How a Bengali Book in Broken Hill Sheds New Light on Australian History

For decades, a book wrongly identified as ‘The Holy Koran’ was kept at a mosque in Broken Hill. Who was the unnamed traveller who brought Bengali stories of the prophets to the Australian desert?

Some 1,000 kilometres inland from Sydney, over the Blue Mountains, past the trees that drink the tributaries of the Darling River, there stands a little, red mosque. It marks where the desert begins.

The mosque was built from corrugated iron in around 1887 in the town of Broken Hill. Its green interiors feature simple arabesque and its shelves house stories once precious to people from across the Indian Ocean. Today it is a peaceful place of retreat from the gritty dust storms and brilliant sunlight that assault travellers at this gateway to Australia’s deserts.

The corrugated iron mosque in Broken Hill. Photo: Samia Khatun/The Conversation

By a rocky hill that winds had “polished black”, the town of Broken Hill was founded on the country of Wiljakali people. In June 1885, an Aboriginal man whom prospectors called “Harry” led them to a silver-streaked boulder of ironstone and Europeans declared the discovery of a “jeweller’s shop”.

Soon, leading strings of camels, South Asian merchants and drivers began arriving in greater numbers at the silver mines, camel transportation operating as a crucial adjunct to colonial industries throughout Australian deserts. The town grew with the fortunes of the nascent firm Broken Hill Propriety Limited (BHP) — a parent company of one of the largest mining conglomerates in the world today, BHP-Billiton.

As mining firms funnelled lead, iron ore and silver from Wiljakali lands to Indian Ocean ports and British markets, Broken Hill became a busy industrial node in the geography of the British Empire. The numbers of camel merchants and drivers fluctuated with the arrival and departure of goods, and by the turn of the 20th century an estimated 400 South Asians were living in Broken Hill. They built two mosques. Only one remains.

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In the 1960s, long after the end of the era of camel transportation, when members of the Broken Hill Historical Society were restoring the mosque on the corner of William Street and Buck Street, they found a book in the yard, its “pages blowing in the red dust” in the words of historian Christine Stevens. Dusting the book free of sand, they placed it inside the mosque, labelling it as “The Holy Koran”. In 1989, Stevens reproduced a photo of the book in her history of the “Afghan cameldrivers” .

I travelled to Broken Hill in July 2009. As I searched the shelves of the mosque for the book, a winter dust storm was underway outside. Among letters, a peacock feather fan and bottles of scent from Delhi, the large book lay, bearing a handwritten English label: “The Holy Koran”.

Turning the first few pages revealed it was not a Quran, but a 500-page volume of Bengali Sufi poetry.

Sitting on the floor, I set out to decipher Bengali characters I had not read for years. The book was titled Kasasol Ambia (Stories of the Prophets). Printed in Calcutta, it was a compendium of eight volumes published separately between 1861 and 1895. It was a book of books. Every story began by naming the tempo at which it should be performed, for these poems were written to be sung out loud to audiences.

The mosque’s interior. Photo: Samia Khatun/The Conversation

As I strained to parse unfamiliar Persian, Hindi and Arabic words, woven into a tapestry of 19th-century Bengali grammar, I slowly started to glimpse the shimmering imagery of the poetry.

Creation began with a pen, wrote Munshi Rezaulla, the first of the three poets of Kasasol Ambia. As a concealed pen inscribed words onto a tablet, he narrates, seven heavens and seven lands came into being, and “Adam Sufi” was sculpted from clay. Over the 500 pages of verse that follow, Adam meets Purusha, Alexander the Great searches for immortal Khidr, and married Zulekha falls hopelessly in love with Yusuf.

As Rezaulla tells us, it was his Sufi guide who instructed him to translate Persian and Hindi stories into Bengali. Overwhelmed by the task, Rezaulla asked, “I am so ignorant, in what form will I write poetry?”

In search of answers, the poet wrote, “I leapt into the sea. Searching for pearls, I began threading a chain.” Here the imagery of the poet’s body immersed in a sea evokes a pen dipped in ink stringing together line after line of poetry. As Rezaulla wrote, “Stories of the Prophets (Kasasol Ambia) I name this chain.”

