Low Wages, Long Standing Hours, No Rest Areas: A First-Person Account From an Amazon Warehouse

The company monitors our performance obsessively, and if we don’t meet our brutal hourly targets, we face punishment.

My name is Neha. I am a 25-year-old worker at the Amazon warehouse in Manesar, Gurgaon, known as Del 4. My journey with Amazon began in August 2022, packing items for shipping in the outbound department. When I started, I trusted that my hard work would lead to contract renewals and maybe even promotions and raises, but the reality of working conditions quickly overshadowed any optimism I had.

But recent worker organising in India is sparking hope. Here’s my story.

After just six hours of training, I was thrown into a gruelling routine: standing for ten hours straight without a fan and packing 240 items per hour. The work is physically demanding. Continuous standing often leads to dizziness and exhaustion, and injuries are common.

Despite these inhumane conditions, we are expected to keep working at a fast rate, with no accommodations or care for our well-being. The company monitors our performance obsessively, and if we don’t meet our brutal hourly targets, we face punishment.

There are no proper rest areas, forcing us to seek respite in washrooms and locker rooms during breaks, only to be reprimanded if caught. Break times are tightly monitored, adding to our stress. Even a simple trip to the washroom incurs penalties.

In May 2023, amidst a severe heatwave, our desperate pleas for a fan were finally heard, but our warehouse remains boiling hot, as recent reporting shows. After enduring such conditions for a year and a half, I was forced to resign due to denied leave, only to rejoin later under similarly harsh conditions in the inbound department.

This relentless pressure takes a toll on both our physical and mental health. Speaking out or failing to meet the impossible demands often results in termination under vague accusations of contract violations.

Our plight extends beyond physical exhaustion. We are required to book work slots a day in advance, often battling unavailability and network issues. The constant surveillance and pressure to meet targets led to an absurd oath-taking ritual where we pledged to work without breaks or even drinking water.

Despite the backbreaking work, our monthly wage is a mere Rs 10,088. This meagre pay makes it impossible to cover basic living expenses. When we speak out for wages that allow us to support our families, we are again met with retaliation. and no worker is made permanent, regardless of years of service. The management at Del 4 blatantly ignores labour laws and our rights, resulting in numerous legal cases.

In response, the Amazon India Worker Association, of which I am a part, has been fighting for better conditions. Our demands include an eight-hour workday, a minimum salary of Rs 25,000, humane work targets, equal pay for men and women, adherence to labour laws, job security, proper seating arrangements, festival bonuses, and compliance with ILO labour standards.

Our struggle is not just about wages or working hours; it’s about dignity and basic human rights. We demand Amazon and its management to recognise our plight and take immediate action to improve our working conditions. The time for change is now.

Neha works at an Amazon facility in India.

Activist Nikhil Dey Among US Government’s International Anti-Corruption Champions for 2023

The co-founder of Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan was recognised for his decades-long work to build peasant and worker empowerment campaigns and exposing corruption in the delivery of government services.

New Delhi: Indian social activist Nikhil Dey was among 11 persons that the US government recently recognised as International Anti-Corruption Champions for 2023, citing his decades-long work to build peasant and worker empowerment campaigns and exposing corruption in the delivery of government services.

Dey is the co-founder of Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), which has led transparency and anti-corruption movements in India. The organisation is primarily based in Rajasthan that has led workers’ and peasants’ struggles for minimum wages and transparency.

In a statement on December 7, the US State Department said, “For the past 35 years, activist Nikhil Dey has championed policy reforms to empower workers in India. He and his counterparts have brought to light official corruption, such as the underpayment of workers on official projects, and built peasant and worker empowerment campaigns targeting corruption in the delivery of government services.”

US secretary of state Antony Blinken praised Dey for “working with and for those harmed by corruption, and those particularly who are harmed most by it: underserved, marginalised populations”. Blinken said Dey has helped communities in Rajasthan demand access to essential services and rights such as education, healthcare, fair wages and better working conditions. “His organization pioneered the practice of public audits, in which local officials have to report to communities how and where they spend the resources, and citizens have a chance themselves to ask probing questions of these officials,” he continued. These public audits spread across India and more citizens started taking the lead in holding officials to account, which “at its heart, is how democracy needs to work”.

The award, set up in 2021, recognises the US government’s “support for anticorruption leaders who put their lives on the line to spur lasting change”. Dey is the first Indian to receive the award.

The 10 other International Anti-Corruption Champions for 2023 recognised by the US government on Thursday were Stanislau Ivashkevich of Belarus, Jean-Claude Mputu of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Arturo Torres of Ecuador, Ali (Mukhammedali) Toktakunov of Kyrgyz Republic, Marc N. Kollie of Liberia, Veronica Mihailov-Moraru of Moldova, Vladimir Novovic of Montenegro, Annette Planells of Panama, Francisco Belo Simoes da Costa of Timor-Leste, and May De Silva of Seychelles.

Secretary Antony J. Blinken takes a group photo with honorees at the Anti-Corruption Champions Award Ceremony at the Department of State in Washington, D.C., December 7, 2023. Photo: US Government

US Ambassador to India Eric Garcetti wrote on X (formerly Twitter): “Congratulations to Nikhil Dey, a founding member of Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan, for being named an International Anti-Corruption Champion by the @StateDept.”

“The United States stands with champions like Dey who work for transparency, rule of law, and justice,” Garcetti said.

Blinken added that the State Department is committed to countering corruption and promoting integrity as a foreign policy priority and core national security interest. “On the eve of International Anti-Corruption Day, December 9, the United States is proud to honour the individuals and institutions championing transparency, accountability, integrity, and good governance worldwide,” Blinken said.

Along with Aruna Roy and Shankar Singh, Dey’s leadership of the MKSS saw the organisation play a significant role in the demand, formulation and implementation of both the Right to Information Act (RTI) and the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA). Dey is also involved in the right to food and right to work campaigns.

Urban Company Workers Protest Job Losses After Blocked IDs, ‘Unrealistic’ Rating Requirements

On July 12, partners across Indian cities including Delhi, Mumbai, Bengaluru, Kolkata and Hyderabad held a nationwide protest aided by All India Gig Workers Union against arbitrary blocking of IDs and new rules that have led them to lose their jobs.

New Delhi: For Meena*, 39, Urban Company presented a unique opportunity to work as a freelance beautician in 2018.

She was told that there are no compulsions on time, she could accept as many jobs she liked on the app according to her convenience, and the costs appeared to be less than running her own salon.

A single mother to two children, Meena soon closed her salon in Ghaziabad and decided to focus solely on Urban Company.

Three months ago, Meena got into an accident and injured her hand when she was on the way to a client’s house during a bad storm.

“I already had four cancellations. I was going to the client’s house but I got into a bad accident and my scooty overturned and I injured my hand. I had to cancel the job and this became my fifth cancellation.”

Meena said that despite pleading with the company and showing her medical records to prove that she had an accident, her ID was blocked.

“There can be emergencies. What can we do? Now I am sitting at home for the past three months with no job. My 18-year-old son has had to take a part-time job to help with the household expenses as I don’t have an income anymore. I borrowed money and took out a loan to buy a new scooty after the accident and still have to pay Rs 1.20 lakh.”

Meena’s younger son is in the ninth standard and her elder son was to start college this year.

“I have been a dedicated worker. From 7 am the jobs start coming on the app. I worked from 7 am to 7 pm. My children have waited at home for me to come and give them food but I have committed myself to this job. How will I educate my children now?”

Meena is not the only Urban Company beautician to have her ID blocked in recent months.

Unfair mandates

Urban Company workers, referred to as “partners” by the company, that The Wire spoke to said that new rules accompanied by arbitrary blocking of IDs, unrealistic rating and response rate requirements, and an expanding hub radius for jobs have led them to lose their jobs.

On July 12, partners across Indian cities including Delhi, Mumbai, Bengaluru, Kolkata and Hyderabad held a nationwide protest aided by the All India Gig Workers Union (AIGWU), which is affiliated with the Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU).

