All Party Meeting: Regional Parties Demand Special Status for Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, Odisha

Congress raised the demand that the post of deputy speaker be given to the opposition, sources in the Congress told The Wire.

New Delhi: Ahead of the parliament session commencing on Monday (July 22), three regional parties including an ally of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) have put forward their demands for a special category status for three states at the all-party meeting held on Sunday (July 21).

The BJP’s key ally in the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), the Janata Dal (United) has demanded a special package for Bihar, while the BJP’s former allies in parliament – the Biju Janata Dal (BJD) and the YSR Congress Party (YSRCP) raised the demand for Odisha and Andhra Pradesh respectively.

“This has been our demand since 2005. The 14th Finance Commission did not accept this. So we have been raising this demand continuously. All political parties BJP, RJD, JD(U), CPI(M), CPI, Congress all have unanimously passed resolutions twice as well. We will be raising this demand at the stage of inner party discussions and if there is any other stage as well we will continue to do as we have in the past,” JD(U) political advisor and national spokesperson K.C. Tyagi told The Wire.

In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP fell short of a majority on its own, winning 240 seats. It has had to rely on its NDA allies to form the government. Both the JD(U), which has 12 Lok Sabha seats, and the TDP, which has 16 seats, are crucial allies for the BJP-led NDA government.

Despite being in alliance with the BJP, JD(U) passed a resolution in its national executive meeting last month reiterating its longstanding demand of special status for Bihar as well as a special economic package for the state.

Last month, after announcing its support to the BJP, Tyagi had also said that while special status is a longstanding demand, it is not a precondition for the alliance.

“That Bihar should be given the status of a special category state has been the demand of our party (JDU) since the beginning. Chief minister Nitish Kumar has held big rallies for this demand. This is our demand but if technically the government feels that there is a problem in doing this, then we have demanded a special package for Bihar,” JD(U) MP Sanjay Kumar Jha said.

While the special category status led the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) to pull out of the NDA in 2018 in the wake of the Modi government’s refusal to grant it to Andhra Pradesh, the party has not yet made such a demand since being part of the present NDA government. Like the JD(U), the TDP also returned to the NDA fold just ahead of the Lok Sabha elections.

In a statement on X, Congress MP Jairam Ramesh said that a special package had been demanded by the JD(U) and the YSRCP but the BJP’s other key ally, TDP had kept quiet.

The YSRCP, which was voted out of power in the Andhra Pradesh assembly elections held in June, has earlier supported the BJP in parliament. However, it raises the demand for a special category for the state at the all-party meeting.

“TDP is not raising the issue of special category status. They have compromised with the issues of people with the BJP,” said YSRCP MP Vijay Sai Reddy to reporters after the meeting.

“I would like to clarify that the YSRCP will only extend issue-based support, wherever country and state interest we will support, otherwise we will oppose.”

BJD, another BJP ally in parliament, has also made the demand for a special category status for Odisha. Though the BJD was not in a formal alliance with the BJP, it has supported the saffron party in key legislations in parliament. However, since the drubbing in the Odisha assembly elections, which voted out the Naveen Patnaik-led government after over two decades, and the formation of a BJP government in the state for the first time, the BJD has since announced that it will oppose the BJP. The party also walked out during the special session of parliament along with other members of the INDIA alliance.

“Odisha has been deprived of special category status for more than two decades. BJD has been consistently asking for the special category status for Odisha. In the all-party meeting, we also had representatives from Bihar and Andhra Pradesh asking for special category status for their respective states. We join issue with our counterparts from other states as well who feel similar need required for their respective states,” said BJD Rajya Sabha MP Sasmit Patra to reporters.

Congress raises demand for deputy speaker

The Congress at the all-party meeting raised the demand that the post of the deputy speaker be given to the opposition, sources in the party said to The Wire.

While BJP MP Om Birla, who presided over the unprecedented suspension of opposition MPs in the 17th Lok Sabha, returned to the post in the 18th Lok Sabha, the post for the Speaker saw an election for the first time in decades.

Congress legislator K. Suresh filed his nomination as the INDIA bloc candidate after negotiations for the post of the deputy speaker, between the government and the opposition, fell through.

The opposition’s insistence on the post of the deputy speaker comes after the 17th Lok Sabha, in a first, ended with the post remaining empty.

Congress MP Gaurav Gogoi, deputy leader of the party in the Lok Sabha, also raised  governance issues “relating to NEET/NET scams, UPSC controversies, worsening  railway safety, Agniveer” at the all party-meeting, saying that they should be taken up in the Parliament.

The party has also demanded that the internal security situation in Jammu and Manipur be taken up along with  “challenges on our borders with China” and environmental concerns including floods, deforestation, issues relating to centre-state relations and the economy. In a reference to the Uttar Pradesh government’s order to shops and eateries across the state to display names of their owners along the route of the Kanwar Yatra, the Congress has also sought to discuss “deliberate attempts at polarisation in states like UP by passing unconstitutional orders.”

Government seeks cooperation

The Budget session of the parliament will begin on Monday and end on August 12. Union minister for finance Nirmala Sitharaman will present the Union budget on Tuesday (July 23).

During the meeting, Union minister for parliamentary affairs Kiren Rijiju sought active cooperation from all party leaders for smooth functioning of both houses of parliament and said that the government is ready to discuss all issues.

The all-party meeting of all floor leaders was chaired by Union defence minister Rajnath Singh. From the government’s side, the meeting was also attended by Union health minister and leader of the House in the Rajya Sabha, J.P. Nadda, along with Union ministers Arjun Ram Meghwal and L. Murugan.

 

JD(U) Passes Resolution Seeking Special Category Status and Economic Package for Bihar 

Special category status led the TDP to pull out of the NDA in 2018 in the wake of the Modi government’s refusal to grant it to Andhra Pradesh.

New Delhi: The Janata Dal (United) has passed a resolution in its national executive meeting held in New Delhi on Saturday (June 29) reiterating its longstanding demand of special status for Bihar as well as a special economic package for the state.

“Our resolution includes both special status for Bihar as well as a special economic package. We will continue to fight for both,” said JD(U) political advisor and national spokesperson K.C. Tyagi while addressing reporters.

