures his patient that he’s prescribed only the best and most affordable of medicines for him.

The whole purchase is conducted in a manner similar to that of some shady drug deal in a back alley.  The contact who meets Manish is a shifty-eyed mustachioed goon and keeps exhorting him to “keep his eyes peeled for cops”. He sneaks the bottles into Manish’s car and tucks the cash into his underpants, then disappears in his car in a cloud of dust.

Later, after he’s driving back home with a trunk full of illicit alcohol, the shame hits him. I’m an amoral piece of scum and I should be thrown out of my profession. I’ve indirectly encouraged and validated a patient’s addiction. And similar self-castigating thoughts.

Thankfully, after the third drink of that evening hits him, Manish has laid his self-doubts to rest. He knows he’s as much of an addict as that patient of his; and if fellow addicts, brothers-in-arms, won’t help each other out, then who will? Besides, he’s paying his dues to this damn society every single day, giving up his sweat and blood and happiness, and toiling near-selflessly to save their asses.

There’s a line he remembers from a book he read once – “Take what you want, and pay for it”. Who can say that he hasn’t paid in full, and then some?

Drunk that night, he decides to go on a drive and enjoy the empty roads of the city. As he’s nearing one police checkpoint, he sees a cow majestically lying in front of it, gazing around with that air of supreme entitlement that only Indian cows can muster. Manish decides to cut through the red tape and bureaucracy, if you will, and go straight to the top.

“Sir, or ma’am, I’m a doctor and here is my ID and my white coat which proves that I am one. Kindly allow me to pass,” he waves his badge in the cow’s face and entreats it.

The cow continues to chew cud contentedly, but offers no objections. Manish takes this as assent, and drives breezily past the checkpoint, while the nonplussed police officers on duty stare silently at him, but otherwise make no demurral.

The next day, Manish is told by his boss that he’s been assigned to supervise the COVID-19 testing lab in the hospital. The f*** do I know about virological testing or supervision, he thinks, but doesn’t say out loud. What he ends up seeing there, however, surpasses all his previous experiences.

The laboratory

The first thing he notices walking in, is that the doors to the lab are always open, allowing all manner of insects and contaminants to breeze in. Mosquitoes and beetles crawl lovingly over the Styrofoam boxes which house hundreds of highly contagious SARS-CoV2 specimens of patients from across the city. These boxes in turn, are ‘sealed’ with cello tape.

“Look, can we close these doors? Apart from all the risk of contamination to the outside world from these samples, we’re also absolutely swamped with a billion biting insects and I’m finding it a bit hard to work with that particular distraction.”

“Well, sir, we didn’t want any conventional doors in place because manually opening and closing them with our hands increases the risk of infection. So we installed automatic doors.”

Manish glowers at the lab technician. “So, why don’t they close then?”

“Ah, so the problem is that the sensors don’t work. Ergo, they’re either always fully closed or fully open. Better to leave them open so that we can at least escape if we spill a sample, no? Ha ha ha.”

“This is ridiculous. Call Engineering and get them to fix the sensors.”

“Well, we did do that sir,” the tech placidly answers, “but unfortunately, there are no spare parts available, what with the lockdown and everything. It’s okay though, look Pest Control is here.”

He points out a flamethrower wielding persona who’s just jogged into the lab, and who then proceeds to spray the entire area (including the sensitive COVID 19 sample boxes) with nauseating and highly corrosive disinfectants. There’s a rush as everyone scrambles to escape the pungent fumes, and testing is halted for a few hours till the air inside assumes a less Martian-like atmosphere. For the first time, Manish is glad for his N-95 mask, because even if it might not prevent him from getting infected with SARS-CoV2, at least he’s not able to smell the chemical fumes. Poring over the sample forms, he immediately notices another snag.

“It says we received 400 samples from this particular hospital, but there are only 390 patient detail forms attached to the same.”

“Ah sir,” the wise tech, who has now assumed role as Manish’s mentor, advises him. “This happens quite often. Sometimes we get more forms than samples, and sometimes it’s the other way round. What is critical though, sir, is that we assign the proper lab number to each sample and form, and we note the details in our trusty little register right here”, he indicates a Navneet brand school notebook in which these particulars have been painstakingly filled in by hand.

“But that’s insane. How do we know which sample belongs to which patient if the numbers received don’t match up?”

“Sir, are you familiar with eenie-meenie-mynie-moe? Yes? I think a bright young doctor such as yourself will have no trouble whatsoever applying that maxim to this situation.”

Thus encouraged, Manish begins to randomly allocate the samples to patients that he has never seen. His enthusiasm refuses to fade, even after he notices more than half the forms are illegible, and that names, addresses, age, or gender are all malleable to his whims and skills of deciphering illegible doctor scrawls.

