Were Mughals Humans? (And Other Allied Questions)

An illustrated book on the Mughals’ history, by Ashwitha Jayakumar and Nikhil Gulati, squeezes 300 years into 130 pages, utilising every corner, margin, gutter, nook, and cranny to say, ’yes’.

Thanks to a combination of shrewdly engineered circumstances, a vast number of children in India today will soon grow into adults without learning who the Mughals are. Kings who ruled and contributed to Indias mixed cultural ethos have been shunted off textbooks to ensure misinformed graduates grow up believing a country of billions has a monolithic past. Young readers, a little way off into the future will be battle ready on reams of WhatsApp forwards claiming assuredly accurate versions of all the cruelty Mughal rulers got up to. A source of information they are taught to consider most authentictheir own textbookswill not shed enough light on the art, culture, language and stories of this rich chapter of our past

‘The Book of Emperors: An Illustrated History of the Mughals’, Ashwitha Jayakumar and Nikhil Gulati, Penguin Random House India, 2024.

For them, and for adults in search of beauty, The Book of Emperors: An Illustrated History of the Mughals presents succour.

Written by Ashwitha Jayakumar and illustrated by Nikhil Gulati, the book takes on the primary challenge posed by the gnaw of Islamophobia at our reading habitsthe task of seeing Muslims as humans.

Generations of emperorsdespite their emperorly concernsare presented as hobbyists, warriors, tired men in search of wine and poetry, ruthless punishers, lovers of beauty, patrons of art, votaries of literature and thus, very interesting people. As a reader, you are freed from the imposition of the fact that pages of codified history already exist on the topic, as well as the politics of un-acknowledging this history.

If the text is easy to read, then the illustrations are easy to lose yourself in.

The book squeezes 300 years into around 130 pages, utilising every corner, margin, gutter, nook, and cranny to offer an indulgent visual tour de force. Even the inner covers unfurl into sprawling, oldtimey maps of Asia, pointing out places key to the Mughals and thus, to their story.

Palatably put, with none of the stuffiness common to and necessary in academic books (many of which are mentioned in the twopage bibliography), Jayakumars storytelling is meant to fascinate. For younger readers, the book can act as a gateway to further discovery, but even for those blighted generations who have answered multiple exam questions on exactly when Shahjahan died and Aurangzeb sighed, there are treasures to find, and an irreverent and flowing narration to enjoy.

The cadence of Jayakumars prose makes this very big world appear graspable. The simplicity hides the fact that this illustrated book is a deft study of intertextuality, where art, text and the essence of history together create a maddeningly immersive experienceNikhil Gulatis illustrations do not just accompany the text; they differentiate registers, signify shifts in time, herald cultural changes before the text makes them apparent. In their lush greens and deep blues, they are, frankly, gorgeous.

An example of the smoothness with which art plays its role in the book is this:

On the corner of a page where you read of Babur deciding to put down his roots is a threeinch fruit tree, rich in its orange and green (below). The page is unpopulated by paintings otherwise. You wonder what is up.

A page from ‘The Book of Emperors’ by Ashwitha Jayakumar and Nikhil Gulati, with permission from Penguin Random House India.

It is only when you turn the page that the double-spread solidifying Baburs decision to make India home greets you (below), complete with what has now become a fully verdant garden, full of the same fruit tree you saw a chapter ago.

An double spread from ‘The Book of Emperors’ by Ashwitha Jayakumar and Nikhil Gulati, with permission from Penguin Random House India.

This attention to unfurling a sweeping story bit by bit helps focus the book on a vital aspect of history that is easy to overlookthe fact that life and times then, as it is now, straddled contradictions.

Sample this passage:

“And when he describes the rush of falling in love as a teenager or the pain of losing his mother and grandmother, about loneliness, shame and anxiety, the things he says seem so relatable that its almost a shock when he starts talking about making towers out of the skulls of his enemies.”

Not out of place perhaps even in literary fiction, this line is curiously on Babur. As the pages turn and you travel onwards, you have similar treatment of Humayuns struggles, Aurangzebs complicated efforts, and later emperorsfrustrations. Shah Jahan has ruthlessly killed every claimant to the throne, says the text, but the illustration shows him utterly alone, with his back to the reader, on a balcony from which he can see the Agra Fort being made. This chink in the grandiosity makes these stories less forgettable.