In November 2023, just months before he rejoined the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in January, Nitish Kumar had promised a statewide agitation if the Union government did not grant special status to Bihar.

In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) fell short of a majority on its own, winning 240 seats. It has had to rely on its NDA allies to form the government. Both the JD(U) which has 12 Lok Sabha seats and the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) which has 16 seats are crucial allies for the BJP-led NDA government.

Earlier this month, after announcing its support for the BJP, Tyagi told to The Wire that while special status is a longstanding demand, it is not a precondition for the alliance.

Also read: Naidu and Nitish, Shadows of Their Past, Won’t Do Anything Radical to Upset the BJP

“Special category status has been a longstanding demand for us, but it is not a precondition for the alliance. We are happy to support this government. But we have not given up on the special status and we will be taking it up at a later stage,” he said.

After the JD(U) national executive meeting on Saturday, Tyagi once again said that during the meeting Nitish had reiterated that he will remain with the NDA and there is no question of switching sides.

“He has announced before the national executive that he will remain with the NDA and will not go right or left, there is no such question,” Tyagi said .

The party in its meeting has also decided to approach the Supreme Court against the Patna high court’s order striking down the Bihar government’s decision to increase reservation for Other Backward Classes(OBC), Extremely Backward Classes (EBC), Scheduled Castes (SC), and Scheduled Tribes (ST) from 50% to 65% in educational institutions and government jobs. 

“It has also been decided that we will approach the Supreme Court against the high court order to strike down the Bihar government’s decision to increase reservations. To bring in efficiency in the working of the party, Rajya Sabha MP Sanjay Jha has been made the working president,” Tyagi said.

Special category status also led the TDP to pull out of the NDA in 2018 in the wake of the Modi government’s refusal to grant it to Andhra Pradesh. Like the JD(U), the TDP also returned to the NDA fold just ahead of the Lok Sabha elections.

New Special Status Thrust on J&K Is an Abuse of the Constitution and a Danger to the Republic

This new remarkable status has brought with it the boon of denying to Kashmiris the “basic” constitutional right to representative governance.

On October 26, 1947, the reluctant Hindu Maharaja of the then princely province of Jammu and Kashmir agreed, in the face of an invasion, to accede to the dominion of India, following the partition of the country on religious lines.

What made the province stand out was the unparalleled popular resistance mounted by Kashmris, led by Sheikh Abdulah and the National Conference, to armed co-religionist marauders supported militarily by the new theocratic government of Pakistan.

All that at a time when the state had neither acceded to India nor had any effective government or military wherewithal to speak of.

The rejection of the pernicious two-nation theory by the Muslims of Kashmir, barring some complicit groups, marked a sterling act of secular-liberal assertion by Kashmirs drawn as they were to the promise of a non-discriminatory, egalitarian democracy espoused by the national leadership of the day.

That historic resolve (Jammu and Kashmir was then the only Muslim-majority province in the dominion of India) was honoured by India’s constitution makers, who invited Kashmiri leadership across communities to join constitutional deliberations and work out agreed terms of accession.

As is well recognised, those deliberations over five long months resulted in the conferring of a “special Status” on the province via Article 370 of the constitution.

It ought to be noted that the draft of the said Article was drawn up by Gopalswamy Iyenger and Sardar Patel when Jawahar Lal Nehru was abroad in the US.

Patel was to write to Nehru on November 3, 1949, to the effect that he had “prevailed” in persuading both the Congress and the Constituent Assembly despite concerted opposition from some quarters.

Although the late Syama Prasad Mukherjee, founder of the Jana Sangh, did not dissent with the then cabinet decision to grant such status to Jammu & Kashmir, it came to be the position of the right-wing that such status must be revoked if the province was to be fully integrated with the Union of India.

As we know, the Supreme Court of India has recently deliberated on the pros and cons of the revocation of that “special status” and has reserved its order on the constitutional validity or otherwise of the procedure adopted by the Union government in reading down Article 370.

Supreme Court building. Photo: The Wire

Post-August 5, 2019

Since the reading down of Article 370 on the above date, however, a new “special status” seems to have been thrust on the erstwhile state, again without popular consent (just as the reading down was effected without popular consent.)

Whereas India’s post-independence history has seen instances of Union Territories being elevated to the status of full statehood, J&K has come to be the only state of the Union ever to have been diminished to a Union Territory, ruled by an unelected nominee of the central executive.

In other words, this new remarkable “special status” has brought with it the boon of denying to Kashmiri citizens of the republic the “basic” constitutional right to representative governance.

Not to speak of the snatching of guarantees, be it of land ownership, jobs, or educational facilities – such as remain in place in eleven other states of India still.

Even as the establishment claims things have improved by unimaginable leaps in the territory, it has no qualms and no shame in denying the popular franchise to the now-so-happy people of Jammu and Kashmir.

The ruling BJP cannily transfers the onus to the Election Commission of India.

Strangely, despite the fact that all political organisations, including the BJP, insist that they are ready and waiting for elections to a new assembly, and even as the Election Commission has said more than once that it has completed all the logistical requirements (delimitation, voter lists, etc.) to initiate elections, elections do not happen.

There seems little doubt that the real reason lies in the open secret that the King’s party, far from having garnered the goodwill of the so-integrated Kashmiris, has over the past five years only accumulated the chagrin of even Hindu Kashmiris in the Jammu province by acts of utter disregard for the material interests of Kashmiris across communities.

It is a common grouse in all parts of the Union Territory that governance has been parcelled out to bureaucrats from outside the state, who have little interest in lending a democratic ear to the inhabitants.

Those who were once elected to the ULDs and panchayats have found themselves effectively without the funds and clout to shape the destiny of the people at the grassroots levels.

And word is that fresh elections that were supposed to be in the pipeline for these positions are also not to be held.

Understandably, only parliamentary polls may happen, since these are of unavoidable value to the ruling Modi dispensation, come the General Elections of 2024.

To wit, the situation in the territory must be understood to be “normal” enough for parliamentary polls, but not so for elections to a state assembly.

