CPI(M) Leader Tarigami Moves SC Challenging Order Allowing Non-Locals To Buy Land in J&K

The application sought the apex court’s intervention and a stay on the October 26 order affecting a new land policy until the petitions challenging the changes to the region’s constitutional status are heard.

New Delhi: Veteran CPI (Marxist) [CPI(M)] leader Mohammed Yusuf Tarigami has approached the Supreme Court challenging the Union home ministry order which allows people from across the country to buy land in Jammu and Kashmir, including that meant for agricultural purposes.

According to LiveLaw, the application was moved in the writ petition which challenges the changes made to Jammu and Kasmir’s constitutional status by the Centre on August 5, 2019. The application sought the apex court’s intervention and a stay on the October 26 order affecting a new land policy until the petition is heard.

The petition moved under Article 32 (violation of fundamental rights) submitted that the October notification “is illegal” as it is issued in pursuance to the August 2019 reorganisation of Jammu and Kashmir which has been challenged by several people and that the top court is aware of the matter.

News agency PTI reported that the application states that the home ministry has amended sections of the Jammu and Kashmir Land Revenue Act, 1996 which pertains to management of agricultural land and the JK Development Act, 1970 which deals with zonal development plans determining land use for buildings, roads housing recreation, industry, business, markets, schools, hospitals and public and private open spaces.

Pointing out the amendments in the Act, the petition said that while the fresh laws prohibits the sale of agricultural land to a non-agriculturist, but it “authorises the government or an officer appointed by it to grant permission to an agriculturist to alienate the land to a non-agriculturist by way of sale, gift, exchange or mortgage or for such agreement on such conditions as may be prescribed”.

Tarigami pleaded that the change of land use can’t be left at the “caprice of bureaucracy more so at the lower rung of district collectors” and said the checks and balances available in the repealed laws need reintroducing in them.

The four-time MLA from Kulgam pleaded that these amendments will “seriously change the land use pattern and will destroy the food security of Jammu and Kashmir”.

He said the laws of the erstwhile state government on land were aimed at protecting the large swathes of farm land that provided life blood to the people of Jammu and Kashmir, from commercialisation.

“This crucial aspect has not been considered by the respondents (the home ministry) while issuing the notification,” the petition said.

In an 111-page notification in Hindi and English, the home ministry made several changes to the land laws, including the most important amendment in the Jammu and Kashmir Development Act that deals with disposal of land with the Centre omitting the phrase “permanent resident of the state” from Section 17 of the law.

According to LiveLaw, Tarigami’s submission says that the Instrument of Accession empowers the Central government to prefer orders relating to defence, external affairs, communications and other ancillary matters. However, matters relating to land use, transfer thereof and the broader matters relating to revenue were well within the powers of the state until the August 5, 2019 changes.

Before the dilution of Article 370 and Article 35-A in August last year, non-residents could not buy any immovable property in Jammu and Kashmir. The latest changes have paved the way for non-residents to buy land in the union territory.

It, therefore, contends that the October 26 order of the home ministry is illegal as it has been issued in pursuance to powers accorded to the Centre under a statute which itself is “unconstitutional, void and unsustainable and therefore liable to be struck down”.

The application concludes:

“If the decommissioning or deoperationalising of the Articles 370 and 35A are unconstitutional, it is submitted that the amendments and changes sought to be made vide notification dated 26.10.2020 are also unconstitutional as the Central Government derives power…from Section 96 of the J&K Reorganisation Act that was enacted subsequent to the issuance of Presidential Orders dated 05.08.2019 and 06.08.2019 whereby Articles 370 and 35A were decommissioned”.

The notification evoked angry reactions from mainstream political parties in Jammu and Kashmir, which termed the move an attempt by the Centre to “put Jammu and Kashmir up for sale”.

(With PTI inputs)

With SC Set to Hear Petition, Killings at Bangladesh Border Back in Focus

More than nine years after 15-year-old Felani Khatun was killed at the border, allegations of human rights violations by the BSF continue to linger.

No one killed Felani Khatun. Yet on January 7, 2011, the 15-year-old’s body was found swinging from the barbed wire fences dividing India and Bangladesh, shot through the chest. As Felani’s body hung for hours, people reported they heard her pleading for water.