According to the AIGWU, while the Urban Company management was given prior notice about their arrival at the Gurugram headquarters to submit a memorandum on behalf of the agitating workers, the management refused to receive it.

Also read: It Can’t Be Business As Usual for the State, ‘Employers’ in the Case of Gig Workers

Subsequently, in an email sent to the company’s top management marking CEO Abhiraj Singh Bahl, AIGWU has sought the company’s immediate intervention to resolve the workers’ issues.

The email memorandum accessed by The Wire has demanded unblocking of the partners IDs, elimination of multiple rating systems, lowering the minimum rating threshold, fixing of the hub area radius where partners are expected to travel for jobs, stopping the blocking of IDs due to cancellations, removal of automatic product scanning and ordering, one day off work for partners along, a safety security net for partners and taking the consent of partners before bringing in new rules.

Urban Company workers protest outside the company headquarters in Gurugram on July 12. Photo: Special arrangement

Partners told The Wire that the unfair mandates left them at the mercy of the company which is not ready to offer any redressal.

Partners said that new rules say that they are expected to maintain a rating of 4.7 to 4.9 out of 5, which is based on customer satisfaction. They are also required to keep an acceptance rate of 70-80% (against 40% earlier) of the total 100 jobs that come up on the app per month. Workers can only cancel five jobs.

Ameena*, 29, an Urban Company worker in Ahmedabad, said despite having a rating of 4.84, her ID was blocked last month after her acceptance rate dropped when she had to take leave for her father’s heart surgery.

“I could not work so I had to take leave and my acceptance rate dropped to 40%. In addition, the jobs that would come would be 15 km away – outside my hub radius. I could not go so far. I went to the office twice and told them about my father’s condition and why I had to take leave but they are still not ready to listen to me.”

“Customers can cancel even at the last minute, but if we cancel or take leave for genuine reasons, we get penalised,” she added.

Pooja*, 26, a partner in Pune said that her ID was blocked when her response rate dropped after she took leave when her grandmother was hospitalised in April. “I don’t have parents, my grandmother brought me up. How could I not take care of her when she was in the ICU?”

Pooja said that around the same time, she had an accident that left her injured and made it difficult for her to carry the spa beds that weigh between 25-27 kg.

“When I told them why I had to take leave because of my grandmother’s illness and then her death and my accident, they asked for my medical records. When I provided my medical records they asked me for my grandmother’s death certificate. I was promised that my ID will be unblocked but as I haven’t been able to procure my grandmother’s death certificate my ID remains blocked.”

Pooja said that despite multiple visits to the office requesting them to unblock her ID, she still remains blocked on the platform and has no means to earn an income.

Beauticians are also required to pay up to Rs 50,000 as an onboarding fee that includes a kit for products that need to be purchased from Urban Company itself along with training.

They are also required to keep purchasing products from the company which are sold at much higher prices than the market rates, and scan these products before starting a job.

No redressal

Monalisa Haldar, a partner in Kolkata, said that the products keep coming even if they don’t place an order and then they are required to pay for them.

“Products that we use as beauticians like pedicure tubs, waxing heating machines or even uniforms keep coming even if we don’t place orders. Every 3-6 months these products come directly to our house and the money is deducted from our accounts.”

Haldar, who is affiliated with CITU and has been a part of organising workers, said that her ID was blocked because she raised her voice against the company’s practices and helped other partners as well.

“Higher authorities have started blocking people like me who have raised their voice against the company. In meetings with representatives I had told them that new rules often come in English which partners cannot read so make them in Bengali or Hindi at least,” she said.

“During the pandemic in 2021 I visited a house where a person had died of Covid in the very room in which I gave my services. I raised this with the company that the partners are expected to check temperatures and disclose their Covid status and not the customers. After that I had to quarantine myself for 14 days and they called me and said that since you are not on the platform and many regular clients are looking for you, we are blocking your ID temporarily. But I have still not been unblocked,” she continued.

Haldar said she was prompted on the app to pay Rs 2,000 to get her ID unblocked. “I still have that screenshot,” she said.

Urban Company workers protest in Kolkata on July 12. Photo: Special arrangement

Partners also said that they are being forced to sign up for the new MG plan upon payment of Rs 2,000 and failure to do so is resulting in fewer jobs. The MG plan or Minimum Guarantee Plan requires workers to pay a subscription fee starting from Rs 2,000 for a minimum number of jobs that will be provided to them along with a target for the month that varies across categories like Classic, Prime and Luxe for beauty services.

In 2021, The Wire reported that workers had protested against this subscription plan.

Shehnaz*, 35, a housewife who works as a partner in Ahmedabad, said that since she refused to sign up for the new MG plan, she has received only three jobs this month.

“I have a rating of 4.9. Yet I am getting barely 5-6 jobs every month since I refused to sign up for the new MG plan. Earlier I did up to 30 jobs a month,” she said.

With fewer jobs, Shehnaz said it is getting increasingly difficult to manage her household expenses as well as financing the education of her two school going children.

The Wire has written to Urban Company for a statement. This article will be updated if and when a response is received.

Need for government intervention

According to estimates by AIGWU, Urban Company employs more than 45,000 workers who work on the platform in 57 Indian cities.

The company also has offices in 17 Indian cities.

In 2019, the company signed an Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the National Skill Development Corporation (NSDC) under the Ministry of Skill Development and Entrepreneurship and became a strategic partner for the Union government’s Skill India Mission.

“The government should bring a proper policy for the gig workers,” said Suman Das Mahapatra, Karnataka coordinator for the AlGWA.

“Though they are partners and are supposed to work according to their convenience, they should not be working more than 8-9 hours. They are working for more than 13-14 hours. So there needs to be a policy in place. In addition, there should be an employer-employee relationship so that they get legal protection in case of any kind of exploitation,” Mahapatra said.

“There should be proper vigilance and redressal authority who will listen to the partners’ grievances and bring the management and partners to the discussion table.”

Shaik Salauddin, national general secretary, Indian Federation of App-based Transport Workers (IFAT), an independent organisation that is advocating to the government for legal reforms for gig workers, said that government intervention is essential. “Our focus is three-fold; job guarantee, social security, and finally there should be a law that should cover gig and platform workers. We are appealing to the governments to bring in legal changes.”

Also read: From Health and Harassment to Income Security and Loans, India’s Gig Workers Need Support

Salauddin has worked with the Rajasthan government and advocated for a law for gig workers.

In a first of its kind legislation, the Rajasthan government recently released the draft Rajasthan Platform Based Gig Workers (Registration and Welfare) Bill, 2023 and invited public comments.

“Government intervention is essential because they (gig workers) are a key vote bank,” Salauddin said.

According to a NITI Ayog policy brief paper from June 2022 titled India’s Booming Gig and Economy Platform, an estimated that 77 lakh (7.7 million) workers were engaged in the gig economy in 2020-21.

The gig workforce is expected to expand to 2.35 crore (23.5 million) workers by 2029-30, it added.

“Those political parties who are not thinking about gig workers they will not be able to go far. In upcoming elections, workers welfare should be made a poll plank because workers are raising their voice and they are demanding job guarantees and benefits,” Salauddin said.

“We are appealing to state governments hoping for change.”

He said that while the Union government notified the Social Security Code, 2020, it still has not been implemented. “It’s been three years, why isn’t it being implemented?”

“Since it is not happening at the central level yet, we are continuing our advocacy in states and even tier 1 and tier 2 cities to give rights to gig workers.”

*Names changed to protect workers’ identities.

Rajasthan: Lung Disease Turns Budhpura Into ‘Village of Widows’

The village is the epicenter of India’s sandstone industry. Many men here have died of the lung disease silicosis, and life has become tough for their families.

Jumma Bai, a 40-year-old widow, holds a hammer and chisel as she makes her way to the mining site.

She works at a mine that took away the life of her husband two decades ago. Each day, she is joined by three of her daughters and other widowed women who work alongside her.