Nor is it at all clear when statehood is to be restored to the Union Territory – questions which the honourable Supreme Court has expectedly posed to the Union government during the aforesaid hearings.

Internal surveys suggest an unflattering prospect to the BJP – that despite having left no stratagem unused to discredit regional forces in the territory (with whom it has formed governments, both in the state and at the Centre through the years), it has not been able to dent the allegiance of Kashmirs in either part of the centrally-administered Union Territory to memories of their own democratic struggles, or to their pride in their rich and enlightened local cultures and historical accomplishments.

Combined opposition

Since the revocation of the erstwhile “special status”, Kashmir’s entrenched political forces have sought to patiently await good constitutional sense to prevail in New Delhi. They have sought to make their case legally to the Supreme Court and use the media to educate public opinion.

Given the unconstitutional enormity of the denial of representative government to Kashmiris with no likelihood of assembly elections in sight, these forces have now decided to hit the streets on October 10.

Many political observers indeed have felt that this assertion of the fundamental right to peaceful mass protest ought to have been exercised long before now.

It remains to be seen if some newer political outfits will find the wisdom to join with the combined opposition to lend strength to the peaceful satyagraha.

That Kashmiri leaderships have waited so long must testify to the stoic faith they have continued to show in the republic’s democratic-constitutional fundamentals, even with an authoritarian regime in the saddle.

Jammu and Kashmir National Conference President Farooq Abdullah addresses a press conference along with his son Omar Abdullah, Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) President Mehbooba Mufti and others after meeting of signatories to the Gupkar declaration, at his residence in Srinagar, Thursday, October 15, 2020. Photo: PTI

No Indian government has ever been as immune to criticism as indifferent to public opinion, at home or abroad, as the Modi government until it sees the prospect of an electoral disaster staring it in the face.

The question must be, after all, how much longer can it hope to put off popular representation in Jammu and Kashmir without losing what remaining credit it has for being a democratic government?

And, conversely, how much longer may Kashmiris suffer disbarment from the right to choose their own government, given that no state in the Northeast, for instance, might have shown the quality of forbearance that Kashmiris have?

And, how long may even the most congenial nationalist opinion be expected to endorse servitude for Kashmiris?

Badri Raina taught at Delhi University.

Article 370 Hearings: Article 35A Comes Under Critical Scrutiny Before Supreme Court

Both the Union government and CJI D.Y. Chandrachud appeared to agree on the perceived discriminatory nature of Article 35A of the Constitution.

New Delhi:  Chief Justice of India (CJI) D.Y. Chandrachud, heading the five-Judge Constitution Bench hearing the slew of petitions challenging the reading down of Article 370, on Monday (August 28) observed that Article 35A while giving special rights to permanent residents of J&K denied fundamental rights to others.

“Article 35A gave special rights and privileges to permanent residents and virtually took away the rights of non-residents. These rights included the right to equal opportunity of state employment, right to acquire property and the right to settle in Jammu and Kashmir,” the CJI remarked while intervening during the submission of solicitor general, Tushar Mehta. 

Article 35A of the constitution was inserted in 1954 by a presidential order made under Article 370 of the constitution. Article 35A enabled the Jammu & Kashmir Assembly to define ‘permanent residents’ and allowed it to give Permanent Resident Certificates to people in the state. The permanent residents enjoyed special rights and privileges in regard to employment, acquisition of immovable property, settlements and scholarships, until Article 370 was read down on August 5, 2019.

The CJI also noted that Article 35A had even granted immunity from judicial review to these special privileges. 

In response to the CJI’s remark that the current Union government cannot distance itself from its predecessors, Mehta answered that the August 5, 2019 decision was an attempt to correct the mistakes of the predecessor governments. “The mistakes of the past should not befall the future generations,” he responded. 

Mehta told the Bench that safai karamcharis (sanitation workers) brought to J&K were not entitled to permanent resident status despite residing in the state for several decades. 

Also read: Day 10 of Article 370 Hearing: Union Govt Says J&K’s Accession Was Not Unique

When senior counsel Kapil Sibal referred to Jawaharlal Nehru’s defence of restrictions on outsiders, Mehta suggested that it was a mistake, due to which the state was deprived of investments. 

He also highlighted the Union government’s claims that post-August 5, 2019, there has been an upswing in investments and tourism. He claimed that the reading down of Article 370 – being challenged in the petitions before the Court – confers fundamental rights on the people in the state by applying the entire Constitution of India, bringing them at par.  

Mehta claimed that it is not unusual for the parliament to act as the state legislative assembly during the President’s rule. parliament exercises the power of the state legislature under Article 356(1)(b) in all states, he said. 

Mehta also contended that the Proviso to Article 3 of the constitution – dealing with formation of new states and alteration of areas, boundaries or names of existing states – remains suspended under every instance of imposition of President’s rule. 

The Proviso states that no Bill for this purpose can be introduced in the parliament except if the President recommends it. Additionally, if the Bill proposes a change in the area, boundaries or name of any of the states, it should be referred to the state legislature for due consideration. The legislature would then be allowed to respond within the period, stipulated by the President or in the reference itself.

Also read: SC Asks AG to Look Into Suspension of J&K Lecturer After His Appearance in Article 370 Hearing

The CJI disagreed with Mehta when the latter sought to equate the views expressed by individual members of parliament describing Article 370 as a temporary provision with that of parliament as a collective body. 

Mehta contended that the J&K Constituent Assembly was not a law making body, and the state Constitution was not a document of governance.  

Earlier, the bench took serious objection to the suspension of lecturer Zahoor Ahmad Bhat, subsequent to his appearance before the Bench in the ongoing proceedings, by the J&K Education Department. Bhat had appeared as a party-in-person on August 24, and shared his concerns over the reading down of Article 370. He claimed that he found it difficult to teach the principles of Indian constitution and democracy to students, as students ask him whether India is still a democracy after the abrogation. 

When Mehta initially sought to justify the suspension saying there were other issues like his appearance in various courts, the bench queried him why the order of suspension mentioned his appearance before the Supreme Court, and why he was not suspended earlier, if there were valid reasons. Following the bench’s request to the Attorney General, R. Venkatramani to look into it, Mehta agreed with the bench that suspension cannot be resorted to as a retribution, and the timing of suspension is indeed not proper. 

