Watch | ‘BJP Demand to Change Mughal-Era Delhi Names Is Ignorant’: Swapna Liddle

The historian said Adesh Gupta is simply wrong when he claims these 40 village names commemorate Mughal emperors or Sultanate rulers.

In an interview to discuss the suggestion made by the Delhi President of BJP, Adesh Gupta, in a letter sent to Chief Minister Kejriwal, that the names of 40 Mughal-era villages be changed because they are symbols of slavery, the renowned historian and author Swapna Liddle has said the demand is “silly” and “ignorant of history”.

She also agreed with a comment by another professor of history, Narayani Gupta, that “we are descending into collective cretinism”.

In a 20-minute interview to Karan Thapar for The Wire, Dr Liddle, who has written several popular books on the history of Delhi, including a highly regarded one on Chandni Chowk, and is the former convenor of the Delhi chapter of INTACH, explained at length the origin of names such as Najafgarh and sarais such as Neb Sarai, Jia Sarai and Lado Sarai. She pointed out that these are not named after Mughal or sultanate rulers but beneficiaries of land grants or generals and aristocrats of the time.

“What problem does Mr Gupta have with serais?”she asked. “Is it the fact it’s an Urdu word? But his letter to the Chief Minister uses Urdu words like azadi and ghulami,” she pointed out.

Liddle said Adesh Gupta is simply wrong when he claims these 40 village names commemorate Mughal emperors or Sultanate rulers. Also there’s absolutely no way you can logically or historically claim these names are symbols of slavery, she adds.

Watch the full interview here.

How New Delhi Became What It Is Today

‘Connaught Place and The Making of New Delhi’ revisits the capital’s fascinating history.

In Connaught Place and The Making of New Delhi, Swapna Liddle says one of the arguments put forward against moving the capital from Calcutta to Delhi was because “it was a lifeless backwater of the Punjab Province – remote from the major centres of commerce, Calcutta, Bombay, and Karachi and therefore the capital and the officials would end up in a bureaucratic enclave.”

That was about all that Delhi was when I first arrived there 54 years ago. The population then was under three million, now it is the centre of the world’s third largest conurbation in which over 25 million people live.

Swapna Liddle
Connaught Place and The Making of New Delhi
Speaking Tiger, 2018

Liddle describes how this extraordinary population explosion started. Her story begins with the imperious Viceroy Lord Curzon’s decision to partition the troublesome province of Bengal. This autocratic decision only made matters worse and so it was decided that the policy of the government of India should change from autocracy to seeking the cooperation of Indians. Liddle sees the decision to move the capital to Delhi as part of that policy rather than ”the articulation of imperial authority.” The decision was announced by George Fifth, at the 1911 Durbar in Delhi, the only reigning monarch to visit India when it was under British rule.

Many have seen the construction of the vast palace for the Viceroy and the imposing two wings of the secretariat, perched up above the rest of New Delhi on Raisina Hill, as a continuation of the Raj’s policy of building magnificent public buildings to overawe its subjects. But Liddle describes the debates over the extent to which those buildings should have an Indian motif to emphasise that New Delhi was to be a capital Indians could regard as their own.

She quotes Herbert Baker, one of the two leading architects of New Delhi, as saying that although the foundation should be European classical architecture “we must try to graft on all that we can accept of what is best in India sentiment, and achievement, and architecture.”

Baker’s enthusiasm for Indian art and architecture was not shared by the other leading architect, Edwin Lutyens, and this brought the two architects into conflict with each other. There was also the better-known conflict between them over Baker’s secretariat obscuring the view down Raj Path of the palace Lutyens built for the Viceroy.

Also read: A City or a Capital? The Trouble With New Delhi’s Identity

Liddle supports Baker. She believes Lutyens’ role in the construction of New Delhi has been exaggerated and that we shouldn’t be speaking of Lutyens’ Delhi. To justify that view, she points out that his plan for New Delhi was rejected.

Swapna Liddle. Credit: Speaking Tiger books

There is a chapter in the book dedicated to Connaught Place, which was planned as the shopping and leisure centre of New Delhi. It was a decidedly up-market shopping centre. There were food shops catering specially to British tastes, and there was a hairdresser described as “qualified London trained”. Liddle suggests that the architect was influenced by the The Circus in the British Town of Bath or Park Crescent in London. Certainly, its design shows little sign of Indian influence.

In the end, Liddle argues, New Delhi was a failure from the British point of view, saying, “In 1911 the idea of the new capital held the promise of a renewed empire that would enjoy the support of the Indian subjects. At its inauguration 20 years later all that was left was a grandeur that signified the profound inequality of colonial relationships.”