Its pages stringing together motif after motif from narratives that have long circulated the Indian Ocean, Kasasol Ambia described events spanning thousands of years, ending in the sixth year of the Muslim Hijri calendar. Cocooned from the winds raging outside, I realised I was reading a Bengali book of popular history.

Challenging Australian history

In the time since Broken Hill locals dusted Kasasol Ambia of sand in the 1960s, why had four Australian historians mislabelled the book? Why did the history books accompanying South Asian travellers to the West play no role in the histories that are written about them?

Moreover, as Christine Stevens writes, the people who built the mosque in North Broken Hill came from “Afghanistan and North-Western India”. How, then, did a book published in Bengal find its way to an inland Australian mining town?

Captivated by this last enigma, I began looking for clues. First, I turned to the records of the Broken Hill Historical Society. Looking for fragments of Bengali words in archival collections across Australia, I sought glimpses of a traveller who might be able to connect 19th-century Calcutta to Broken Hill.

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As I searched for South Asian characters through a constellation of desert towns and Australian ports once linked by camels, I encountered a vast wealth of non-English-language sources that Australian historians systematically sidestep.

A seafarer’s travelogue narrated in Urdu in Lahore continues to circulate today in South Asia and in Australia, while Urdu, Persian and Arabic dream texts from across the Indian Ocean left ample traces in Australian newspapers.

One of the most surprising discoveries was that the richest accounts of South Asians were in some of the Aboriginal languages spoken in Australian desert parts. In histories that Aboriginal people told in Wangkangurru, Kuyani, Arabunna and Dhirari about the upheaval, violence and new encounters that occurred in the wake of British colonisation, there appear startlingly detailed accounts of South Asians.

Central to the history of encounter between South Asians and Aboriginal people in the era of British colonisation were a number of industries in which non-white labour was crucial: steam shipping industries, sugar farming, railway construction, pastoral industries, and camel transportation. Camels, in particular, loom large in the history of South Asians in Australia.

Camel harnesses at the mosque. Photo: Samia Khatun/The Conversation

From the 1860s, camel lines became central to transportation in Australian desert interiors, colonising many of the long-distance Indigenous trade routes that crisscross Aboriginal land. The animals arrived from British Indian ports accompanied by South Asian camel owners and drivers, who came to be known by the umbrella term of “Afghans” in settler nomenclature.

The so-called Afghans were so ubiquitous through Australian deserts that when the two ends of the transcontinental north-south railway met in Central Australia in 1929, settlers rejoiced in the arrival of the “Afghan Express”. Camels remained central to interior transportation until they were replaced by motor transportation from the 1920s. Today the transcontinental railway is still known as “the Ghan”.

As a circuitry of camel tracks interlocking with shipping lines and railways threaded together Aboriginal lives and families with those of Indian Ocean travellers, people moving through these networks storied their experiences in their own tongues. Foregrounding these fragments in languages other than English, this book tells a history of South Asian diaspora in Australia.

Asking new questions

I start by reading the copy of Kasasol Ambia that remains in Broken Hill, and interpret the many South Asian- and Aboriginal-language stories I encountered during my search for the reader who brought the Bengali book to the Australian interior. Entry points into rich imaginative landscapes, these are stories that ask us to take seriously the epistemologies of people colonised by the British Empire.

My aim is to challenge the suffocating monolingualism of the field of Australian history. In my new book, Australianama, I do not argue for the simple inclusion of non-English-language texts into existing Australian national history books, perhaps with updated or extended captions.

Instead, I show that non-English-language texts render visible historical storytelling strategies and larger architectures of knowledge that we can use to structure accounts of the past. These have the capacity to radically change the routes readers use to imaginatively travel to the past. Stories in colonised tongues can transform the very grounds from which we view the past, present and future.

Also read: Reading Qurratulain Hyder’s ‘Aag Ka Darya’ in Contemporary India

In July 2009, when I first encountered Kasasol Ambia, the Bengali book long mislabelled as a Quran made front-page news in Broken Hill. With touching enthusiasm, the journalist announced that I would “begin work on a full translation shortly”.

Overwhelmed by such a task, I began trawling mosque records held by the Broken Hill Historical Society, soon beginning a search through port records, customs documents and government archives. I did not know how to decipher the difficult book, and so in these archival materials I hoped to glimpse, however fleetingly, the skilled 19th-century reader who had once performed its poetry.