 

Article 370 Hearing: SC Told Extreme Examples Are Necessary To Solve Extreme Cases

During the ninth day of the hearing of the case, CJI Chandrachud expressed his view that Article 370 was never intended to be permanent and it was self-limiting after the state constitution came into force in 1957.

New Delhi: Extreme examples are necessary to solve extreme cases. This sentence used in a 1970 judgment by an eleven-judge bench of the Supreme Court reverberated during the ninth day of hearing by the top court’s five-judge constitution bench hearing the challenges to the dilution of Article 370 on Wednesday, August 23. 

In H.H.Maharajadhiraja Madhav Rao Jiwaji Rao Scindia Bahadur and Others vs Union of India,  decided by the eleven-judge bench on December 15, 1970, the abolition of privy purses was under challenge. After the Bill for the purposes failed to secure the requisite two-thirds support from the  Rajya Sabha, the president, exercising powers under Article 366 of the constitution, signed an instrument withdrawing recognition of all the Rulers of the Princely States. The Supreme Court held in this case that the order of the president “derecognising” the rulers is ultra vires and illegal. 

(The Union Government later abolished the privy purses and privileges of rulers of former Indian States through the 26th Amendment Act, 1971.)

In his judgment in this case, then chief justice of India (CJI) M. Hidayatullah pointed out that if the Maharaja of Jhind were recognised as the Nizam of Hyderabad, there would be no application of Article 366 (22) – defining the Ruler of a former Indian state – and the action so wholly arbitrary as not to be protected by Article 363 (Bar to interference by courts in disputes arising out of certain treaties, agreements, etc.).  Justice Hidayatullah observed:

The answer was that the President would never do so. But who would have thought in 1950 that recognition of all the Rulers would be withdrawn by a single order? Therefore, extreme examples are necessary to solve extreme cases”

On Wednesday, senior advocate Gopal Sankaranaryanan, while concluding the petitioners’ arguments before the bench, referred to this observation, and questioned the Union government’s use of Article 367 – dealing with Interpretation – to abolish Jammu and Kashmir’s special status. He said: “Using 367, the phrase ‘the legislature of not less than half of the states’ could be read as Rajya Sabha or the law minister. You can say that.”

Sankaranarayanan cited this extreme hypothetical example to question the Union Government’s move to amend Article 367, which provides guidelines to interpret the constitution. A new clause was added to Article 367, replacing “Constituent Assembly of the State” referred to in Article 370(3) by “Legislative Assembly of the State”.  

Sankaranarayanan thus slammed the Union government for amending the constitution through the device of Article 367, rather than Article 368, and asked: “If they are allowed to do this, heavens know what they will do next.”

On Wednesday, senior advocate Nitya Ramakrishnan set the tone of arguments by questioning the general assumption that J&K is not integrated and that Central rule was aimed at it. She pointed out that political sovereignty rests with the people and there is a democratic pact which was a part of Article 370. She suggested that if a change has to occur, then the recommendation has to emanate from an authority that is equal in mandate as compared to the constituent assembly. 

She referred to the interview that the former governor of J&K Satyapal Malik gave to The Wire, and claimed that he did not even know on August 4, 2019 that the Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order (CO) was being issued the following day, to withdraw the state’s special status. The bench, however, pointed out that this is a post-facto statement. 

SG says no intention of touching special provisions in Northeast

During the hearing, the bench recorded an important statement made by solicitor general Tushar Mehta that the Union government has no intention to touch the special provisions applicable to the north-eastern states. “There is no apprehension and there is no need to create apprehension, as it will have serious repercussions,” he told the bench. Following this, the bench requested senior advocate Manish Tiwari not to discuss such apprehensions.

Advocate Warisha Farasat relied on the legal doctrine of malice in law to challenge the events surrounding the dilution of Article 370, as three former chief ministers of the state were in detention.  She claimed that in these days of pre-legislative consultation, what the Union government did with regard to the dilution of Article 370 clearly smacked of malice. 

CJI D.Y. Chandrachud, while responding to Sankaranarayanan, suggested that Article 370 was never intended to be a permanent provision and that it was self-limiting after the state constitution came into force in 1957. Sankaranarayanan observed that this case is effectively about whether a power to dilute Article 370 exists and whether the procedure laid to exercise that power was followed by the Union government.

The CJI asked succinctly: “Can the constitution of a federating unit be superior to the constitution of the Union?”

The respondents will begin their arguments on Thursday.

Revised NCERT Textbook Drops Statement That J&K’s Accession Was Based on Promise of Autonomy

All references to India’s first education minister Maulana Abul Kalam Azad have also been deleted from the revised political science textbook for Class XI.

New Delhi: The revised National Council for Educational Research and Training (NCERT) Class XI political science textbook has omitted an earlier statement which said that Jammu and Kashmir’s accession to India was on the basis of a promise that the state would remain autonomous, according to The Hindu.

The news report, published on Wednesday, April 12, added that the authors of the revised textbook have also deleted all references to India’s first education minister Maulana Abul Kalam Azad.

These omissions are a series that have been unearthed after the NCERT has ‘rationalised’ the school syllabus to compensate for time lost due to the COVID-19 pandemic. While the autonomous organisation had reported some of these omissions and deletions, it had kept others under wraps. These included dropping content on the Mughals and the 2002 Gujarat riots from the Class XII history books and certain portions on Mahatma Gandhi.

On April 5, reacting to the controversy about the NCERT surreptitiously dropping some content, its director Dinesh Saklani said: “Possible oversight, no ill intention.” He also said the changes will not be rolled back.

Now, The Hindu reports that the decision to remove the reference to Azad from the first chapter of the old Class 11 political science textbook “Indian Constitution at Work”, and J&K’s autonomous status, mentioned in chapter 10 of the same textbook, was also kept out of public domain.