There are twopage spreads to break the passage of time – here focusing on what a day in the life of an emperor looked like, there on the marketplace, somewhere else on the women who were key players in the Mughal scheme of things, and so on.

If intricate art can be said to be a special kind of tyranny to its beholder, then Gulatis illustration frees the reader. The use of delicate Mughal motifs is subtle, and as with Tintin, the simplicity of two dots and a mouthand a variety of nosesgoes a long way to convey every human emotion possible while retaining a levity of things.

A book on Mughals is a brave decision at this time. The writer, illustrator and publisher must be congratulated for it. Gulati dedicates the book to the Mughals, ‘for living such colourful lives’. He and Jayakumar have done a beautiful job of remembering these colours.

Sandeshkhali: Crackdown on Journalists and Politicians’ Name-Calling Amid Rape Allegations Rock Bengal

While a reporter from Republic Bangla, who was arrested earlier this week, was released on bail, an FIR was lodged against another journalist from ABP Ananda News for content on his show that authorities claim could incite violence.

Kolkata: The arrest of a television reporter and the filing of a first information report (FIR) against a senior editor in West Bengal have ignited concerns about press freedom in the state, amidst ongoing investigations into alleged sexual assaults in the Sandeshkhali village.

Santu Pan, a reporter for Republic Bangla, was arrested on February 19 for allegedly trespassing and outraging the modesty of a woman during live coverage of the incident. He was released on bail on Thursday, February 22.

Meanwhile, an FIR was lodged against Suman De, anchor and vice president of ABP Ananda News, for content on his show that authorities claim could incite violence. De has been issued a notice under Section 41A and asked to appear before the Sandeshkhali police station.

While granting bail to Pan, the single-judge bench of Justice Kaushik Chanda came down heavily on the West Bengal police and termed the FIR as “unreasonable” and “motivated”.

“The entire sequence of events has turned into a joke. Police must do what they are supposed to,” Justice Chanda said.

In 2021, West Bengal chief minister and Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo Mamata Banerjee opposed Justice Chanda’s appointment to the Calcutta high court, citing his links with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Subsequently, Chanda recused himself from hearing the Nandigram election petition filed by Banerjee, challenging Suvendu Adhikari’s win. Additionally, he fined Banerjee Rs 5 lakh for allegedly portraying the judiciary in a negative light.

Since February 6, women in Sandeshkhali have been protesting against alleged sexual harassment and sexual assault involving local TMC leaders.

The party has vehemently denied the accusations, dismissing them as “fabricated” and “politically motivated”. Several party spokespersons have questioned the credibility of the protesting women, demanding video evidence to substantiate their claims.

TMC spokesperson Kunal Ghosh has openly asked the women, who have come forward with allegations of sexual assault in Sandeshkhali, to raise their hands in a public talk show, confirming whether they were ‘raped’.

Ghosh, once a trusted aide of Banerjee during the Singur Nandigram protest, fell out of favour and spent three years in jail for his alleged role in the chit fund scam. He is known to be a close confidante of Abhishek Banerjee. And as per the Telegraph, he has reportedly influenced key bureaucratic postings, including the recent appointment of home secretary Nandini Chakraborty.

“BJP is misusing my words. I repeat, the word ‘shamelessly’ was never used towards any woman. I said it about her politics. It is not my intention to disrespect any woman,” said Ghosh.

Ghosh also taunted CPI(M) politburo member Brinda Karat’s visit to Sandeshkhali, labeling it as a ‘fashion parade’, and referred to BJP MLA Agnimitra Pal as ‘shameless’. His comments drew sharp criticism from opposition leaders and women activists.

“Trinamool Congress is mocking women. But why are TMC leaders not responding to the allegations of torture by taking them to the party office?” asked Karat.

Pal, alongside opposition leader Adhikari, has been accused of calling a turban-clad IPS police officer as “Khalistani”, leading to criticism from Congress leaders Rahul Gandhi and Mallikarjun Kharge, and Aam Aadmi Party leader and Punjab chief minister Bhagwant Mann.