Their heads are covered with the loose ends of their saris as they strike huge stones with hammers, inhaling the fine silica dust that fills the surrounding air.

With their bare hands, they carve and break sandstones for nearly 10 hours a day.

Jumma and most of her fellow miners have tragically lost their husbands to silicosis, a deadly and incurable lung disease caused by the inhalation of the silica dust.

“There were a lot of struggles after the death of my husband. There were times when there was no flour at home to cook food. We used to sleep hungry,” she told DW while breaking stones.

“When my daughters grew up,” Jumma said, “I asked them to study, but they said ‘mother how will you feed us alone,’ and decided to come to work with me.”

The only means of livelihood

Due to prolonged exposure to dust, Jumma wakes up with a headache and chest pain on most days. Despite the health problems, she goes to work as she sees no other option to feed her family.

Jumma has lost her husband to silicosis, a deadly and incurable lung disease caused by the inhalation of the silica dust. Photo: Sharique Ahmad/DW

She is not alone. Her neighbor, 38-year-old Kaushalya Bai, was diagnosed with silicosis three years ago. She was only 16 years old when she started working in these vast sandstone mines.

She is now chronically ill and looks frail. The disease left her struggling to speak. The doctors advised her to stop working on stone and stay away from dust, but she still goes to the mine three days a week as she has four children to feed.

Recently, her eldest son Mahaveer, 16, has taken on the responsibility of supporting his sick mother and the family. He dropped out of school and now works as a full-time miner. Kaushalya Bai’s husband, Kanhaiya Lal, also died of a lung disease in 2015.

India’s sandstone hub

The village of Budhpura, located in the northwestern state of Rajasthan, is the epicenter of India‘s sandstone industry.

The men here died one after another after toiling in the expansive sandstone mines and inhaling silica dust found in rock, sand and quartz every day until they were eventually diagnosed with silicosis.

As time passed, almost the entire male population of Budhpura succumbed to this disease. Today, this place is known as the “village of widows.” But the tragedy does not end there. With no other employment options left, the widows have been compelled to undertake the same tasks that claimed their husbands’ lives.

In Budhpura, unregulated and unsafe mines are thriving, rights groups say. The lack of health safeguards is a concern for women working in this industry as the rights of workers are flouted and laws are hardly enforced, miners told DW.

According to one estimate, there are 2.5 million mine workers in Rajasthan, and a large number are at risk of silicosis. However, the exact number of people suffering from the disease remains unknown.

The village also serves as a prominent hub for sandstone exports to Europe.

A 40-page report, “Blood Stone 2022,” notes Germany as one of the top 10 countries that import sandstone from India. The report was exclusively shared with DW by the Mine Labor Protection Campaign (MLPC), a non-profit that advocates for mine workers’ rights.

The group estimates the value of sandstone exports from India to Germany at $4.43 million (€4.06 million) in 2021-2022, slightly down from $4.83 million from a year ago.

The United Kingdom is the top importer of Indian sandstone, according to the MLPC.

Fight for stricter regulations

MK Devarajan, a former member of the Rajasthan State Human Rights Commission, spent many years fighting for the rights and safety of mine workers.

During his tenure, he urged the Indian government’s Director General of Mines Safety (DGMS), who is in charge of mine worker welfare, to tighten the rules by canceling licenses of those who flout regulations.

Devarajan also helped formulate the state policy on silicosis.

Budhpura village also serves as a prominent hub for sandstone exports to Europe. Photo: Sharique Ahmad/DW

Now the Rajasthan government is addressing the health issue by offering financial compensation to widows and patients.

Since 2019, the state government has been providing 200,000 rupees (€2,218, $2,420) as compensation to people diagnosed with silicosis and 300,000 rupees (€3,328, $3,632) to their families after their death.

“This is not even the tip of the iceberg. The problem is much bigger. If the government does not intervene properly, with time we will witness a massive increase of silicosis patients,” Devarajan told DW in a phone interview.

“Government needs to enforce and crack down on illegal mines to stop this crisis.”

Helping widows to secure compensation

A few hundred meters away from the mining site, the non-profit MLPC was organizing a legal camp for the women who have lost their husbands to silicosis. Dozens of widows gather to attend the legal camp that helps them in claiming financial compensation from the government. Some of the widows attending have been fighting for compensation for years.

The group CEO Rana Sengupta headed the legal camp. He was checking the documents of widows and registering their names. His team of lawyers was preparing a long list of women who lost their husbands to silicosis. He said that getting financial compensation from the state is a long and daunting task.

“There is no financial penalty on mine owners and they don’t care when they [miners] die or live. So, the government needs to wake up as there are so many mine workers who have died. And we cannot bear the loss of human life anymore,” Rana told DW.

Yogesh Gupta has been operating mines in different parts of Rajasthan. Previously, he owned a sandstone mine in Budhpur village, but he has since closed it.

Gupta blames the rise of unregistered and unregulated mines for the grim situation.

“These unregistered and unregulated workers work without any safety helmets for long hours. The rise of new or mafia mine owners who do not follow any regulations is leading to this massive health crisis,” Gupta told DW.

Dozens of widows gather to attend the legal camp that helps them in claiming financial compensation from the government. Photo: Sharique Ahmad/DW

Lack of health care access

Outside the village, dozens of mine workers who have been diagnosed with silicosis are pouring into the local hospital in the town of Bundi on a daily basis. There were just a couple of doctors attending to patients and they lacked equipment that could be used to diagnose or treat respiratory diseases.

According to the hospital medical officer, Dr Jitendra Kumar, the lack of human resources as well as inadequate training among doctors related to silicosis have resulted in a substantial number of misdiagnoses over the years.

During DW‘s visit to the facility, Dr Kumar was examining a mine worker who was diagnosed with silicosis two years ago and was complaining of severe chest pain and breathlessness. The doctor said his lungs were completely damaged.

“In our hospital, every day we have 50-60 patients who have respiratory problems and among them 50% cases are of those who are diagnosed with silicosis. This is an alarming disease. There are cases which have reached the third stage and are in a dangerous zone,” he said.

Still, Jumma and other women continue to risk their lives without any proper support or protection. They work in the mines despite splitting headaches and congested lungs.

Remembering her husband, Jumma pointed towards the mines and said: “You see these mines. My husband fell sick working there.”

This article was originally published on DW.


‘Getting Injured Is Normal’: Why E-Waste Processing Is a Dangerous Occupation

Injury, here, reflects more than a physical insult to bodily tissue; rather, it symbolises the everyday struggle of these workers to obtain a livelihood and the utter neglect of society as a whole to this, even as we reap the benefits.

“Ye chot lagna hamare liye normal hai (‘getting injured is normal for us’).”

This was the most common response we received whenever workers were asked about injuries.

Approximately 17% of workers reported encountering at least one injury in the two weeks preceding the survey. These were severe injuries in the form of deep cuts. However, the injuries that appeared deep to us were ‘normal’ for them.

The immediate question which intrigued us was – what does this ‘normalisation’ of injuries reflect? The answer to this question lies in understanding who these workers are and what type of work they are engaged in.

These are workers whose survival is contingent on processing electrical and electronic waste (e-waste), a byproduct of our never-ending and ever-growing consumerist culture, fuelled by the capitalist mode of development. While one section of society derives benefits from this uncontrolled technological advancement, the other disproportionately bears the brunt of its darker side; that is, e-waste.

Who is this other section? To no surprise, it is the same group of people who, for decades, have been eking out their livelihood by processing one or another kind of waste. Their bodies are considered ‘impure/dirty’, so, waste being a dirty/filthy object, should be handled by these ‘dirty bodies’ in situations and at costs that the privileged  find unacceptable for themselves.

Also read: A Day in the Life of India’s E-Waste Workers

These privileged people, who benefit from the process that produce such waste, make laws/policies against it but continue to profit from it.

A similar process of ‘normalisation of pain’ has been reported among women agricultural workers in Bihar too, who toil in precarious conditions for their sustenance.