Slowly, it dawned on me that I was following the logic that Rezaulla outlines in his schema for translation. For I too had stepped into the imaginative world of the poetry in search of answers to some hard questions: How do we write histories of South Asian diaspora which pay attention to the history books that travelled with them? Who was the unnamed traveller who brought Bengali stories of the prophets to Broken Hill? Can historical storytelling in English do more than simply induct readers into white subjectivities?

Threading together seven narrative motifs that appear in Kasasol Ambia, I began to piece together a history of South Asians in Australia.

Samia Khatun, Senior Lecturer, SOAS, University of London

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Indo-Pak, Via London and Queens, United in Rap

On their first full-length album, the Swet Shop Boys protest racist culture and post-9/11 paranoia.

On their first full-length album, the Swet Shop Boys protest racist culture and post-9/11 paranoia.

Left to right, producer Redinho, Riz Ahmed and Himanshu Suri, aka Heems. Credit: Erez Avissar

Left to right, producer Redinho, Riz Ahmed and Himanshu Suri, aka Heems. Credit: Erez Avissar

The first diasporic South Asian rap song I heard was called ‘Kiss my Chuddies.’ It originated as a sketch on the BBC’s popular late 1990s television show Goodness Gracious Me and as comedic raps go, it was fairly innocuous: it rhymed its titular line with ‘… When uncle says do your studies’. But it caused a lot of hand-wringing among proper Brits, particularly for ushering the word ‘chuddies’ into the Oxford English Dictionary.

The show, which parodied the behaviour of desi sub-groups in Britain, ended months before 9/11. Still, that vein of comedy runs through current politically conscious rap. The rapper and actor Riz Ahmed (known as Riz MC when he performs), one-half of the transatlantic duo Swet Shop Boys, had his first hit with ‘Post 9/11 Blues’, where he sings, ‘I farted and got arrested for a chemical attack.’

His other half, Himanshu Suri – better known as Heems – got his start in the group Das Racist, who were initially stuck with the label ‘joke rap’ by the New York Times for songs such as ‘Combination Pizza Hut/Taco Bell.’ (Chorus: ‘I’m at the Pizza Hut/I’m at the Taco Bell/I’m at the combination Pizza Hut and Taco Bell.’) Even when their first mixtape, ‘Shut Up, Dude’, displayed complex and hyper-literate examinations of brown existence in America, some critics thought they were just joking. (They were not joking.) Heems later went solo, releasing two albums that complicate the brown-boy-from-Queens narrative with confessions about depression and alcoholism.

‘Cashmere’, produced by Englishman Redinho, is their first full-length album from Swet Shop Boys. Ahmed is Muslim and Pakistani-British from London; Heems is a Hindu Indian-American from Queens. The album weaves in samples from Bollywood music and devotionals alike; songs are buttressed by quotes from creative South Asians like Malala Yousafzai, murdered Pakistani social media star Qandeel Baloch and Punjabi poet Shiv Kumar Batalvi. Throughout the album, the two trade unfailingly witty – and sometimes just funny – verses back and forth, with Heems’ appealingly lazy drawl a good counter to Ahmed’s accelerated style.

Cultural theorist Paul Gilroy has written about the ‘black Atlantic,’ looking at shared culture across the African diaspora in the West. With ‘Cashmere’, Heems and Riz MC introduce a brown Atlantic. Swet Shop Boys’ style, which mixes anti-establishment lyrics with steady 808s and generous, eclectic sampling, fits in smoothly with a genre invented and perfected by black Americans. The album balances the personal and local experiences of young, urban brown men with the cross-continental politics that affect them both ­– the racist and intrusive anti-terrorism security apparatus that has continued to grow since 9/11.

Its tentacles are everywhere: city cops, air travel, iMessage. Multiple tracks call out these offences in the song titles themselves – ‘T5’ (referencing the international terminal at Heathrow), ‘Phone Tap,’ ‘Shoes Off,’ and ‘No Fly List,’ on which Heems reminds us that he’s still ‘so fly, bitch.’

‘T5’ was the first single off the album and the only one to have a video so far: It tracks Heems and Ahmed through airport security, with little subtlety but maximum style. (‘Cashmere’ might name-check Hermes turbans and Reebok Classics, but I want to know where Heems got his ikat bomber jacket.) It briefly addresses what it’s like to get a pat-down from someone who looks like you, alluding to the many South Asians who work security in Heathrow.