Sikh organisations, including the Akal Takht and the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, have condemned the incident. The Sikh community has also organized demonstrations across the state and presented a deputation to the governor seeking action against the BJP leaders.

Mercy John, a 2012-batch IPS officer posted with the state reserve police in Sealdah, also came out in support of her colleague, recounting the religious slurs she faced while on duty.

TMC also launched a digital protest on Wednesday with the theme “I Am A Sikh, I Wear Turban, & I Am Not Khalistani.” The party also demanded an explanation from the prime minister.

The BJP has yet to issue an official statement regarding the accusations. However, some party members have defended Pal and Adhikari, claiming that their comments were misconstrued or taken out of context.

On Thursday, BJP’s state president and MP Sukanta Majumdar visited Sandeshkhali.

He was stopped by the police on February 14, after which he was admitted to a hospital, alleging police mishandling

Majumdar announced that Prime Minister Narendra Modi would address a rally in Barasat on March 6, kicking off the BJP’s election campaign in the state. Modi is expected to meet women protesters of Sandeshkhali on the sidelines of the rally.

TMC has already announced a major rally in Sandeshkhali on March 5, which top leaders are expected to attend.

The West Bengal police has so far registered two cases of gang-rape against the accused TMC leaders. The state DGP Rajeev Kumar, who was initially slated to address a press conference on Thursday morning, cancelled the meeting and returned to Kolkata. Kumar visited Sandeshkhali on Wednesday to assess the situation in the area.

In a media briefing, the DGP assured that stringent action would be taken against individuals found guilty of violating the law. He actively addressed the concerns raised by the local community and appealed for cooperation with the police.

However, despite these assurances, a sense of hesitancy persists among local women with their reservations centering around Sabir Ali Mollah, the village police officer and a close relative of Shah Jahan. Locals claim that Sabir holds significant influence at the Rajbari police camp under the Nyajat police station in Sandeshkhali. Additionally, two of Sabir’s brothers are employed as civic police, serving as contractual staff assisting the police forces. Opposition parties frequently allege that civic volunteers primarily function as uniformed cadres of the TMC.

“Two women have lodged complaints with the police, and there may be more women willing to step forward, if guaranteed protection and confidentiality. It’s crucial to note that the police officer and his associates are still part of their community. Their removal is imperative for an unbiased trial, ensuring our lives remain secure. Many may come forward with their grievances, but approaching the government directly with such matters is a challenge. There’s a need for respect and understanding throughout this process,” said a woman from Radha Nagar Sing Para in Sandeshkhali.

Translated from the Bengali original by Aparna Bhattacharya.

Book Excerpt: Negotiating Monuments in a New Light

An excerpt from ‘Delhi, Agra, Fatehpur Sikri: Monuments, Cities and Connected Histories’, which highlights the need to move beyond a monument-centred vision and treat heritage sites as repositories of a wider historical and cultural legacy.

Monuments, like museums, are critical sites for public consumption of historical knowledge. In fact, they constitute sites where people come closest to the idea of experiencing history. The depth of this experience, however, is based on the extent of one’s knowledge of these sites. As a discipline based on evidence and context, which systematically studies the role of time and space, the relationship between the part and whole, and engages in a creative dialogue between the past and present, history has an enormous potential to contribute to public understanding of heritage sites. 

However, there is a conspicuous lack of such material on such sites, either in the form of books or knowledge platforms. For one, academic books and resources either do not reach heritage sites or even if they do, they are not very accessible to the layperson. Hence, people tend to rely more on travel websites, guidebooks and tourist guides for their understanding of monuments and connected histories. The problem is that the content of such guidebooks available at/around/about the sites are not regularly updated. Most travel websites, too, churn out the same generic and outdated material, albeit with minor modifications. Heritage walks, and light and sound shows are restricted to a few cities/sites. And most tourist guides available at the sites are not trained by historians but by tourism and hospitality management institutes. They are not adequately trained to deal with sensitive historical matters. 