This piece is a product of our PhD fieldwork conducted in the slums of a city in a south Indian state. The study site lies in the heart of the city. Three decades ago, this area was known for leather processing, with members of the ‘lower’ castes and the Muslim community saddled with this ‘dirty’ work. These days, the place is famous for waste processing activities, but the workers continue to belong to similar backgrounds.

Interestingly, ‘development’ has caused a boom in the IT sector for one class/group in the society while for the workers, it has merely translated into a shift from one form of ‘dirty’ and precarious work to another. These workers, who are poorly educated, toil in cramped units tirelessly for long hours (even 12 hours at times) without any safety equipment, to process e-waste, many a-times, with injured body parts.

“See this, I got this cut in the morning. It will heal by itself; I don’t do anything for this type of injury. Now, I am used to such injuries,” a 19-year-old migrant worker told us, pointing to his heel.

The urban primary health centre (UPHC) appears to be ‘socially inaccessible’ to them; meaning that though it is physically accessible, workers cannot seek care there with functional timings of the UPHC being a significant barrier, among others.

Interestingly, there are numerous private clinics and a few charitable clinics in the area, most of which remain functional throughout the day and until late at night. However, they only provide curative care. The only preventive care for injuries provided by these clinics are the frequent TT injections (for tetanus) many workers reported getting once every two months.

Despite their free availability in public health centres, the workers choose to get their injections from charitable/private clinics, by paying for them. Every time they visit a healthcare provider, they end up paying an amount ranging from Rs 30-200. Hence, they try to manage it by themselves.

These workers are not in a position to take a day off (unless it is an extremely serious injury) as their families survive on every day’s earnings. Most of them are self-employed and hence, have nobody else to rely on. It is this social marginalisation that leads workers to accept most injuries as “normal” and for those that are considered severe enough, to approach costly and irrational private sector clinics, at great cost.

Several groups on numerous occasions have raised the matter that the state should take responsibility for self-employed workers. However, in this case, the state does not even recognise them as ‘workers’, though its report, the Inventorisation of e-waste for Telangana State mentions several times that more than 90% of e-waste is processed in the unorganised sector.

Also read: In NCR Industrial Heartland, Workers Continue to Lose Limbs, Livelihood in Auto Sector Mishaps

What makes matters worse is that the government mandates that all e-waste processing be done by formal recycling units which, in reality, don’t find this viable. Thus, any move to ‘improve’ the situation needs to take the precarity of the occupation to the workers into account.

These workers make cities sustainable and contribute to the economy by subsidising the otherwise exorbitantly expensive processing of e-waste, at the cost of their health. But who cares for them? It is against this background that one needs to understand why ‘injuries’ are normal for them.

Injury, here, reflects more than a physical insult to bodily tissue; rather, it symbolises the everyday struggle of these workers to obtain a livelihood and the utter neglect of society as a whole to this, even as we reap the benefits.

Sapna Mishra is an Assistant Professor, School of Development, Azim Premji University. Email: sapna.mishra@apu.edu.in

Rakhal Gaitonde is a Professor, Achutha Menon Centre for Health Science Studies, Sree Chitra Tirunal Institute for Medical Sciences and Technology. Email: Rakhal.gaitonde@sctimst.ac.in

In Illustrations: May Day and Its History

May 1 is observed as International Workers’ Day. In illustrations, The Wire recounts the long history for workers’ rights.

This article was originally published on May 1, 2019 and is being republished on May 1, 2022.

May 1 is observed as International Workers’ Day. In illustrations, The Wire recounts the long history for workers’ rights.

1. Labour in the late 19th century USA.

2. Long work hours, no vacation, labour laws violated, workers get restless

.

3. Demanding an eight hour work day, workers call for strike.

4. Protest break out across US cities.

Police attack picketing workers. Workers decide to protest police atrocity at Haymarket.

5. Peaceful protest by the workers at the Haymarket Square.

6. Police orders to disperse the protesting crowd.

One unidentified man throws bomb at the police. Police fires back to the crowd.

7. Authority hangs four Haymarket massacre anarchists.

8. First May Day

To commemorate the martyrdom of the four anarchists of the Haymarket massacre the 6th conference of the second International calls for “all Social Democratic Party organisations and trade unions of all countries to demonstrate energetically on the First of May for the legal establishment of the 8-hour day, for the class demands of the proletariat, and for universal peace.”

By Putting the Onus of Registration on Workers, E-Shram Ignores Responsibility of Employers

Under the e-Shram scheme, the state provides the framework and the workers are expected to register by themselves. In all of this, however, no responsibility is placed on the employer.

The Ministry of Labour and Employment launched the e-Shram portal on August 26, 2021 with the apparent objective of developing a national database of unorganised workers. The ministry estimates that there are 38 crore unorganised workers in the country.

After registration on the portal, workers will receive their e-Shram card with a unique 12 digit number and will be able to avail of welfare benefits under social security schemes anywhere in India. Any worker, aged between 16 and 59 and working in the unorganised sector, is eligible for the e-Shram card. 

The official website states that 12,40,53,451 beneficiaries have registered thus far and an average of 12 lakh daily registrations are seen; an impressive number. The majority (60%) of individuals registering fall in the age bracket of 18-40 years and surprisingly, the proportion of females registering (52.4%) is higher than that of males (47.6%).

The majority of registrations (80.21 %) have come through common service centres (CSC) while self-registration accounts for 19.1%.

Workers’ bank account details have been furnished in 91.8% of cases and 94.3% of registered beneficiaries fall in the income bracket of Rs 10,000 or below per month. SC, ST and OBC beneficiaries constitute 73% of total registrations. 

Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Bihar, Odisha, Jharkhand are the five states with the highest numbers of registrations recorded. It’s not surprising that the majority of India’s unorganised sector workers are from these states. UP accounts for 21.3% of registrations, West Bengal for 18.5 % and Bihar for 10.3 %.

Occupation-wise, agriculture constitutes the overwhelming majority of 51.2 % of registrations, followed by construction with 11.4 % and the domestic and household sector with 9.6 %. The fact that construction is predominantly a formal sector activity which employs an almost entirely informal labour force, is another matter.

Also read: Is The E-Shram Portal Really Providing Benefits To Workers Or Merely Creating A National Database?

The immediate benefit that an e-Shram cardholder will get is accident insurance coverage of Rs 2 lakh in the event of death or permanent disability and that of Rs 1 lakh for suffering a partial disability. 

Problems plaguing the informal sector

Recently, when questioned by Lok Sabha MPs in the Monsoon session of Parliament, the government failed to provide any numbers pertaining to migrant workers who had either died or suffered during the COVID lockdowns. 

Unorganised workers, by definition, remain undocumented, as do most activities in the unorganised sector. The absence of such data is not an accident; it’s by design. The informalisation of the labour force is done to reduce labour costs by making workers casual and, subsequently, anonymous. 

Workers are supposed to register on e-Shram based on self-declaration and Aadhaar is a mandatory criterion. The registration of workers on the portal will be coordinated by the Labour Ministry, state governments, trade unions and the CSCs and will “bring welfare schemes to their doorstep”.

The point here is that unorganised workers are required to volunteer on their own to register on the e-Shram portal using their Aadhaar cards and bank account details. While the state is providing the framework for registration, the employers have no role.

An e-Shram registration camp organised by labour rights NGO Ajeevika Bureau. Photo: Singal Mewad.

An alternative way of doing this could have been for the state to take the initiative in identifying unorganised workers and collecting data while also involving the employers in the informal sector in the process. Employer-employee relations, which are a primary requirement for protection under labour laws and access to institutional social security, could have been determined in the process. However, the state opted for the easy way out by putting the onus of registration on the workers.

What’s more, such provision emanate from sections of the Social Security (SS) Code, 2020 and the Occupational Safety, Health and Working Conditions Code, 2020. Under Sections 109 and 113 of SS Code, the Union and state governments are expected to formulate social security schemes for unorganised and gig/platform workers respectively.