The author tells a compelling story about what could be called a cul-de-sac in history – Britain’s failed attempt to find a different way of ruling this country by co-opting the support of its Indian citizens. Eighty-eight years from the inauguration, controversy still rages over whether this grandeur should be preserved. Liddle says that “there is no doubt that it needs to be preserved”. I hope her book will persuade many others to share that view.

Mark Tully is an author and the former BBC correspondent in India.

South Delhi Tomb Painted White and Saffron, Turned Into a Temple

The changes to Gumti – a small, domed tomb in Safdarjung Enclave’s Humayunpur village – have come into the limelight now, but old images showing tiles of Hindu Gods on its four gateways suggests that the process has been ongoing for long. 

New Delhi: What was until recently the tomb of an unidentified person, became a white-and-saffron-painted Shiv Bhola temple in March, with idols placed inside it, according to an Indian Express report.

The changes to Gumti – a small, domed tomb in Safdarjung Enclave’s Humayunpur village – have come into the limelight now, but a 2017 image showing tiles of Hindu Gods on its four gateways suggests that the process has been going on for a while.

While it cannot be said for certain who was buried here or who built the structure, according to the daily, the architecture – pointed tip of the dome and absence of mihrab (a semi-circular niche in the wall) – is indicative of a timeline going back to either late-Tughlaq or early-Lodi period.

The changes to the state-notified monument, which is built on a mound, have been made in violation of the Citizen Charter of the Department of Archaeology, which clearly states that one “cannot paint, draw or whitewash any wall in and around the monument” and “cannot hamper or spoil the originality of the monument”.

In 2010, Gumti was notified as one of the 767 heritage sites, and received a grade-I listing, Indian Express reported. Four years later, in 2014, the Archaeology department notified it again as a heritage site.

The deputy chief minister Manish Sisodia has claimed not to have any “information about this” and said that he shall ask the concerned department for an inquiry into matter.

The collaborative restoration work of the 15th-century monument – by the Delhi Chapter of Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage (INTACH) and the Archaeology department – was scheduled for last year.

According to Ajay Kumar, projects director of INTACH-Delhi, the tomb was “a locked monument” and restoration work was delayed due to “resistance from residents.”

“We went with police but it didn’t work out. Now it’s become a temple and we’ve lost the monument,” Kumar told Indian Express.

Labeling the matter a “land grab issue,” the INTACH-Delhi convener Swapna Liddle said: “We are not gatekeepers of the monument, we restore them. The protection has to be done by the state and then it should be handed over to us.”

While the name of Radhika Abrol Phogat can be found on two saffron-coloured benches placed in the complex, the BJP councillor from Safdarjung Enclave has denied knowledge of the matter. “The structure was turned into a temple without my knowledge, consent or support,” Phogat told Indian Express. “It was done with the connivance of the previous BJP councillor. I objected too, but it’s a sensitive issue. With whatever that is going on in the country, one can’t touch a temple. The benches with my name were initially in the park.”

Writing Late Mughal Delhi – Popular Urdu Memoirs

After the trauma of 1857, literature on the Mughal court acquired an unreal quality and was projected as an idealistic world to denounce the British Raj.

After the trauma of 1857, literature on the Mughal court acquired an unreal quality and was projected as an idealistic world to denounce the British Raj.

Bahadur Shah II enthroned with Mirza Fakhruddin. Credit: Wikimedia Commons

Bahadur Shah II enthroned with Mirza Fakhruddin. Credit: Wikimedia Commons

How we write about our past is tied intimately to our own time and place. As we seek to define ourselves by our history, our present day concerns often deeply colour our perceptions of that history. No wonder the past is such a strongly contested field of enquiry. This issue is well reflected in a particular body of writing in Urdu, published between the 1880s and the 1930s. These works sought to capture the culture of the Mughal court, as it had existed before the revolt of 1857. The content, style and tone of these popular histories tells us as much about the authors and their times, as it does about the past they present to the reader. New editions of several of these have been published by the Urdu Akademi, Delhi, in the last few decades. However, no English translations have been published.

It is interesting to compare the first work in this genre of popular history writing – Munshi Faizuddin’s Bazm e akhir (literally, ‘the last gathering’), published in 1885 – with one of the last to be published – Syed Wazir Hasan Dehlvi’s Dilli ka akhri deedar (literally, ‘the last sight of Delhi’). Not much is known about Faizuddin, except that he was an employee of Mirza Ilahi Baksh, who was a close confidant of the last Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar and the father-in-law of the emperor’s son. Due to Ilahi Baksh’s membership of the inner circle of the Mughal court, Faizuddin had seen life in the Mughal court and family at close quarters. Interestingly, the first edition of the book carried an endorsement by a prince of the royal family, asserting the authenticity of the account.