Shashank Shekhar Sinha
Delhi, Agra, Fatehpur Sikri: Monuments, Cities and Connected Histories
Macmillan (September 2021)

Delhi, Agra, Fatehpur Sikri: Monuments, Cities and Connected Histories (Pan Macmillan) underlines the need to have more accessible histories. It also calls for a more inclusive conceptual framework which moves beyond a monument-centred vision and treats heritage sites as repositories of a wider historical and cultural legacy.  In such a framework, monuments’ larger geo-cultural connections, their afterlives, and the role of individual structures and artefacts play an important role. The book also underscores the need for a critical but creative engagement with elements of popular history rather than being summarily dismissive about them.  In a context where the gap between academic and public understandings of history is progressively increasing and where heritage sites are fast becoming sites of identity and sectarian politics, it is important to restore monuments to their rightful place, in history and in the public domain, in an informed but interesting way. 

Red Fort after Shah Jahan  

The fortunes of the palace-fort started dwindling after the death of Aurangzeb in 1707, the process of disintegration of the large Mughal empire had already set in during his reign. The post-Aurangzeb phase of Shahjahanabad witnessed battles for succession, rise of ambitious nobles and king makers, invasions from abroad, attacks by regional powers and natural calamities. However, the city and the court also experienced artistic and cultural efflorescence during some periods. Muhammad Shah (regnal years 1719–48), one of the later Mughal emperors, patronized Urdu language as well as musical performances particularly qawwali, spiritual music sung by Sufis, and khyal, a kind of Indian classical vocal music. Paintings of Holi (festival of colours) celebrations of his period are quite well known.

The Red Fort and its Lahori Gate which now forms the public entrance. The barbican (fortified outer structure) around the Lahori Gate was constructed by Shah Jahan’s successor Aurangzeb. Photo: Shashank Shekhar Sinha

In 1739, Nadir Shah, the Turk ruler of Iran, crossed Afghanistan and Punjab and defeated the Mughals at Karnal, located around 120 kilometres from Delhi. In the subsequent display of power, Nadir Shah’s name was proclaimed as the sovereign in the khutba, the sermon during the congregation Friday noon prayers, in the mosques of Shahjahanabad. 

Nadir Shah also got Muhammad Shah to receive him at the palace-fort where he symbolically returned the throne to the defeated Mughal emperor. On March 22, 1739, infuriated by some minor attacks on his army, Nadir Shah ordered a massacre of citizens of Delhi and witnessed the barbarity sitting on the roof of the Sunehri Masjid near Chandni Chowk. He also plundered the palace-fort and the city and carried away a booty with an estimated value of 700 million rupees, including the peacock throne and the iconic diamond, Koh-i-Noor. The throne was brought to Iran. Nadir Shah died in a campaign against Kurdish tribesmen in 1947.

In the ruckus that followed, the tribesmen dismantled the throne and distributed the precious stones and metals amongst themselves. The peacock throne however became the insignia of the Iranian monarchy and its reproductions continued to be made for later rulers including those from the Shah and Qazar dynasties. It is held that one of these reproductions is housed at Topkapi Palace, Istanbul. The Koh-i-Noor, on the other hand, changed several hands before coming under the possession of the British. From Nadir Shah the diamond passed on to one of his lieutenants, Ahmad Shah Durrani (also known as Ahmad Shah Abdali). Later, Shah Shuja Durrani, a descendant of Ahmad Shah Durrani, gave the diamond to Maharaja Ranjit Singh, the ruler of Punjab, for helping him win back the throne of Afghanistan. After the British conquest of Punjab in 1849, the Koh-i-Noor finally passed into the hands of the British. It currently forms a part of the Crown Jewel collection displayed at the Tower of London.

Meanwhile, the destroyed Mughal city and the plundered empire were further weakened by the raids – by powers like the Marathas, the Sikhs, the Jats, and the Gurjars as well as the Rohillas and Afghans – between mid-to late-19th century. The Marathas captured Delhi in 1759 to lose it to Ahmad Shah Durrani, the Afghan ruler who succeeded Nadir Shah, in the Third Battle of Panipat (1761). They recaptured the city in 1771, made Mughal emperor Shah Alam their pensioner, and stationed Maratha troops in the palace-fort. 