But there are severe limitations to this process. 

First, there is a lack of awareness among unorganised workers. There are serious information asymmetries in labour administration and experience shows that when social security schemes were introduced by governments in the past, registrations took a long time and even decades later, large numbers of beneficiaries are still outside their purview (for example, in the Atal Pension scheme).

Moreover, the registration of construction workers under construction welfare boards constituted in all states is still unsatisfactory, even after 15 years or so have passed. A lack of awareness among the workers is the primary reason behind this phenomenon. 

Secondly, the majority of unorganised workers are incapable of registering online. The provision that any person can register online by uploading the necessary documents is predicated on widespread digital literacy and access, something which is not true of the Indian context.

Also read: Aadhaar and My Brush With Digital Exclusion

Third, the voluntary registrations of workers on the e-Shram portal entitle them to benefits under a social security scheme. However, entitlements under social security schemes and institutional labour rights are entirely different things. Social security needs to be mandatory, not voluntary. Globally, this is done through legal statutes. Schemes offered by  governments are akin to social welfare initiatives and labour rights are altogether different.

For example, the maternity benefit offered under the Maternity Benefit Act is 26 weeks of paid leave to be provided by the employer whereas the maternity benefits under various social security schemes are usually monetary assistance of about Rs 5,000, confined only to poor mothers. The latter is never equivalent to 26 weeks of paid leave.

Unorganised workers deserve labour rights and the benefits of legislative protection. The e-Shram portal can, at best, ensure entitlements under social security schemes as and when they are formulated. Registration with e-Shram portal has nothing to do with labour rights. 

An opportunity missed

India does need a database for unorganised workers but here, the opportunity to formalise employer-employee relations is being lost. Formalising the informal sector is an avowed component of a decent work paradigm. International Labour Organisation (ILO) Recommendation Number 204, 2015 even proposes a strategy for the transition from an informal to a formal economy.

The creation of this database could have been seeded with the establishing of employer-employee relations within the prevailing informal work arrangement. The informal sector, which accounts for 91% of the workforce in India (a statistic only seen elsewhere in Africa) is based on mystifying these relations and, in the process, bypassing employers’ responsibilities as enshrined in labour legislations.

Also read: How the Government Can Strengthen the Digital Welfare Ecosystem for Unorganised Workers

What’s more, the twin goals of database creation and reclaiming employer-employee relations could have been achieved through an appropriately designed labour census to be conducted by the state. This would have been a more active way of putting a database in place.

In fact, the Economic Census of 2013-14 conducted by the Ministry of Statistics already was just such an appropriate census; it collected information about non-farm enterprises, along with their workers and included enterprises such as government/public sector undertakings as well as private enterprises (such as proprietorships, partnerships, companies, self-help groups, cooperatives, Non-profit institutions and more).

It also included all units engaged in various agricultural and non-agricultural activities, except those in crop production and plantations. The next Economic Census could have served this purpose.

Finally, in the normative sense, employers should be held responsible for providing certain benefits like social security, compensation in case of accidental death and injury, ensuring occupational safety and health and the like to their employees. Employers reap the gains accruing from labour productivity and they should thus be held accountable to labour laws. The e-Shram portal abdicates such employer responsibility and makes it an affair solely between the state and unorganised workers.

The ecosystem of self-registration for e-Shram precludes the employers’ participation in the process. An individual’s identity as a worker will become secondary and that of beneficiary in a social welfare scheme will become their primary identity under e-Shram. As a result, labour rights will take a back seat.           

Santosh Mehrotra is Research Fellow, IZA Institute of Labour Economics, Bonn.

Kingshuk Sarkar is an economist and a former Labour Commissioner.

Workers at Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanam Allege Underpayment, Mistreatment

The temple hires only contract workers, and then takes no responsibility for how they are treated.

Tirupati: Kranti, a facility management services (FMS) employee, has worked in Tirumala for the last 19-20 years. When she joined, her monthly salary was Rs 1,500; now it’s Rs 6,000 – much below the minimum wage she is entitled to. Even this amount, workers say, is not guaranteed as they are not directly employed by the TTD (Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanam) but through contractors. They are thus paid only for the days they are offered work by the contractors – and are getting as little as Rs 2,500-3,000.

“TTD employees voted en masse for the YSR Congress Party during the 2019 assembly polls, as the current chief minister, Y.S. Jaganmohan Reddy, promised to implement a time scale in three months during his padayatra (Jagan had embarked on a statewide tour on foot a full one year before the polls). It has been three years since then and the promise remains unfulfilled,” rues Swathi, another FMS worker.

Also read: With No Central Policy, Indian Domestic Workers Left at Mercy of Varied State Laws: Global Report

To make matters worse, when 4,500 of these workers went on strike for 13 days from November 27 to December 14, the administration refused to recognise them as their employees and chided them for creating a nuisance. Adding insult to injury, they were forcefully evicted from the strike spot on December 10, international Human Rights Day, on the eve of the TTD board meeting on December 11.

The difference between the salary of contract employees and regular employees of the TTD in the table below shows a clear violation of ‘equal pay for equal work’.

The TTD stopped employing staff on a permanent basis in 1991. It recruited staff only once after that and currently has 14,211 people working on contract, outsourcing, piece rate, programme based and other parameters. It employs nearly 1,140 barbers who tonsure the heads of people on piece-rate basis at Rs 11 per head (increased to Rs 15 after the strike).

Some of these workers told The Wire that for seven years, they worked without any salary and had to survive on doles by devotees. This, not surprisingly, had led to allegations of the staff demanding money from devotees. The piece-rate payment system was started for them five years ago. The temple was projected to earn nearly Rs 106.75 crore from the sale of the hair received in this process in 2020-21.

Work contract system the bane of FMS staff

The FMS staff constitute those who clean the guesthouses owned by the TTD in Tirumala and Tirupati. The condition of FMS staff worsened after the introduction of work contract system, by which the TTD assigns task of maintaining the guest houses to the lowest bidder. The staff are paid by the contractors, who receive payment from the TTD. This leads to the contractors cutting costs by employing less staff to complete the same task, to improve their own margins.

“Thus, the FMS staff who are paid Rs 300 per day after cutting ESI and PF manage to barely earn Rs 4,000 to 5,000 per month. The condition of workers would improve if the TTD hires these employees directly through its own corporation instead of giving a cut to the contractors,” said T. Subramanyam, general secretary, TTD Contract Employees and Workers’ Union.

FMS workers employed by the TTD contractors at their meeting on December 11 in Tirupati, Andhra Pradesh. Photo: G. Ram Mohan

Seventy percent of the FMS employees are women. They are have no job security when the contractor changes every three years. In 2020, some 1,400 of them lost jobs. Denied even a separate place to change their clothes for work, they continue to work for these meagre wages with the hope they will be given time scale (this includes basic pay, dearness allowance and house rent allowance) or absorbed at a future date on a permanent basis, he added.

Bid to continue exploitative contractual system

The TTD recently floated the Sri Lakshmi Srinivasa Manpower Corporation, to which it wants to attach the remaining workers involved in its free meal scheme, priests, laddoo makers, water works, electrical, education (the TTD runs a few schools and colleges), cattle farm, forest, garden, attender, typist and computer operators among others.

Some of these employees who work under 73 societies are being asked to join the corporation. “Employees are vehemently opposed to this as they will lose their service and chances of regularisation or even promise of time scale and be sans any job security. Some of them even have high court orders sanctioning them time scale salary. TTD is in contempt of court on this score. This also further violates Supreme Court’s 2013 ruling on equal pay for equal work in State of Punjab vs Jagjit Singh and Others in civil appeal 213 of 2013,” Subramanyam said.