No one was persecuted, no one was held responsible for killing Felani, an unarmed, defenceless child. Constable Amiya Ghosh of the Border Security Force (BSF), who was on “ambush and patrol duty” on the border with “friendly neighbour” Bangladesh, was accused of shooting Felani. He was tried in 2013 and then exonerated by the General Security Force Court. Two years later, a revision trial acquitted him. Felani’s parents, who travelled from their village in Khurigram, Bangladesh, were not even permitted to observe the proceedings. But Felani’s father, Mohammed Nur Islam never gave up hope for justice.

On March 18, the Supreme Court of India will hear Nur Islam’s plea for a fresh investigation by an SIT or the CBI into Felani’s death, to disclose the proceedings of the GSF Court against constable Ghosh and seek compensation for the family. Nur Islam found willing support in MASUM, a West-Bengal based human rights organisation, to jointly petition the SC. If states erect borders and organise patrols to intimidate neighbouring states, ordinary citizens too find ways to overcome barriers.

Twenty years ago in January 2000, in another incidence of cross-border justice (The Chairman, Railway Board & others v Chandrima Das & others), the Supreme Court upheld the Calcutta High Court judgment to compensate a Bangladeshi woman passenger with Rs 10 lakh when she was raped at the Howrah Station, Kolkata. The historic judgment reads:

“Even those who are not citizens of this country and come merely as tourists…will be entitled to the protection of their lives in accordance with the constitutional provisions.”

The quiet determination of lawyers and women activists in Kolkata and Delhi had played a major role in this case. Even the survivor’s lawyers, Dhaka-based Bangladesh Women Lawyers Association (BNWLA), acknowledged the support of the activists in Kolkata. “We cannot forget the unity and sympathy you showed for HK (identity withheld); it proves that the women of the world are together,” they said. Retired Justice D.K. Basu of the Kolkata high court had commented that the “best part of the entire episode” was played by activists (Maitree, a women’s rights network). They were “…constantly with HK giving her courage and hope.”

Inside the Supreme Court of India. Photo: Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 4.0)

Immigration and access to resources

On that fateful day, Felani, a Bangladeshi girl who was working as a maid in Assam, was illegally crossing the Anantapur border in Cooch Behar district, West Bengal into Bangladesh along with her father. She was returning home to get married. While her father Nur Islam crossed the fences with the help of ladders, Felani’s dress got caught in the high barbed mesh. Felani’s stricken cries alerted Amiya Ghosh of the 181 Battalion, who allegedly shot Felani.

It was in reference to poor immigrants like Nur Islam and Felani that Amit Shah, currently the Indian home minister, last year made the appalling “termites” remark. In 2015, the National Human Rights Commission of India (NHRC) directed the Ministry of Home Affairs to pay Felani’s family Rs 5 lakh as compensation. It observed that “there could be no justification for shooting an unarmed girl”. The NHRC stated that though the security forces discharged a sensitive duty at the border, “they must adhere to some discipline and norms while performing such duty”.

Also Read: In 2019, 999 Bangladeshis Detained for ‘Staying Illegally’ in India: Border Chief

The commission referred to an order issued on May 5, 2005, of the BSF Headquarters that states that even under grave provocation, the utmost distinction must be made between dealing with unarmed women and children and armed intruders. “In the instant case, the victim was an unarmed girl. So the BSF constable who shot at her obviously acted in disregard of the circular issued by the BSF HQrs.”

The MHA, however, has not paid the compensation. Nur Islam is hoping the SC hearing later in March will finally give Felani justice.

With her head hanging, ponytail swinging and right hand flaying in the air for help, the disturbing picture of Felani failed to make it to the headlines or front pages of newspapers in India, or draw the attention of governments across the world. It was the Dhaka-based Odhikar, a human right’s organisation that articulated the conscience of the subcontinent on the cover of its report: “It is not Felani hanging. It is Bangladesh.“ 

“Felani has become our symbol of the fight against human rights violation in the border region. The BSF’s shoot-to-kill policy is a blight on our justice system,” said Kirity Roy, secretary of MASUM. Since 2012, the organisation has been documenting and legally fighting cases of abuse and violence in border areas. According to Roy, each year the BSF kills 180-200 people – most are Indians – in the Bengal border alone, one of the five states bordering Bangladesh. Between 2011 and 2019, MASUM has investigated at least 86 cases of killing in the Bengal border by the BSF.