Ahmed’s topical rhymes reference Sadiq Khan, the new mayor of London, as well as Donald Trump’s proposed Muslim ban. ‘Trump want my exit, but if he press a red button/To watch Netflix, bruv, I’m on,’ referencing his nascent television and movie stardom. After gathering indie acclaim for Nightcrawler and this year’s HBO series The Night Of, he’ll be seen this winter in the latest Star Wars story, Rogue One. Still, heartthrob status doesn’t inoculate bearded Muslim types against TSA profiling: just ask Shah Rukh Khan, thrice detained at various American airports. (Though at least you might get a personal apology from the ambassador.)

The Swet Shop Boys turn the tables on Heathrow
airport security in this video for ‘T5’

It would be irresponsible to talk about border patrol rap – and, for that matter, South Asian rap – without referencing its most fierce and famous voice: M.I.A. For all its considerable merits, ‘Cashmere’ is undeniably from a male perspective (and not just because of its maybe-purposefully uncomfortable lyrics about picking up girls on Twitter). Nearly a decade ago, the woman whom Nicki Minaj referred to admiringly as ‘a bad bitch from Sri Lanka’ was rapping about visas, prepaid burner phones and woke boyfriends. The combination of her intensity with a futuristic glamour made socially conscious, militantly left-wing rap cool.

Where Swet Shop Boys register protests (‘always get a random check when I rock the stubble’), M.I.A goes, for better or worse, on the offence: gun shots lace the chorus of her biggest hit, ‘Paper Planes,’ and on ‘Bad Girls’ she raps ‘Don’t go screaming if I blow you with a bang.’ Aggression is a privilege of supposedly unthreatening femininity: it’s a risk brown men can’t run. Their lyrics keep within the well-traveled lane of sharp but necessarily civil dissent.

There is more cultural capital in being brown in the West now than when M.I.A. got her start (or, for that matter, when Goodness Gracious Me did). America has Aziz Ansari, Mindy Kaling and several other comedians and television stars. The rest of the world has Zayn Malik (mashallah). The Swet Shop Boys have named a single from ‘Cashmere’ for him. Malik, a former member of the wildly popular boy-band One Direction, has universal appeal. As Ahmed sings, he has ‘more than 80 virgins on him’ without having to resort to self-sacrifice: he represents the fantasy of rosy multiculturalism.

In a year of combustible anti-immigrant sentiment, it doesn’t look like there’s much hope for a post-racial, post-TSA future. But works like ‘Cashmere’ help us critique – and joke about – the circumstances trying to define our identities.

Simran Bhalla is a writer and Ph.D student in film and media studies. She tweets at @smbhalla

Rights Groups Demand Implementation of Anti-Caste Discrimination Law in the UK

The decision to hold a public consultation on the law, which has already been passed by parliament, has come under criticism, and many are blaming the Hindu lobby for the delay in implementing the law.

The decision to hold a public consultation on the law, which has already been passed by parliament, has come under criticism, and many are blaming the Hindu lobby for the delay in implementing the law.

File photo of members of the Indian community in the UK during Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to the Wembley Stadium in London. Credit: PTI

File photo of members of the Indian community in the UK during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the Wembley Stadium in London. Credit: PTI

The UK is home to over three million South Asians as per the 2011 Census and many believe that they carry with them the baggage of caste, which afflicts the sub-continent, when they move. There is now a growing call in the UK to implement the Equality Act 2010, which has been enacted by the British parliament but is yet to come into force.

Rights groups opposed to caste-based discrimination in the UK want caste to be equated with race, colour and gender when it comes to discrimination, and are opposing Prime Minister Theresa May’s recent decision to undertake a full public consultation on the law, which has already been passed by parliament. They are also insisting that the delay in implementation of the Act has been due to immense pressure mounted by the powerful Hindu lobby.

Santosh Dass, spokesperson of the Anti-Caste Discrimination Alliance (ACDA), an umbrella body formed in 2008 of groups and organisation working to eliminate caste discrimination, told The Wire that the UK government’s announcement on September 2 to undertake a full public consultation on the Act has come in the wake of the United Nations Committee for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination’s (CERD) call to invoke without further delay Section 9(5)a of the Equality Act.