According to the report, in the old textbook, the paragraph about J&K said: “For example, the accession of Jammu and Kashmir to the Indian union was based on a commitment to safeguard its autonomy under Article 370 of the Constitution.” [Emphasis supplied]

But this reference was dropped. Article 370 was diluted and J&K’s special status was revoked by the BJP-led Union government in August 2019. The state was also bifurcated into two Union Territories, Jammu and Kashmir, and Ladakh.

According to The Hindu, the earlier textbook said: “The Constituent Assembly had eight major Committees on different subjects. Usually, Jawaharlal Nehru, Rajendra Prasad, Sardar Patel, Maulana Azad or Ambedkar chaired these Committees.” [Emphasis supplied]

The sentence now says: “Usually, Jawaharlal Nehru, Rajendra Prasad, Sardar Patel or B.R. Ambedkar chaired these Committees.”

The deletion of the reference to Azad comes after the Naraendra Modi government in December 2022 dropped the Maulana Azad National Fellowship for students from minority communiites.

Knowledge about Vedas will earn credits

A day earlier, news reports revealed that as per the final report on the New National Credit Framework (NCrF) of the University Grants Commission (UGC), students would be able to earn credits for specialised knowledge in Hindu scriptures like the Puranas, Vedas and the Indian Knowledge System. Referring to the report made public by UGC on April 10, an Indian Express report said on April 11:

“The document lists 18 major Vidyas, or theoretical disciplines; and 64 kalas, applied sciences or vocational disciplines and crafts that can count towards credits earned during school education. This provision was not there when the draft NCrF was first shared in the public domain for feedback in October 2022.”

Knowledge in “18 Vidyas” has been defined as knowledge on the four Vedas, the four subsidiary Vedas (Ayurveda–medicine, Dhanurveda – weaponry, Gandharveda-music and Silpa – architecture), Purana, Nayaya, Mimansa, Dharmashastra, Vedanga, the six auxiliary sciences, phonetic, grammar, metre, astronomy, ritual, and also that philosophy can be considered for “creditization”. The news report said NCrF has included “special expertise in Indian Knowledge System” as one of the six areas in which students “who are national- and international-level achievers can earn credits. The remaining being games and sports, performing arts, craftsman of heritage, social work and special achievement in innovation.”  

A Hindustan Times report said that the framework “integrates the credits earned through school education, higher education and vocational and skill education. It will cover the credits assigned on the basis of learning hours from Class 5 to PhD level. The total hours of learning per credit will be 30.” UGC chairperson M. Jagadish Kumar added that the committe is “already working” on integrating Indian Knowledge Systems to higher education. “Now, the option will be offered to students as a part of school education as well,” he said.

 

The Modi Era’s Best Kept Secret is that Jammu and Kashmir Continues to Enjoy Special Status

No other region of India is held by the Centre so tightly to its fatherly heart as J&K.

For some four years now, deposed and unwanted political forces have been spreading the canard that Jammu and Kashmir has been robbed of its “special status.”

Simply not true.

The fact is that after its recent full integration with the Union of India via the reading down of Article 370, the “special status” of the erstwhile state has become even more “special.” 

To illustrate:

Name a single other state which, since Independence, has been elevated from a mere state to a Union Territory, and then sundered into two for even greater exclusivity of status to set it off from run-of-the-mill provinces.

None.

Does that not make J&K “special”?

Name me another state that has been relieved of the burden, expense and contentious rigmarole of an elected assembly for four long years, and bestowed the direct munificence of a caring Union government that holds Kashmiris tight to its fatherly heart – sparing them the pitfalls of exposure to their own worst  needs and desires, and what they innocently call their “rights.”

None.

So, who remains “special” still?

Name me a region, other than J&K, in which the favour of a delimitation exercise has been granted, as a special exemption when such an exercise is slated for 2026 everywhere else? And where such delimitation has renovated constituencies away from the designated principles of demographic evenness and geographical contiguity, in order to strengthen “nationalist” forces by enhancing their prospects of winning elections.

Is that not “special” I ask you?

Name me another state or UT where high bureaucratic offices are entrusted to choice incumbents from the rest of the country, so as to advance the rapid development of the territory for all-India purposes, leaving local officers free to pursue less onerous responsibilities in view of their strained circumstances?

None whatsoever. Is that not a “special” kind of ‘good governance’?

Name me another part of India where households and lands held in possession for long decades by residents are kindly demolished and turned into shining new prospects for others rather than lazily “regularised”, as routinely done, in other cities and states, including the capital, New Delhi. 

Where other peoples are fobbed off with the promise of  “PM Awas Yojana”, Kashmiri properties are razed to facilitate a “smart city” future for India’s most beloved bit of real estate.

A video screengrab shows a demolition drive in progress at Padshahi Bagh in Srinagar.

Is there a parallel to that benevolence anywhere else in the republic?

Name me another state where citizens are sought to be protected from evil ones by an army which deploys close to one man for every 20 citizens; where such protective laws as the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) remain in place despite overwhelming normalcy in order to forestall avalanches and other natural disasters from disfiguring the beautiful valley. Or, where laws like the Public Safety Act also remain on the books, so that instant justice is ensured to keep the paradise on earth insulated from the damage caused by the interminable delays of the justice-delivery system elsewhere in the country.

OK, some states in the Northeast have AFSPA too, but if the use of preventive detention laws is proliferating throughout the country, that is only because other states do not want Kashmiris alone to enjoy their benefits.

Is there any other part of the republic where the army runs cricket tournaments and sundry other forms of healthfully diversionary physical engagements so as to shield impressionable young minds from useless thoughts about the collective condition of Kashmiris, the causes thereof – and the many idle fracas that attend on such unwarranted “larger thinking?”

If that is not extraordinarily “special” what is?

Name me another territory where learned Pandits have unrestricted freedom to protest in open street, or even in front of a ruling party office for months on end in a sort of replicated Shaheen Bagh, so that no BBC may come along to report that an unelected administration has made it impossible for Kashmiris to vent their hurts.

And name me another region of India where stray youth and those that pretentiously think for themselves are dealt with and dispatched with quite the firm alacrity as the defaulters in J&K? Where their irresponsible desire for escapism and flight is curbed by lookout circulars at the airport and conveniently delayed passports?