Allegations of torture, indiscriminate killings

Torture, indiscriminate killings and abductions are among the many allegations against the BSF. Several survivors and eyewitnesses of attacks allege that the BSF engaged in indiscriminate shooting without warning. No one has been persecuted despite the evidence, say the human rights activists working on these cases.

Rabibul Sheikh, 27 years old, a mason of Sukarurkuthi village, Coochbehar district was shot through the back of his head on July 9, 2019 by the BSF while he was smuggling cattle across the border. On the night of December 13, 2019 night, a group of men smuggling cattle to Bangladesh were shot by the BSF. Safikul Islam was killed and from the Gadadhar river, four bodies were retrieved tied with rope and stones.

These men and women – poor and without resources – cross borders regularly for their livelihood, risking their lives. They are killed or tortured and perhaps their socio-economic background is one reason why protests have not erupted in urban India or made it to the front pages or headlines of newspapers. Yet, the more such violations are ignored, the more the region and its people are marginalised. The victims of killing and torture are either Muslims or from the Scheduled Castes.

The response of government officials to these abuse allegations range from: “we shoot in self-defence” or “we never shoot to kill” to “we shoot illegal border crossers”. The United Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms urge officials to apply non-violent means before resorting to the use of force and firearms, and exercise restraint and “act in proportion to the seriousness of the offense.” In 2012, former judge D.K. Basu had observed that states must ensure that the various agencies “act within the bounds of the law and not become law unto themselves”.

Also Read: What Does Demography Reveal About Immigration Into West Bengal?

India’s 4,156 km border with Bangladesh is an emotive political issue in Indian politics, which has further been heightened with the enactment of the controversial Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA) in December 2019. This law provides a fast track to citizenship for non-Muslims from Bangladesh, Pakistan and Afghanistan who faced religious persecution and entered India before December 31, 2014. The rhetoric surrounding the National Register of Citizens (NRC) has also seen the targeting of Bangladeshis.

Those who argue that thousands of Bangladeshis live in India illegally ignore the fact that Indians exploit them as cheap labour, like Felani and her father. While the BSF is on the watch against smuggling of narcotics, fake currency, cattle and arms, common people on both sides of the border view the “line” drawn by the British in 1947 as unfairly arbitrary as it cuts through the rice fields, villages and markets they have always traversed, deterring the natural cross-border movement of friends, relatives and trade.

Rajashri Dasgupta is an independent journalist based in Kolkata.

Gujarat Violence: SC to Hear Zakia Jafri’s Plea Against Clean Chit to Modi on April 14

Ehsan Jafri, an MP, was among the 68 people killed at Gulberg Society on February 28, 2002.

New Delhi: Saying the matter had been adjourned many times and it will have to hear it someday, the Supreme Court on Tuesday fixed April 14 for hearing a plea by Zakia Jafri, wife of slain MP Ehsan Jafri, challenging the Special Investigation Team’s (SIT) clean chit to then Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi in the 2002 violence.

A bench comprising Justices A.M. Khanwilkar and Dinesh Maheshwari posted the matter for hearing in April after Zakia’s counsel sought an adjournment and urged the court to post it after the Holi vacation.

When advocate Aparna Bhat, appearing for Zakia, told the court that the issue in the matter is contentious, the bench said, “It has been adjourned so many times, whatever it is, we will have to hear it someday. Take one date and make sure you all are available.”

Zakia had filed a petition in the apex court in 2018 challenging the Gujarat high court’s October 5, 2017 order rejecting her plea against the decision of the SIT.

Ehsan Jafri was among the 68 people killed at Gulberg Society on February 28, 2002, a day after the S-6 Coach of the Sabarmati Express was burnt at Godhra killing 59 people and triggering violence in Gujarat.

On February 8, 2012, the SIT filed a closure report giving a clean chit to Modi and 63 others, including senior government officials, saying there was “no prosecutable evidence” against them.

SC Judge Recuses Himself From Hearing Plea of Disqualified Karnataka MLAs

The bench has now posted the matter for hearing on September 23.