Also read: At Indian Telephone Industries in Bengaluru, Workers Fight a Battle Seen Across the Public Sector

But the TTD, which swears by its oft repeated moto of “Dharmo Rakshita Rakshitaha” (meaning if you follow dharma, dharma will protect you), acted in a retributive manner and issued show cause notices to its permanent employees – M. Nagarjuna, G. Venkatesham and K. Gunasekhar – not allowing them to even give a written reply within the stipulated one week indicated in the notice. “The police notice given to us cites Section 144 and COVID-19 restrictions, which has come in handy for the governments,” Nagarjuna said. Employees said that opting for outsourcing of man power affects the maintenance of proper facilities for pilgrims.

Recent attempts by the TTD to include its contract staff in the APCOS (Andhra Pradesh Corporation for Outsourced Services) was foiled by the employees after a 46-day strike. The employees feared this would make their salaries uncertain and rule out their chances of absorption into TTD as permanent employees. Regular employees of TTD have all facilities given to government employees. Contract system of employment has come to stay across the governments despite promises to the contrary during polls.

Forest department workers of the TTD take out a rally one year after they sat on a strike outside the forest department in Tirupati of Andhra Pradesh. They are seeking implementation of time scale wages which was agreed to by the TTD. Photo: Special arrangement

The MLC (Member of Legislative Council) representing Chittoor district, V. Bala Subramanyam, who negotiated with the TTD chairman Y.V. Subba Reddy on behalf of the FMS employees, said, “The TTD is at the most ready to give some monetary concessions and is not ready to concede any demands for change in employment status by abolishing the outsourcing system through contractors. As changing the status quo would mean giving up on the outsourcing system and conceding demands for time scale or even absorption into permanent posts. This they fear will trigger similar demands throughout the state.”

The union, which withdrew the strike after some monetary concessions were given, alleged the TTD contractors have increased their harassment of employees. A round table meet of various political parties had earlier resolved to seek time scale wages for the employees in line with the promises made by the chief minister during his recent visit to flood-affected areas of Tirupati recently.

The TTD, meanwhile seems to be mulling the development of a third bus corridor even as it cites shortage of funds for paying the employees their dues.

Summing up the mood of the employees left in the lurch in the process, FMS employee Kranti said, “When we ask the contractors why they are hiring less staff, they cite that the contract is given to the lowest bidder of work contract. Everyone wants to have a pie out of our blood and sweat.”

The state of affairs at the world’s richest temple does not bode well for its image and oft-quoted slogan of protecting dharma.

Repeated calls to the chairman and executive officer of the TTD have gone unanswered. The article will be updated once they respond.

Names of employees have been withheld on their request, as they cited persecution of staff in the aftermath of the strike. 

G. Ram Mohan is a freelance journalist based in Tirupati, Andhra Pradesh and can be contacted on twitter at @mnirm.

At Indian Telephone Industries in Bengaluru, Workers Fight a Battle Seen Across the Public Sector

Despite having worked for the public company for between 10 and 30 years, employees, guised as “contract workers”, have been subject to precarious labour terms.

Bengaluru: It was any other workday on Tuesday, December 1, 2021.

Workers of Indian Telephone Industries (ITI) Limited, one of the country’s largest public sector undertakings (PSUs), tried to enter the industrial campus’s main gates in north-eastern Bengaluru’s K.R. Puram to report for work as usual. That morning, security guards prevented the workers from entering the premises, informing them that their contractor had changed and that the workers were thereby terminated from the company. Several hours later, an HR representative from ITI told the stranded workers that ITI “no longer has a relationship” with them, according to one worker, who asked to remain anonymous. 

Despite having worked for the public company for between 10 and 30 years, employees, guised as “contract workers”, have been subject to precarious labour terms. The latest unilateral termination of these sham contracts, in concert with a series of other alleged labour violations over the past year, have prompted workers – now unionised under the All-India Central Council of Trade Unions (AICCTU) – to wage a peaceful protest outside ITI’s main gates since December 1

Liberalisation and sham labour contracts in India’s PSUs

Public sector industrialisation in Bengaluru’s mid-20th century laid the groundwork for the country’s digital economy. Reservations for marginalised castes and job security in the public sector provided modest upward mobility and the formation of a public sector middle class in the city. Established shortly after independence in 1948, ITI is a PSU of the Government of India’s Ministry of Communications. Today it specialises in fibre optics, broadband connectivity and defence and surveillance technology contracts all over the country, including in remote villages and border regions. Like other PSUs, ITI was forced to shrink its labour force with the advent of liberalisation and privatisation in the 1990s.

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Yet the company seems to have financially weathered this reform period to achieve a turnover of Rs 1,894 crore with a profit of Rs 111 crore before tax during FY 2018-19, an improvement of 9% over the previous year according to its 2018-2019 Annual Report. In a letter to the company’s shareholders in the same report, the chairman and managing director, Rakesh Mohan Agarwal, writes that his company “has performed exceedingly well”, and had achieved “the highest turnover in the past eight years”.

Despite this financial rebound, however, labourers who toil on ITI’s factory floors and in remote locations have been steadily casualised and rendered precarious over the past decade. During the first COVID-19 lockdown in April 2020, over 250 ITI workers were laid off. The payment of salaries, provident funds and other employee benefits was also suspended for 10 months that year – actions that were enabled precisely because of precarious contractual terms.

“Contract labour is nothing but modern-day slavery,” says Clifton D’Rozario, national secretary of AICCTU and state secretary of CPI(ML) Liberation. “The contract system is introduced by management in state enterprises to deny workers their rights as regular employees and to ensure that employment terms are at the discretion of management. Sham contracts also ensure that workers live in perpetual fear of losing their jobs and hence do not collectivise or demand their rights.” 

Deployed to fight COVID-19, punished for unionising

Despite precarious employment terms, ITI workers perform core jobs such as quality assurance, data entry and process engineering that enhance telecommunications connectivity, national security and even public health for the country. According to a letter dated December 4, 2021 sent by the AICCTU and addressed to Ashwini Vaishnaw, minister for communications, electronics, information technology and railways, ITI workers were deployed during the first COVID-19 lockdown to manufacture 3,000 hospital ventilators on an emergency basis. As the AICCTU letter puts it, “These workers have dedicated their lives to M/s ITI and have been part of various works in defense for the security of the nation.”

ITI workers commemorating Ambedkar’s death anniversary. Photo: Author provided

It was during the first lockdown in 2020 that 120 ITI workers decided to join AICCTU to bargain for their rights. “It is the violation of their rights that the workers in ITI stood against. And it is for this that they are being victimised. In reality these workers are not just fighting for their rights, but to ensure the enforcement of labor laws and to uphold the Constitution and its values vis-à-vis workers,” says D’Rozario. This move to unionise was not received well by the company’s senior management, who is now refusing to meet with the workers. 

Unfair and illegal labour practices?

Actions taken by ITI to terminate its contract employees may be illegal on several counts. 

First, in response to a complaint filed by ITI workers, the Central Regional Labor Commissioner of Bengaluru instructed ITI management in October-November of this year that no worker should be terminated during the hearing of the dispute. This was in accordance with Section 33 of the Industrial Disputes Act.

Also read: Suicides, Enormous Debts, Unheeding Govt: What Went Into the 20-Day MSRTC Strike

However, ITI management claims that the unionised workers are not technically ITI employees, and therefore the company sees no need to abide by Section 33. For their part, given their longstanding loyalty and years dedicated to the company, workers consider themselves squarely to be ITI employees. 

Second, under Article 19 of the Constitution of India, workers have a legal right to partake in union activities and cannot be punished for doing so. In retaliating against the workers for unionising, the actions of ITI management are punishable by law. 

In a phone interview with The Wire, M.D. Diwvedy, general manager, human relations at the ITI corporate office said, “The labourers have been removed because the contracting agency has changed.”

When asked about the fact that workers had dedicated years to ITI’s Bengaluru plant despite working under precarious contracts, he added, “We have no record of how long the employees have worked. We merely ask the contracting agency for manpower. The contractor makes decisions on the supply of manpower.” He added that the dispute is currently under consideration by the Regional Labor Commission (Central) of Bengaluru.