And, yet, in the teeth of all these facts, the calumny is sought to be spread that J&K is no longer “special”, and that Kashmiris deserve to do their own dirty political and social work rather than be so specially favoured by the love of the Modi government.

How far can thanklessness go?

Shah Faesal Moves SC To Withdraw Name From Plea Against Dilution of Article 370

In April, the government accepted Faesal’s application for withdrawing his resignation and reinstated him to the Indian Administrative Service.

New Delhi: IAS officer Shah Faesal has moved the Supreme Court seeking withdrawal of his name from the list of petitioners who challenged the Presidential Order to dilute Article 370 of the constitution that granted special status to Jammu and Kashmir.

Faesal, who had floated his political party, the Jammu and Kashmir People’s Movement (JKPM), filed the petition in the top court in 2019, and it was registered on August 26, 2019.

In April, the government accepted Faesal’s application for withdrawing his resignation and reinstated him to the Indian Administrative Service.

Faesal filed the application in April this year seeking the deletion of his name from the list of seven petitioners who challenged the scrapping of Article 370.

Among other petitioners are Javid Ahmad Bhat, Shehla Rashid Shora, Ilyas Laway, Saif Ali Khan and Rohit Sharma and Mohammad Hussain Padder.

On August 5, 2019, the Union government decided to strip the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir of special status and bifurcate it into two Union Territories.

Two Years After Article 370 Read Down, Rights Violations Continue: J&K Rights Forum

Forum for Human Rights in Jammu and Kashmir has in its third report also flagged the Pegasus snooping issue and called for a probe into the charges that the spyware was used against 25 Kashmiris.

New Delhi: Two years after the military lockdown and loss of statehood, special status and division of the state, the Forum for Human Rights in Jammu and Kashmir has in its third report on the conditions therein claimed that “most of the violations described in the first two reports remain valid”. It has stated that “arbitrary detentions continue, public assembly is still prohibited under Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973 (CrPC), and close to 1,000 people are still in prison, including minors and elected legislators.”

The Forum comprises an informal group of concerned citizens who believe that, in the prevailing situation in the former state, an independent initiative is required so that continuing human rights violations do not go unnoticed. It has also stated that in some measures, the situation has deteriorated in the state with surveillance over government officials becoming a new tool of harassment.

“The Jammu and Kashmir administration appears to have added a new vigilantism against government employees, whose social media content is now subject to police scrutiny for ‘anti-national activities’, potentially leading to dismissal,” the Forum has stated, adding that “eighteen government employees have already been dismissed.”

Apart from this, the Forum that is co-chaired by former Supreme Court judge, Justice Madan B. Lokur, and former member of the Group of Interlocutors for Jammu and Kashmir, Radha Kumar, has also pointed to how the COVID-19 pandemic has added to the woes of the citizens and adversely impacted the industries and tourism sector in the former state.

‘Probe charge of Pegasus use against 25 Kashmiris’

The Forum also flagged the Pegasus snooping issue and called for a probe into the charges that the spyware was used against 25 Kashmiris.

The report noted The Wire‘s report on July 23, which said that the Pegasus spyware’s leaked database revealed that over 25 Kashmiri journalists, politicians, businessmen and human rights activists were on a list of potential targets of surveillance between 2017 and mid-2019 (along with almost 300 counterparts across India), and may still be. Forensic analysis on two phones confirmed that they were targeted for surveillance.

The Forum recommended an investigation into these allegations. It also called for rescinding any orders that might have been given for the use of Pegasus and that any justification in the matter should be placed in the public domain.

Industry, tourism sector suffered, economy in decline

It noted that “industries still reel under the dual impact of the lockdown and the COVID-19 pandemic” and as for the tourism sector, said, that while it showed signs of recovery earlier in 2021, the second wave “again halted recovery”. Jammu and Kashmir’s economy, too, continued its sharp decline, with several industries forced into bankruptcy, it added.

The Forum, which has 19 prominent citizens as members – including five former retired Supreme Court and high court judges, retired senior bureaucrats and defence officials, and leading academicians, historians, activists and journalists – has also pointed out how three years since the last elected administration, led by Mehbooba Mufti, was toppled, there remains a strong belief in the people that an elected government will be more responsive to their demands.

“On the ground, most residents believe that an elected administration will be far more receptive to civil and human rights than the governor and Lieutenant-Governor’s rule that they have had to subsist under,” the Forum said.

Recalling how on August 4, 2019, the Union government arrested close to 6,000 Kashmiri politicians, dissidents, intellectuals, journalists and youth, snapped telephone and internet communications across the state, imposed a blanket curfew, and stationed an additional 40,000 troops at the Valley’s towns, the report said the following day, the president of India also removed the special status granted to Jammu and Kashmir under Article 370 of the Indian constitution. Then on August 9, parliament passed the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, dividing the state into two Union Territories: Jammu and Kashmir, and Ladakh.

On how things have moved since, the report said, “The combined military, police and communications lockdown continued for the next six months, only to be replaced by a pandemic-related lockdown that lifted only intermittently.”

Jammu and Kashmir National Conference president Farooq Abdullah addresses a press conference along with his son Omar Abdullah, People’s Democratic Party (PDP) president Mehbooba Mufti, People’s Conference president Sajjad Gani Lone and others after meeting of signatories to the Gupkar declaration, at his residence in Srinagar, Thursday, October 15, 2020. Photo: PTI

Series of steps invalidated residency laws, privileges

All this while, it said the Union government took a series of deeply controversial steps that invalidated the state’s residency laws and privileges, removed restrictions on land use and transfer, and denied legal rights to habeas corpus, bail and speedy trial.

In the second half of 2020, most of the detainees were released in small batches but around 1,000 still remain in prison. As for the courts, the report said, they “continued to ignore habeas corpus and freedom of speech protections”. And while curfews have been routinely extended, the Forum said the internet was only partially restored and snapped every time the Indian army conducted counter-insurgency operations.

Chinese incursion impacted fragile situation

The report also stated that the Chinese military incursion along the Ladakh border in mid-2020 “further impacted an already fragile security situation”.