New Delhi Supreme Court judge Justice M.M. Shantanagoudar on Tuesday recused himself from hearing petitions filed by 17 disqualified MLAs of Karnataka challenging the decision of the then speaker to disqualify them from the Assembly.

“In this matter, I am not participating” Justice Shantanagoudar, who was part of a three-judge bench headed by Justice N.V. Ramana, said at the outset.

The bench has now posted the matter for hearing on September 23.

The court had earlier refused to pass any order on listing of petitions filed by the 17 disqualified MLAs, asking what was the urgency as the petitions would come up in due course.

The then assembly speaker, K.R. Ramesh Kumar, had disqualified 17 MLAs which eventually led to the fall of the JD (S)-Congress coalition government headed by then chief minister H.D. Kumaraswamy.

Kumaraswamy had resigned as the chief minister after losing the trust vote which paved the way for the BJP-led government in Karnataka under incumbent chief minister B.S. Yediyurappa. These disqualified MLAs have approached the apex court challenging Kumar’s decision to disqualify them.

Some of these disqualified MLAs have alleged in their pleas in the top court that decision taken by Kumar before his resignation as speaker was wholly illegal, arbitrary and mala fide exercise of his power under the 10th Schedule of the Constitution.

They have also questioned Kumar’s decision to reject their resignations by holding that it was not voluntary and genuine.

(PTI)

Press Council Chairman Defends Unilateral Intervention to Back Media Restriction

In a note for the extraordinary meeting called on Tuesday, Justice C.K. Prasad seems to justify his move citing rules and precedence.

New Delhi: After severe criticism from journalists for intervening in the petition filed by Kashmir Times executive editor Anuradha Bhasin in the Supreme Court, the Press Council of India (PCI) has called an ‘extraordinary meeting’ of the council on Tuesday to discuss the issue. The PCI had cited national interest and sovereignty to back restrictions on communications in J&K after special provisions of Article 370 were read down and the state was bifurcated into two Union Territories.

Jaishankar Gupta and C.K. Nayak, two current members of the PCI, had issued a statement taking a serious view of the “unilateral action” taken by the PCI chairman Justice Chandramauli Kumar Prasad. They also expressed surprise that the full council was not taken into confidence in such a grave matter.

In the meeting note for Tuesday, the chairman seems to justify his unilateral move citing rules and precedence. The note mentions that the PCI chairman had filed intervention applications in two earlier cases without placing it before the council. The chairman referred to interventions in the Meghalaya high court’s judgment on May 27, 2016 debarring the press/media from reporting statements of the HNLC relating to bandhs/hartals and in the Shillong Times v Union of India and Press Council of India case on March 26, 2019.

Also Read: When Journalists Start Speaking Comfort to Power

It is imperative to note that the council intervened in these two cases to defend the rights of the media. In Bhasin’s petition, the council is batting for restrictions.

The note also cites clause 8 of the Press Council (Procedure for Conduct of Meetings and Business) Regulations, 1979 which defines the powers of the chairman to make decisions in urgent matters. It allows the chairman, if urgent action by the council becomes necessary, to “take [a] decision and permit the business of the Council to be transacted by an order recorded in writing”.

However, the same clause also says that the papers together with the decision taken by the chairman shall be placed before the next meeting of the council for confirmation. As The Wire has reported earlier, current council members Gupta and Nayak had revealed in their statement that the full council met on August 22 for the entire day but there was “no mention” of the petition which had been filed in the SC.

Is the Division of J&K Unconstitutional? Here’s What a Petition in SC Says

The petition challenging the Centre’s decisions was filed by retired bureaucrats and defence personnel.

New Delhi: The petition filed in the Supreme Court by six prominent citizens challenging the constitutional validity of the president’s amendments to Article 370 and the J&K Reorganisation Bill has claimed that these orders were “unconstitutional, violative of the basic structure of the Constitution and violative of fundamental rights”.

The petition has been filed by retired bureaucrats and defence personnel who have been associated with Jammu and Kashmir or served there. The first petitioner is academic and political analyst Radha Kumar, who was also a member of the home ministry’s group of interlocutors for Jammu and Kashmir in 2010-11.