“Section 9(5)a required that the minister or the government may say at some point that caste be an offset for race within the equality legislation. What happened after that the government conducted a search and it was established that there was caste discrimination. It was published in December 2010 but then nothing happened. The UK government has given a number of excuses since 2010 for not implementing the law. First, they said ‘caste is complex and hard to define’, then they claimed ‘there is no consensus for the law’. All the parties agreed to implement that particular clause. Instead of saying that the government or minister ‘may’ implement the law. In April 2013 the parliament agreed that the government or minister ‘must’ implement it,” Dass said.

Now the battle is set to start again for Dass and her associates, who have been fighting to raise the issue of caste discrimination. “A key aim of the consultation will be to obtain the views of the public on whether additional measures are needed to ensure victims of caste discrimination have appropriate legal protection and effective remedies under the Equality Act”, she said, adding that before taking any decision, the government, as per its statement, “will carefully consider the responses to the consultation, which will run for 12 weeks from its commencement date”.

For the ACDA, the fight is about securing equality and ending discrimination. As Dass put it: “It has to do with caste discrimination. It deals with people of all castes, not just backward castes. We believe such discrimination is no different from race, colour or gender discrimination.”

Moreover, she said although the Hindu groups have been opposing the legislation, caste discrimination is also prevalent among Muslims and Christians. “Even in other countries there are issues of caste. Even among Muslims, or those who have converted, the discrimination due to biradari system continues. Even among Christianity, you can have a Christian who may have converted and would have been a Dalit earlier. When they are asked details about their past, that leads to discrimination later on.”

Dass said the experiences of caste discrimination of people in the UK have been similar to those in the sub-continent. “We surveyed 300 people in 2009 and about 10% of them said they were discriminated against at the work place. Some said they were called derogatory names, which in India would invite strict action under the SC/ST Act. So, we want a similar hard law here.”

Extrapolating the figures from the sub-continent to arrive at the scale of discrimination, ACDA said, “The 2011 Census reported that there are 3,078,374 British South Asians (total of Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi census categories) living in the UK. If we use an indicative 20% to establish the potential numbers of Dalits living in the UK we estimate that there are at least about 615,000 Dalits living in the UK. If the British Sri Lankan and British Nepali population were to be factored into the equation, the numbers of Dalits would be higher. We estimate that if just 5% of the estimated 615,000 Dalits are discriminated against in the UK, we are looking at least 30, 750 potential victims.”

However, there is a distinct difference between how caste is being viewed in UK and in the sub-continent. The Alliance has made clear that just like the government it too does not want to institutionalise caste. “We have always made it clear that we do not want government to interfere with who people wish to be friends with, marry or socialise with in private, according to their culture or faith.  Nor has ACDA called for affirmative measures in terms of employment on caste grounds or government returns. All we ask for is legal redress and access to justice should the remedy for the discrimination have to go that far. Like other equality and justice measures, the law will help bring about a change in behaviours in respect of caste discrimination in the UK,” it said.

The Committee for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination had also demanded that caste-based discrimination be explicitly prohibited under law and victims be provided access to effective remedies in the UK.

The ACDA had even submitted a shadow report to CERD for its meeting in August 2016 on the need for swift implementation of the Section 9(5)a of the EA2010. “We also challenged the government’s excuses for the delay with the implementation of the law, and the report achieved the required UN recommendation,” said Dass.

The ACDA, whose objectives include monitoring and opposing caste discrimination practices or policies, which result in and perpetuate caste prejudice in the UK and abroad, has now also expressed deep concern at the UK government’s decision to consult on the need for the law already agreed by parliament in April 2013. “The government is blatantly ignoring the will of parliament and the CERD’s recommendation that the law be brought into force without further delay,” Dass said.

“Caste discrimination is no different to discrimination on grounds of disability, gender, colour, age or sexuality in the UK. Why is the government seeking the views of potential perpetrators in respect of Caste discrimination law in the UK? By announcing such a consultation, Prime Minister May has shown us that she and her government is swerved by factions that militate against caste discrimination law on religious or whatever grounds,” Dass charged, demanding that the UK government face up to the incontestable fact that “wherever populations and communities from the South Asian diasporas go, caste discrimination travels with them”.