On the other hand, the February 2021 agreement between director generals of military operations (DGMOs) of India and Pakistan to a cease-fire along the international border and the Line of Control (LoC) was a “small ray of light” as it “helped restrict infiltration by armed groups and raised hopes that a wider peace process might follow, accompanied by the restoration of political and human rights.”

However, the cease-fire recently showed signs of “beginning to fray” as indicated by the “sudden low-cost drone attacks of June”, the Forum said.

PM’s offer for talks fell short of expectations

Similarly, the group of concerned citizens has pointed out that hopes have again been raised and dashed by recent political meetings. “In June, hopes were raised again when Prime Minister Narendra Modi invited Jammu and Kashmir’s political leaders to a meeting. The meeting had an open agenda and it seemed as if the Prime Minister wanted to consult regional representatives on how to restore a political process.”

However, it said, “the prime minister’s offer, however, fell far short of expectations. The Reorganisation Act, he said, would continue to be implemented, and elections would be held for a Union Territory assembly. Statehood would be restored only at an unspecified ‘appropriate time, as home minister Amit Shah said in parliament in February 2021 while piloting a bill to dissolve a key function of statehood, the Jammu and Kashmir administrative service.”

In light of these pre-conditions put before the regional parties, the Forum said they find themselves in an “awkward position” since the largest and most popular of them have moved the Supreme Court and challenged “both the hollowing out of Article 370 and the Reorganisation Act.”

In such a scenario, the Forum said, if these parties would participate in assembly elections under these conditions, their challenges in court may be rendered infructuous. “If they do not, there is a high risk that human rights abuses will continue unchecked.”

The Forum also observed that a delay in Assembly polls would not be in the interest of the citizens. It said judging from the announcement that the Delimitation Commission, appointed under the 2019 Reorganisation Act to add seven new assembly constituencies, will only complete its work by March 2022, it appeared that the elections will only be held after that. As such, the group expressed its concern that “the current situation of continuing human rights abuses will continue unchecked, since Jammu and Kashmir will remain under the administration of a lieutenant-governor for at least another year, possibly much longer.”

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Manoj Sinha, Amit Shah, Farooq Abdullah and others during an all-party meeting of political leaders from Jammu and Kashmir, in Delhi, June 24, 2021. Photo: PTI

Human rights violations continue

The report has also documented the “numerous human rights violations in Jammu and Kashmir under the five broad heads of civilian security, health, children and youth, industry, and media.

It said the security situation has only “worsened” with figures for fatalities being much higher than those between 2012-2016. Also, the figures for ‘terrorists killed’ include child fighters, an issue that has not been flagged by either the Union government or the Jammu and Kashmir administration, though it is of serious concern, the Forum said. It added that counter-insurgency concerns continue to be given priority over public, civilian and human security, leading to an across-the-board vitiation of human and civil rights protections.

The report has also pointed out that despite the judiciary speaking up against violations of rights, the administration has thwarted these attempts by opposing bail and curbing dissent. “Notably, the Jammu and Kashmir high court has shown renewed commitment to the rights to bail and fair and speedy trial, coupled with scrutiny of the possible misuse of draconian legislation, such as the Public Safety Act (PSA) and the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA).”

Nevertheless, the report said, “The Jammu and Kashmir administration continues to oppose bail and stifle dissent on increasingly bizarre grounds, such as the arrest of a political activist for saying he preferred local officers to outsiders.”

Monitoring of social media accounts on the rise

The Forum has also identified areas of surveillance that pose new threats to the citizens. It said, “A new vigilantism has been introduced by measures such as a Special Task Force (STF), and recruitment of cyber volunteers, to monitor social media accounts, including of public servants, for ‘anti-national’ content.”

The report also asid that following the reading down of Article 370 and reorganisation of the state, children, youth and women have been affected in a “particularly severe” way. It said schools have functioned for barely 250 days between August 2019 and July 2021, due to repeated lockdowns. The limits on Internet speeds made it impossible for online classes to function adequately until February 2021, when 4G was restored.

Dowry, wife-burning cases have surfaced

Also, the continuing heavy security presence in towns and neighbourhoods has intensified trauma and the rates of suicide have gone up, the Forum stated. At the same time, domestic abuse has also “increased drastically” and even incidents of dowry and wife-burning, which were rarely heard of earlier, have surfaced. It said while women-only help desks have been set up in police stations, the lack of a women’s commission for complainants was being sorely felt.

The report also points out how new land transfer policies have ushered in widespread discrepancies in compensation. “There are fresh complaints of illegal land occupation. New domicile rules, moreover, have eroded prior land ownership and employment protections for local citizens,” it said, adding that nomadic tribes too continue to be forcibly evicted by forestry officers.

Media has been one of the worst hit

The report says the local media was “one of the worst sufferers” of the changed circumstances since 2019. It said “journalists have been harassed, assaulted and charged under the UAPA” and recent security directions bar journalists from being present near counter-insurgency operations, removing scrutiny of potential human rights violations.

Furthermore, the measures for implementing the 2020 media policy, the Forum said, “allow the police forces opportunities to intimidate media outlets”.

It also charged that there was “censorship by the Directorate of Information and Public Relations (DIPR) in coordination with security agencies” and that this has been institutionalised. Also, the report said, the new policy of recruiting cyber volunteers has further added to the threat of both censorship and intimidation.

On the repercussion of such censorship, the report said, a media gag on health workers has allowed rumours of the adverse impact of vaccines to spread unchecked.

In view of the challenges faced by the media in the state, the Forum has in its recommendations, urged a rollback of the new media policy, which allows police checks and raids on media outlets, ban on drones used by video journalists and bar reporting from counter-insurgency sites.

The Forum has also called for a review of the empanelment policy to ensure media outlets are not punished for dissent. “Withdraw the case against the Kashmir Walla and ensure that no such cases, that are clearly intended to stifle reports adverse to the government, are filed,” it said.

File photo of journalists protesting against the restrictions on the internet and mobile phone networks at the Kashmir Press Club during the lockdown in Srinagar last year. Photo: PTI

‘Release all political detainees, juveniles’

The Forum has also made 10 other recommendations to improve the situation in the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir. It has called for a release of all remaining political detainees who were taken into preventive detention on or after August 4, 2019. It has also urged repeal of the Public Safety Act (PSA) and other preventive detention legislation or amendments to them to bring them in line with the constitutional ethos.