Worker demands and inter-union solidarity

Protesting workers, many of whom are women and Dalits, have been forbidden from using the restroom near ITI, despite having worked for the company for up to three decades. Still the union is persisting in its struggle, now in its seventh day. On December 6, a day recognised as Mahaparinirvan Diwas, protestors lit candles in commemoration of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar’s death anniversary. Their demand is to be re-hired as permanent employees and to be treated with the respect and dignity that they deserve after working in the public sector for so many years.

“This is the only job I have,” said one of the workers who spoke under anonymity for fear of retaliation. “I have been working here for 10+ years. Without work we will not be able to pay rent and school fees. We are demanding justice.”

In a move of solidarity, other unions like the Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike Pourakarmika Sangha (the BBMP Sanitation Workers Union), also affiliated with AICCTU, joined the ITI protest last week. In October this year, the BBMP Pourakarmika Sangha organised a city-wide jatha to voice concerns over their disrespectful treatment by BBMP managers, contractors and Bengaluru residents; poor wages; and inhuman working conditions in what is essentially a caste- and gender-based urban occupation. Pourakarmikas have similarly been subjected to sham contractual conditions and unjust labour practices over the past decade.

It is now up to the regional labour commissioner to take action to hold ITI accountable. AICCTU is also demanding an enquiry into ITI’s illegal labour practices and is seeking action against those responsible for the violation of worker rights. This case has the potential to serve as a warning to other public enterprises seeking to render their workers disposable through sham contracts. 

Malini Ranganathan is an associate professor in the School of International Service at American University, Washington, DC. She researches land, labour and caste geographies in Bengaluru. Twitter: @maliniranga

Pressed in Steel: A Tale of Migrant Factory Workers in NCR’s Wazirpur and Badli Areas

Promises made are hardly kept and the responsibility to maintain basic public amenities such as toilets, sewage and clean water facilities falls on the slum-dwellers themselves.

This article comes from a study undertaken as part of a Centre for New Economic Studies (CNES) Visual Storyboard Initiative. The three-part photo essay on this storyboard can be accessed through the following links (Part I; Part II; Part III) and all video essays uploaded can be found in a playlist here.

Over the last two months, our team from the Centre for New Economics Studies (CNES) undertook a field project with the objective to visually document and archive the lives and daily work lifestyles of some of the most vulnerable migrant workers living in the Wazirpur-Badli JJ camp area of New Delhi. In the course of the project, our team came across some absorbing insights about the area. 

The area of the Wazirpur-Badli JJ camp, despite being placed within the national capital region (NCR) and in an industrial corridor, has been ignored by the state in providing access to basic amenities and social and economic protection for those who work there under precarious circumstances with difficult living conditions. Here, we highlight the lived experiences of those working in the dark, hazardous steel factory workshops in Wazirpur.  

A busy street in Delhi’s Wazirpur. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

Wazirpur is one of 29 industrial areas spread across Delhi-NCR. Twenty years ago, this land was barren with hardly any inhabitants, even from Delhi itself. Now, the same place is overrun with hundreds of small-scale factories which have attracted thousands of low-income migrant workers, usually from Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Bengal. 

Scattered amongst Wazirpur’s workshops and factories are the jhuggis (slums) which the workers call home. While many of the area’s newer workers prefer to stay in the jhuggis temporarily, for periods of six to eight months when industrial activity is at its peak, others, mostly the older migrant workers, have lived with their families in the slums for over a decade. 

New arrivals in Wazirpur go through middlemen to find employment in steel factories. Those with connections can find good contractors who offer a daily wage. Most of the others, however, have to rely on ‘word of mouth’ to find employment offers, even at less-than-ideal daily wage rates, with a massive cut of their salary going directly into the pockets of the middlemen. The workers scarcely make the minimum wage, especially after the effect the pandemic had on industrial activity, not that the pre-pandemic situation was all that bright. 

Workers in one of Wazirpur’s alleys. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

Once employed, workers are made to go through eight to 12 hour shifts in which they work with heavy machinery (such as power press and roller machines), six days a week. In small-scale steel factories, workers press, cut and polish steel. Work conditions are hazardous and many workers are develop chronic respiratory issues. 

In return for their efforts, workers receive around Rs 5,000 – 8,000 per month for eight-hour shifts. Most, however, insist on working overtime, pushing the duration of their shifts to 12 hours and adding an extra Rs 2,000 to their salaries. Monthly rent for one small room for a family of four can go up to Rs 3,000, including electricity bills. Thus, these workers have to spend a third of their salaries on rent, leaving hardly any money for additional expenses, let alone hospital bills.

Homes stacked upon one another in the jhuggis. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

‘They spend lakhs on machines but not Rs 5 to fix a plug’

The hands of a steel worker during a shift. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

Hand injuries and accidents in the steel factories are common.

“If your mind wanders even for a second, you’ll get hurt or may risk losing a finger… it has happened to me,” said an elderly factory worker.

A stray piece of steel may hit someone or a machine part may malfunction causing a current to run through its operator. It is not uncommon to find people with a severed hand or foot. First aid may be provided, but paid leave is out of the question. Our team interacted with many workers living in the Wazirpur industrial area who had not only suffered terrible injuries from the accidents in factory workshops but had also, in turn, lost their jobs.

A steel worker operating machinery. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

“I have heard of many companies turning a blind eye to what happens inside their factories. That’s why my relatives and family members are reluctant to send girls out to work in factories. Luckily, my workplace is nothing like that.”

– Preeti.

Girls as young as 18 years of age feel compelled to start work in these factories to support their families. Women in these vulnerable workspaces are often harassed, discriminated against and are seldom paid as much as their male counterparts. Their wages, even after overtime, add up to only around Rs. 3,000 – 6,000 per month. 

Workers inside a small steel workshop. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

Though women working in such difficult conditions is not uncommon here, factory owners do try to pay women workers well in order to avoid getting a bad reputation in the community.

In a somewhat tightly-knit community like Wazirpur, news of jobs, working conditions (a good employer versus a bad employer) travels through gossip and intra-community oral networks.

If an owner (most of whom are men) has a bad reputation for exploiting their workers, it often becomes more difficult for them to hire workers in the area.

A young boy carrying steel products on his rickshaw. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

Some factors owners and, more importantly, contractors (most of whom stay in and around the slum area) try to project an image of  ‘caring’ for their workers into the community.

Many factory owners have also set up CCTV cameras to ensure the safety of women workers specifically.

The presence of a relatively inclusive worker community, without any organisational agency or unionised presence, was interesting for our team to observe. Many workers, as a result of being part of a ‘cared for’ community, prefer to live in the slum of Wazirpur as opposed to other industrial areas like Bawana and Narela, where many feel isolated and alienated. 

A vegetable vendor in Wazirpur. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

Still, the precarity of industrial work in steel workshops and the exploitative working conditions, as well as a poorly organised wage structure, makes many wonder what their (and their families’) futures are going to be like. 

A steel worker operating heavy machinery. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

A dimly-lit room in a steel workshop. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

Workers press, cut and polish steel to create tumblers, bowls and plates. Overlooking safety concerns, they operate polishing, rolling and cutting machines using a ‘naked hand’; sans protective gear.

While referring to the lack of adequate compensation from owners for a worker’s injuries, one worker, Rajesh, said, “Babu (the contractor) does what he can do… most (factory) owners don’t really care.” 

A worker operating a steel press. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

When asked what the government does to compensate the workers for injuries sustained while working, Rajesh, a low-income Wazirpur resident who used to work as a steel worker and cut steel by hand, said, “The government, or the state, doesn’t even know that we exist… What will they do to help us?”

Ironically, the factory workshops are spatially clustered around an eight-story structure that houses the Employee Provident Fund Organisation (EPFO) office in Wazirpur.

Most workers lack access to provident funds and even health insurance provided by the Employee State Insurance Corporation. Many aren’t even aware of what a provident fund is. 