Also Read: In Photos: Kashmir Under Lockdown

The other petitioners are former J&K chief secretary Hindal Haidar Tyabji; Air Vice Marshal (Retired) Kapil Kak, who is a permanent resident of J&K; Major General (Retired) Ashok Kumar Mehta, who served in the state for many years; IAS officer Amitabha Pande, who retired in 2008 as the secretary of the Inter State Council of the Government of India; and former Union home secretary Gopal Pillai, who dealt closely with issues relating to Jammu and Kashmir.

The petition has listed several reasons why the petitioners believe the reading down of Article 370 and the reorganisation of the state were bad in law.

Supreme Court. Photo: PTI

It states that Article 370(3) prescribes the conditions under which Article 370 would cease to operate. It says that Article 370 can cease to operate only on the recommendation of the Constituent Assembly of the state and thereafter a public declaration by the president.

However, the petition charged, “there has been no such recommendation by the Constituent Assembly before such a declaration was made by the President of India.”

‘A colourable exercise of power’

Referring to the Presidential Order G.S.R. 1223(E), through which an amendment has been made to Article 367 of the Constitution of India by which the reference to the expression “Constituent Assembly of the State” has been read as “Legislative Assembly of the State”, the petition stated that this “amendment is a colorable exercise of power.”

It has claimed that the amendment “seeks to achieve indirectly what cannot be achieved directly. It seeks to force an interpretation of Article 370(3) which would not be possible on a plain reading of the terms of the Article 370(3) of the Constitution of India. At present, there is no Constituent Assembly which is in existence and hence a fundamental condition for the effectuation/invocation of Article 370(3) is absent.”

Also Read: For Kashmir, ‘Normalcy’ is a Word That Needs to be Abrogated

The petition also points out that “the Legislative Assembly of Jammu and Kashmir does not have the power to alter the State’s relationship with India on account of Article 147 of the Constitution of Jammu & Kashmir.”

It has also stated that this act would undermine the very basis on which the (erstwhile) state of Jammu & Kashmir was integrated into India. “Both the Instrument of Accession as also Article 370 envisage a special autonomous status of the State of Jammu & Kashmir which could only be changed upon a recommendation of the Constituent Assembly.”

‘Action violates principle of democracy, federalism’

“The present action,” the petition noted, “which has been effectuated without ascertaining the will of the people either through its elected Government or legislature or public means such as referenda, violates the basic principle of democracy, federalism, and fundamental rights.”

It adds that “the unconstitutionality of the said act is further exacerbated by the fact that this declaration had been made with the concurrence of the Governor at a time when the State of Jammu & Kashmir was under President’s rule.”

The petition notes that the object of transfer of power of the state legislature to the parliament under state of emergency under Article 356 was of a purely temporary nature has been “completely overlooked” and “such a power could not have been used to change the very nature of the state/federal unit and to denude the power of the State Legislature itself.”

On the reorganisation of the erstwhile state and downgrading its status to that of two Union Territories, the petition said, “even this power could not have been exercised without the consent of the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir.”

Giving reasons for this, it states that “the erstwhile state of Jammu & Kashmir was markedly different from that of other States. In the case of other states, only the views of their legislatures are ascertained by the President before recommending the introduction of a Bill relating to reorganisation of the areas of the state.  But in the case of Jammu & Kashmir, no such Bill can be introduced in the Parliament unless the State Legislature consents to the same.”

A view of the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Complex. Credit: PTI

A view of the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Complex. Credit: PTI

‘Unprecedented unconstitutionality’

Stating that “the unconstitutionality of the act is unprecedented,” the petition charges that “by way of an amendment in Article 367, conditions have been sought to be read into Article 370(3) which has the effect of completely nullifying the effect of Article 370 and superseding the Constitution of Jammu & Kashmir.”

The petition also notes that the follow-up action of reorganising the state was accompanied by a complete lockdown. This, it said, gave “no scope to the people of Jammu & Kashmir to have any say in the entire exercise.”

Therefore, this action “jeopardises and strikes at the very root of the integration of the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir into India.”