The Forum has also recommended the release of all detained juveniles and the withdrawal of charges against them. It has also asked for withdrawing unsubstantiated charges under the PSA or UAPA against political leaders, journalists and activists, and institution of time-bound enquiries into allegations of torture in detention, as those made in the case of People’s Democratic Party (PDP) leader Waheed Para.

‘Hold police, military accountable for rights violations’

The group called for initiating criminal and civil actions against personnel of police, armed forces and paramilitary forces found guilty of violation of human rights, especially with regard to attacks on journalists. It has demanded that the Army’s additional directorate for human rights be given full freedom in the role it can play in investigating alleged human rights abuses. Also, it has urged adherence to the humanitarian guidelines during cordon and search operations (CASO) for preventing civilian deaths, injuries and other damage or loss.

The Forum has urged restricting Section 144; avoiding attacks on journalists and courier companies that have free passage during curfew; holding police and paramilitary personnel accountable for harassment to civilians at checkpoints; adequate compensation to citizens whose houses are destroyed in CASO or land reclamation drives; and ensuring protection to nomadic tribes under the Forest Rights Act of 2006.

Restoration of oversight panels urged

Another important recommendation pertains to the reinstatement of all of the former state’s statutory oversight bodies, especially those monitoring human rights, such as the Jammu and Kashmir Human Rights Commission and the Jammu and Kashmir Women and Child Rights Commissions.

The Forum has also called for proving compensation to local businesses that were forced to shut down due to the government lockdown between August 2019 and March 2020; and immediate economic and anti-pollution aid to the houseboat industry.

It has also urged reconsidering the establishment of village defence committees (VDCs) and the reinstatement of the Special Operations Group (SOG) and special police officers saying “these initiatives have been found to increase the vulnerability of employees as well as the public to acts of violence.”

The forum has also demanded that the local communities should be involved in facilitating the return of Kashmiri Pandits as “without local support, returnees will not be safe, and their reintegration will prove extremely difficult.”

The Modi Government’s ‘New Era’ for J&K is Nothing to Celebrate

Instead of issuing a white paper on the changes and developmental initiatives it has introduced in J&K during the past 24 months, the government has put out a 76-page booklet aimed at misleading people across the country.

The Bharatiya Janata Party and Union government are celebrating the completion of two years of their autocratically fashioned and unconstitutional dilution of Articles 370 and 35 A of the constitution. We, as citizens of Jammu and Kashmir, would have loved it if the powers that be had issued a white paper on what changes and new developmental initiatives they have introduced in J&K during the past 24 months. Instead, what we have been handed is a comic book meant to mislead people across the country.

In its compilation of lies and propaganda, the government brings up West Pakistani refugees (WPRs) and Valmikis and claims that the articles which safeguarded the rights of 1.25 crore people in J&K were scrapped in order to issue 55,931 certificates to the WPRs, 2,754 to the Valmikis and 789 to Gorkhas. Leaving aside the fact that there were other, less destructive ways of giving domicile certificates to these sections, the Union government has failed to list any concrete measures for the existing state subjects of J&K.

Instead, the 76-page booklet titled “Jammu and Kashmir Marching To A New Era”, issued by the J&K government, lists the tourism and hospitality sector, education, sports and property rights as its achievements.

It shamelessly claims credit for abolishing the historic J&K Big Landed Estates Abolition Act, introduced and implemented by Sheikh Abdullah in 1950. The Act, decades ago, secured the future of the most downtrodden peasants across J&K. The document boasts about the tulip festival, musical events and wazwan feasts as achievements. Needless to say, everyone knows where the credit for tulips, music and wazwaan actually belongs.

The tourism sector has seen and continues to witness its lowest point for the past two years – worsened by the impact of COVID-19 – and no sops in form of tax waivers were announced. The government mentions the vaccination of 80% of tourism workers as its shot in the arm for this sector. But tourism sector workers did not get any special treatment: in J&K, 90% of the people above 45 years of age have been vaccinated due to the hard work of health care workers who have always proven their commitment in the most testing of times.

The document further claims that the government has started 50 new colleges and added 20,000 additional college seats in one year alone – “the largest single addition in 70 years.” Education and its dissemination require manpower and the sector is one of the largest employers in J&K. However, in the past two years, this sector has become a throbbing wound for people here, as even with this “largest single addition in 70 years”, jobs have only shrunk. This is a government that has hardly put up any employment opportunities for people across India, let alone J&K. Are the 50 new colleges going to translate into jobs for locals? This is not the only sector that has suffered the jolt of distribution and division.

Using superlatives and ornamental adjectives, the government has coined “Mission Youth – the first of its kind initiative for Skill development”. Youth in J&K have been under duress and some respite was provided over the years to many by the Entrepreneurship Development Institute (EDI), common service centres and polytechnic colleges where jobs and income-oriented skills are being imparted for years now. But recent schemes that promised employment have failed dismally and have in fact resulted in well-known cases of distress and exploitation. In 2009, the then Omar Abdullah led government launched the Sher-e-Kashmir Employment and Welfare Programme for the Youth (SKEWPY) in collaboration with the EDI, with youth as the focus rather than the propaganda.

The only thing this government has excelled in the last two years is the weakening of J&K’s economy, the justice system and the worsening of the security situation. Has militancy decreased since Article 370 was diluted? Are fewer youth joining militant ranks? How many new jobs have been added? The rhetoric about ending corruption has been translated into unlawful termination and the end of justice-seeking mechanisms.

Repeating and advertising a bundle of lies do not and will not take the government anywhere but further down the path of terminal alienation. In the past 70 years, never ever has J&K been as far away from New Delhi as it did after that announcement by Amit Shah in the Parliament on August 5, 2019.  Two years later, that is hardly any cause for celebration.

Imran Nabi Dar is a spokesperson of the Jammu Kashmi National Conference. He can be reached on Twitter @ImranNDar.