Rickshaw drivers waiting for a fare in Wazirupur. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

Daily lifestyles 

Thousands of jhuggis have been built around the major industrial areas of Wazirpur and Badli. Shacks line the streets of these slum areas, which can only be reached by marching in single file past leaking sewers.

However, most residents go about their daily lives. Children are seen playing in dirt and taking showers in the water from broken pipelines in the alleys. On the streets, stallholders and street vendors (themselves residents of the slums) offer everything from plastic toys to saucepans. People here lack what most consider to be fundamental necessities. The scant resources available in these slums are getting further exhausted, scarce and worn down as the population continues to grow dramatically.

Jhuggis are strewn all across the areas of Wazirpur and Badli. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

 

Residents of the slums take their showers in the alleys themselves. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

The slum’s material absence of permanent homes, water and sanitation, inflicts social, cultural and symbolic violence upon its residents every day. As the slum life is always exposed to public scrutiny, slums represent a tangible politics of closeness and distance in an unusual way. 

A woman walks through a cramped slum alley. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

The jhuggis, although providing a haven from the city’s exclusion, are nevertheless vulnerable to intrusion and violence from the community and within the family. This is evident in the way we understand how different day-to-day life is for women, men, youth and children from one another, even whilst living in together in these jhuggis.

Thousands of women and girls begin their days at the first stroke of dawn, before the rest of their (male) neighbourhood wakes up. They do so because they have to use the (collective) sanitation facilities that are accessible at a distance from their respective homes.

Most of these women are also workers in steel factories and must report to work early, after finishing their household chores (which include cooking for their families and spouses). Those who don’t work as steel workers work as domestic workers in the kothis nearby. The life-routine, however, remains the same for both groups.

Women living in the slums need to wake up before their male counterparts in order to use the collective sanitation facilities with some privacy. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

Besides wage work in steel factories or as domestic help, the burden of tending to their families inevitable falls on women. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

“No one values women in factories. Male workers tend to order women around, with an inherent sense of authority which is indifferently overseen by the factory owners. Here, both men and women are at fault. Women don’t speak up for themselves and men take advantage of that,” says a resident of the Wazirpur industrial area.

A woman doing the household chores early in the morning. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

The shramik women of Wazirpur spend hours cleaning, cooking and looking after their children early in the morning, whereas the men wake up just in time to get ready for work. As both leave for work together, the younger kids are left in the care of neighbours and the community’s elderly. 

A woman resident of the Wazirpur slum washing utensils before setting off to work. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

Involuntarily overlooked by their parents, the children of these migrant workers are deprived of a formal education, congenial social environment and parental presence. They spend most of their day playing in the alleys, completely unsupervised, being exposing very early on to intoxicants and a patterned ferocity.

These children, then, grow up following the crowd; they drop out of school and work as labourers instead of improving their skills, trapping them in a vicious cycle, identical to that of their parents’ generation.

JJ colony youth spending their day by the railway tracks. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

“A friend of mine had gotten a job in a well-established company. They let him go when they realised he lived in a jhuggi,” says a a resident of Badli’s JJ Colony.

Children from the slum on their way to school. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

The young workers of Wazirpur and Badli, most of whom are aged between 17 and 20, are less secure or thoughtful about their future. Growing up unaided, a large part of the youth worker community actively indulges in alcohol and drugs while gambling away the little money they have. A small minority of the young workers either settle for a low-paying, laborious jobs or, if they can afford it, appear for competitive exams. 

A young resident overlooking the slum. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

An even smaller minority of the youth, who are determined to make their futures better, face difficulties due to their domestic, intra-household situations. In a chaotic slum colony, they find it difficult to study in their homes. There is hardly the space – or the peace – to study, even if there is the light. Often, they are interrupted by the drunken howls and loud abuses of their peers which force them to travel outside the slum to find a quiet environment. 

Despite their vexatious lifestyles, the men, women and youth of Wazirpur and Badli continue to work hard in hope of creating an identity for themselves and provide a better way of life for future generations. 

A family residing in the slum. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

The invisibilisation of migrants in India’s dark growth story 

The low-income, vulnerable migrant workers in India know hardship all too well. One in every ten people in India are seasonal or circular labour migrants. In the last 20 years, as more industries have shown up in areas such as Badli and Wazirpur, jhuggis have proliferated. 

Families with four or five members are forced to make do with single-room accommodations. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

With the paltry incomes they make from work, any dilapidated shelter becomes home. Most families with four or five persons must make the most of their low-ceiling, single-room accommodation. Between the scarcity of housing structures, the uncertain future of their homes and the less-than-ideal living conditions, migrants must skirt the odd dynamic between ‘old’ and ‘new’ residents.

These jhuggis have, over time, also become increasingly dense with older families growing bigger and newer migrants flowing in. Barely earning a sustainable income, they are unable to afford accommodation, even in slums. 

These industrial jhuggis are becoming more and more cramped. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

They are left with no choice but to live in shared, rented rooms lacking basic amenities with rents as high as Rs 2,500 per month. These rooms are incredibly small, hardly able to accommodate three family members at the same time. Forcibly cramped together, they are compelled to make use of that single room for all their chores. The same place is used as a bathroom in the morning, a kitchen at noon and a bedroom at the night. 

Cramped living situations in the jhuggies barely leave room to move around in. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

A woman with a walker making her way through the alley. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

An overloaded rickshaw hauling wares in the jhuggi. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

“Few months ago, a 13-year-old girl, in an attempt to acquire water from the only tanker of the day, fell and broke her arm as the residents stepped on it in the midst of madcap attempts at grabbing water,”

– Dr Ashok Kumari.

These settlements also face an acute shortage of water. With only one tanker a day for all their quotidian requirements, conditions can get desperate. Thousands of women living in resettlement colonies on the outskirts of the city begin their days by hiking to the nearest water standpipe or queueing for a filthy community toilet down a small, dirty alleyway. 

A young girl trying to get water in the slum. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

A scarcity of water means residents must make do with very small amounts throughout the day. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

“With more metros and roads, it has happened before that factory land, where people live in jhuggis, is being converted to build flats for middle-class people.”

– Sunil Kumar Singh.

Residents pay rent that ranges from a third to half of their monthly income, but are not given the benefits of rental agreements or the ability to exercise tenancy rights over their living areas. Furthermore, the landowners use coercion and physical violence to ensure the workers’ compliance and temporary status in these communities. Because of the informal nature of their housing, the government is often more than comfortable to start displacing people from their homes.

A plot of land in the jhuggi which has been cleared out for contruction. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

Most people here have lost faith in the government. 

Promises made are hardly kept and the responsibility to maintain basic public amenities such as toilets, sewage and clean water facilities falls on the slum-dwellers themselves. As industries begin moving out towards the edges of the NCR, many feel that they soon will be forced to leave. Though the population of Badli and Wazirpur is not certain, roughly 30 – 40 lakh workers might get displaced soon and Delhi’s new master plan has little to offer them.

The government does little to maintain basic amenities, such as sewage lines, within the jhuggies. Photo: Jignesh Mistry.

 

Most names have been changed, or kept anonymous to protect the identity of the respondents.

Deepanshu Mohan is associate professor of economics and director, Centre for New Economics Studies (CNES), Jindal School of Liberal Arts, OP Jindal Global University.

Jignesh Mistry is a senior research analyst and the visual storyboard team lead with CNES.

Tavleen Kaur is Research Assistant (CNES),

Apremeya Sudarshan is a research intern with CNES. 

We also would like to thank Ruhi Nadkarni, Ada Nagar, Mohammed Rameez and Rajan Mishra for their assistance on editing and archiving the photo & video essays from this storyboard.

The authors would like to sincerely acknowledge and thank: Mukta Naik, fellow from Centre for Policy Research (CPR), Dr. Ashok Kumari, an academic researcher, informal workers’ rights activist & an Independent writer on Women’s Issues, and Sunil Kumar Singh, Associate Researcher from CPR, for their invaluable help, support and guidance in making this field study possible.