Petition traced history of Jammu and Kashmir

The petition also traced the important dates and events in the history of Jammu and Kashmir, from 1846 – when the Treaty of Amritsar was signed between the East India Company (British Government) and Dogra ruler Maharaja Gulab Singh, whereby the independent possession of the Jammu & Kashmir region was transferred to the Maharaja and the heirs male of his body – till early August 2019, when the declaration was issued by the president under Article 370(3) and he gave assent to the Jammu and Kashmir (Reorganisation) Act, 2019.

The main petition also recorded in detail the events leading to the signing of the Instrument of Accession of India by Raja Hari Singh of Jammu and Kashmir on October 26, 1947.

It noted that “with the lapse of British paramountcy, the princely State of Jammu & Kashmir, like the other Indian States, was theoretically free from the limitations imposed by the said paramountcy.”

While Maharaja Hari Singh was weighing his options, conflict broke out in the state as refugees streamed in from West Pakistan. Poonch region of Jammu was the site of most acute conflict and was virtually taken over by “guerrillas backed by Pakistan”.

Also Read: The Backstory of Article 370: A True Copy of J&K’s Instrument of Accession

On October 22, 1947, tribal raiders from Pakistan, with support from sections of the Pakistan government and led by officers of the Pakistan Army, invaded the territory of the state; and this invasion presented a problem of unprecedented gravity before the Maharaja.

With the progress of the invading raiders, the safety of the state was itself in “grave jeopardy and it appeared that, if the march of the invaders was not successfully resisted, they would soon knock at the doors of Srinagar itself”.

This act of aggression set in motion a chain of political events, and on October 26, 1947, the Maharaja signed an Instrument of Accession with India, the petition says.

Correspondence between Hari Singh and viceroy

The petition also recorded some important correspondence between the Maharaja Hari Singh and the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten during that time.

It stated that on October 26, 1947, Hari Singh wrote to the viceroy:

 “Geographically my State is contiguous to both the dominions. It has vital economic and cultural links with both of them.  Besides my State has common boundary with the Soviet Republic and China.  In their external relations, the Dominions of India and Pakistan cannot ignore this fact…..  I want to take time to decide to which dominion I should accede, whether it is not in the best interest of both the dominions and my State to stand independent, of course, with friendly and cordial relations with both.”

The letter also refers to Pakistan pressuring Jammu and Kashmir to accede, culminating in the communal tribal raids:

“With the conditions obtaining at present in my state and the great emergency of the situation as it exists, I have no option but to ask for help from the Indian dominion.  Naturally they cannot send the help asked for by me without my State acceding to the dominion of India.  I have, accordingly decided to do so and I attach the Instrument of Accession for acceptance by your government.  The other alternative is to leave my state and my people to free booters.”

In his reply, dated October 27, 1947, Lord Mountbatten wrote:

“In the special circumstances mentioned by Your Highness, my Government have decided to accept the accession of Kashmir State to (the) dominion of India.  Consistently with their policy that, in the case of any state where the issue of accession has been the subject of dispute, the question of accession should be decided in accordance with the wishes of the people of the State, it is my government’s wish that as soon as law and order have been restored in Kashmir and her soil cleared of the invader, the question of the state’s accession should be settled by reference to the people.”

Maharaja Hari Singh of Kashmir, who signed the Instrument of Accession that made Kashmir a part of India. Kashmir has been under AFSPA for several years. Credit: Wikimedia Commons.

Nehru’s letter

The petition also referenced a letter sent by then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to Sheikh Abdullah on May 17, 1948 “with the concurrence of Vallabh Bhai Patel and N. Gopalaswamy Ayyangar”. It stated:

“It has been settled policy of Government of India, which on many occasions has been stated both by Sardar Patel and me, that the constitution of Jammu & Kashmir is a matter for determination by the people of the state represented in a constituent assembly convened for the purpose.”

The petition sought the apex court’s urgent intervention under Article 32 in the matter. It said the petitioners are “personally concerned as citizens of India about the sanctity of the federal, secular and plural nature of India’s Constitution which has been put at risk by the impugned orders/actions.”

The petition also claimed that “Article 370, that accords special status to the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir, has been unilaterally and arbitrarily nullified without any consultation with the people/residents of the State or their elected representatives” and thus challenged the Presidential Orders issued on August 5 and 6 respectively and the J&K Reorganisation Act 2019 to be “illegal and unconstitutional”.