His is a richly detailed account of the daily life of the emperor, his extended family and household.  It makes for fascinating reading and is an important source of information for this period of Mughal history – particularly court ritual, the beliefs and practices of the Mughal royal family, the festivals celebrated by them – all related in an anecdotal style. At the same time, its curious silences stand out. There is no mention at all of the East India Company, even though it was the de facto ruler of Delhi at the time and was making deep inroads into the Mughal court as well. After all, Bahadur Shah ‘Zafar’ himself succeeded to the throne, in spite of his father’s wishes, due to the support of the British.

The fact that Munshi Faizuddin chose not to speak of the colonial state, should not surprise us. The revolt of 1857 had invited exemplary punishment on Delhi – many of its residents were massacred or executed after summary trials, many more had their properties confiscated, were driven out and ended up migrating to other towns and cities to build their lives afresh. The terror of the reprisals was so deeply imprinted on the minds of the generation that lived through it, that more than 25 years later, Faizuddin could not bring himself to talk of the East India Company’s rule in Delhi. The fact that a quarter of a century had to elapse before anyone wrote about the Mughal court was an indication that in the immediate aftermath of the revolt its was considered unwise to even mention Bahadur Shah, his court and his family.

A slightly different kind of writing was to surface in the early 20th century. This came from the pens of a younger generation, many of whom were well known literary figures. Though born in families that had seen the revolt, they themselves were separated from it by a generation or two. They relied on the memories of their elders for their accounts – though one suspects that sometimes the tales of an ‘old grandmother’ was used as a literary device.

The siege of Delhi in 1857. Credit: Wikimedia Commons

The siege of Delhi in 1857. Credit: Wikimedia Commons

One of these later works is that of Syed Wazir Hasan Dehlvi, the grandson of the famous novelist ‘deputy’ Nazir Ahmad. The short book is a collection of essays based – the author says – on things read in books and heard from elders.  His descriptions of rituals and practices and the life in the Mughal court, often seem to have been taken from sources such as Munshi Faizuddin’s work.  They are therefore much the same.  

Where he goes beyond the earlier work, is in the nature of his authorial commentary. There is explicit comment on the significance of Mughal rule and implicit comparisons to the present. For instance, he says of the Mughals, that they “did not merely conquer Hindustan but made it their own country and beloved home, and as a person adorns his house according to his capacity, they too transformed it with their language, administration, architecture, way of living, learning, music, poetry, knowledge and talents.” Wazir Hasan uses the voice of an old lady, Aghai Begum, for a variety of social and political comment. She points out that, nowadays, despite there being plentiful rain and abundant crops, there is repeated famine. This is because, to quote her, “whatever we have is taken away in sackfuls”. Earlier, in her words “ghar ka paisa ghar hi mein tha” (the wealth of the home, remained in the home). This was obviously a critique of the drain of wealth under British rule, which Wazir Hasan could express indirectly through the words of the old lady.  

In the 1930s, when the work was published, the freedom movement was nearing a crescendo. Memories of Mughal rule, long buried in the trauma of 1857, could be invoked to denounce the British regime. This political agenda exaggerates the nostalgia in Wazir Hasan’s work and there is a strong tone of pathos when speaking of a culture that is past.

Both authors, constrained by their own place in history, separated by both time and circumstances, write accounts of the late Mughal court and culture that differ in important particulars, but at the same time share a certain unreal quality. The picture they paint is vivid but somehow unreal – idealised and frozen in time. In the case of Faizuddin, this is because the removal of the East India Company from the scene he depicts, makes it ahistorical. In the case of Wazir Hasan, the desire to show the Mughal world as being in every way better than his own, makes it equally unreal.

Part of the problem also lies in the trauma of 1857, which swept away the Mughal court, and left behind memories that would forever be seen through the prism of the upheaval, as a late lamented ideal world. Those who had lived through the revolt, or their descendants, could not be objective about it. It is important to keep this in mind when reading these accounts as a source for the history of late Mughal Delhi.

Swapna Liddle wrote her PhD thesis on the cultural and intellectual history of nineteenth century Delhi. She is the author of Delhi: 14 Historic Walks, and Chandni Chowk: The Mughal City of Old Delhi