Undeterred, he fearlessly assigns impossible names such as “Hnnnan” or “Mrra” to these people. The same names, of course, will be uploaded to the ICMR site to be used for quarantining, contact tracing and isolation of the positive cases.

In that moment, Manish’s imagination and understanding of the Indian system exponentially expands. In his mind’s eye, he sees waves of chaos and incompetence spread out like ripples in a pond, propagating throughout the city and all its inhabitants. He imagines teams of barely literate policemen being handed out incomprehensible names to hunt down and quarantine. He visualises how perfectly healthy and uninfected individuals are mistakenly assumed as positive – then ostracised, isolated from their families, and needlessly tested again and again; all the while the truly infected continue to roam freely and spread the deadly virus.

He understands the comical futility in trying to definitively identify and isolate a single person in a city of nearly 10 million. Half of these people tested have no fixed address – years of economic slowdown and unemployment have seen to that. The Byzantine State which is trying to regulate precisely the location and identity of its citizens, is immediately foiled in this task by its own labyrinthine networks of ineptitude and corruption.

When an ICMR official comes for an inspection of the lab a few days later, Manish tries to point out the myriad problems afflicting them, mostly stemming from the point of collection of the samples.

“Hmm, yes. Perhaps if we develop an app to enter in the details of these people when we take their samples for testing, you could resolve a lot of these issues. I’ll ask someone to get in touch with the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology and work on it right away,” the mandarin beams, secure that this hurdle has been successfully crossed. Look, his smile seems to say, we in the government are totally hip to entrepreneurship and the latest technology, and we’re absolutely 21st century about everything, yo.

“An app? What’s wrong with a plain old computer? It’s quicker to use and far cheaper and we can start earli…” At this point a hospital administrator interrupts Manish in his tirade, puts his arm around him, and draws him away.

“Listen, Manish, you’re doing great work here, and thanks to you, the lab is absolutely humming along. Only problem is that some of the virologists are complaining and the pace of work seems to be slowing down these past couple of days. Why don’t you have a chat with them and see if you can figure out their problem.”

Manish willingly obliges. The problem appears to be that a box of shoe covers – which had been stored in the lab – has gone unaccountably missing. For the last two days, the entire staff of the lab including the doctors and technicians, has been hunting down this box – to no apparent success.

“Why don’t you just order some new shoe covers?” Manish offers.

The senior most virologist is not impressed with his simple-minded solution to a most complex problem.

“The point is, doctor sahab, we cannot ignore these kind of mishaps and just gloss over them. Why,” he adds with a little sneering laugh, “today it is a box of shoe covers, tomorrow it might be the samples themselves! What will you do then?”

Manish concedes that he wouldn’t know what to do then.

“Whether it’s theft or simple misplacement, we must resolve this issue and punish the miscreants involved! I kept this box personally in my own office, and yet it was stolen in broad daylight, FROM MY OWN OFFICE,” the virologist is screaming at this point, spraying specks of spittle in every direction. This isn’t probably the best COVID-19 prevention protocol, Manish thinks, while ducking to avoid getting spat upon, but never mind.

Manish is afforded a respite when a junior doctor approaches him with a pressing question.

“If I get dengue or malaria from being bitten all day by these mosquitoes here, will I be eligible for the Rs 50 lakh insurance cover provided by the government?”

Manish is stumped, so they both pull out their phones and Google the new Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Package: Insurance Scheme for Health Workers Fighting COVID-19.

“Hmm, it appears that only applies if you die because of COVID-19 directly or indirectly. In which case, your family has to file an application with at least nine forms attached and probably a hundred in triplicate to support the same.”

“Yes, but if I die due to dengue fever, wouldn’t that be an accidental death due to COVID-19 related duty?”  she counters.

“I don’t know. But look,” Manish points out, “it says here that in the case of accidental death, there has to be an FIR filed with the police. Whom are they gonna file an FIR against, the Aedes mosquito?”

Ultimately they decide that the matter is too convoluted to be adjudicated by simple low-level doctors such as themselves. The junior doctor resolves to pose this question to the professors and administrators for clarification. Her contract with the hospital is terminated for “inciting disorder and creating disturbance within the medical fraternity” and for “being critical of the security measures taken by the Government and the hospital to ensure the safety of its employees”.

After that, Manish stays silent and carries Odomos and All-Out with him every time he visits the lab. He’s barely been bitten since.

The author is a doctor whose constant fight against authority and the establishment have left him prematurely bald and grey.

All illustrations by: Pariplab Chakraborty