Some scholars say that the Marathas took down and melted the ceiling of Diwan-i Khas, made in silver and inlaid with gold, and used the metal to make coins then worth 23 lakh rupees. The wooden ceiling one sees now in the structure was painted by the British in 1911, around the time of the Delhi Durbar. 

The Diwan-i-Khas, which once housed the peacock throne adorned with the Kohinoor diamond. Its gold and silver ceiling was later taken down by the Marathas and melted to make coins. Photo: Shashank Shekhar Sinha

Later, the Rohilla chief Ghulam Qadir captured Shah Alam (regnal years 1759–1806) in 1788 and imprisoned him in Salimgarh Fort. He asked the emperor to show the place where Mughals hid their treasures. When the impoverished and helpless emperor failed to show any such place, an infuriated Ghulam Qadir blinded him and dug up the floors of the Diwan-i Khas looking for hidden treasures. The Marathas soon regained their control over the city and the palace-fort and Shah Alam became their puppet again.

The Mughal Empire as an imperial raj or a political entity ceased to exist in the 1750s. But the ‘imperial’ aspect of the emperor and his distinctive social status as the foremost resident of Delhi ensured that his position remained central to the identity of the city and the palace-fort even after the British occupation. In 1803, Lord Lake defeated the Marathas near Patparganj in Delhi and gained control of the Ganga-Yamuna plains and the Delhi-Agra region. Administratively, the city of Shahjahanabad became a part of the North-Western Provinces and was governed from Agra. A British Resident was stationed in Delhi. He started functioning from the building known as Dara Shukoh’s Library. This is a building on Lothian Road in present day Delhi, on the right bank of the Yamuna close to the imperial palace, and is named after Aurangzeb’s eponymous elder brother.

The early decades of the 20th century, described as the ‘English Peace’, were also the period of the ‘Delhi Renaissance’. This period was characterized by the writings of literary greats such as Mirza Ghalib, Hakim Momin Khan, and Sheikh Ibrahim Zauq; the intellectual endeavours of the faculty at the Delhi College and its English Institute; and, the coming into circulation of printing presses and newspapers. This intellectual and cultural efflorescence was disrupted by one of the most serious challenges to the British colonial rule, the rebellion of 1857.

The barracks, to the right of the Sawan Pavilion in the photograph, were constructed by the British after their suppression of the 1857 rebellion. Photo: Shashank Shekhar Sinha

The year 1857 witnessed armed revolts in parts of central and northern India, leading to a loss of British control over these regions. Recent research shows that the rebellion was more widespread than thought earlier. It began with a mutiny of sepoys but soon acquired a civil and popular character in parts of northern India. The rebel sepoys showed a tendency to converge or congregate at Delhi. The Red Fort thus emerged as a focal point for the rebellion. Under pressure from the rebels and his own princes, the reluctant 82-year-old Mughal emperor, Bahadur Shah Zafar (regnal years 1837–57), became the titular leader of the rebellion.

The palace-fort soon became the seat of the rebel power and, Bahadur Shah a symbol of the rebellion. There were attacks on Europeans, Christians and those connected with the British government. British officers and army took refuge in the forested ridge around Delhi University and waited for reinforcements from Ambala. Once the British army started gaining control of the city, it went on an offensive against both Hindus and Muslims. Most residents of Shahjahanabad were driven out. They took shelter in areas around the Qutb and the Nizamuddin. The ousted residents could not re-enter the city before the following year. Mosques were also taken over. After September 1857, the British forces unleashed a reign of terror that saw indiscriminate shootings, court martials and summary hangings. Meanwhile Bahadur  Shah escaped the Red Fort via Yamuna and took refuge in Humayun’s tomb. He was soon arrested by the British forces along with three princes. The latter were killed on the way back near the Delhi gate of the city by Major William Hodson.

Bahadur Shah returned to Red Fort as a prisoner of the British.

He was tried in the Diwan-i-Khas in 1858, and exiled to Rangoon, Burma (now Yangon, Myanmar), on October 7. British officials were not content with deporting the emperor and killing his descendants. They also unleashed their anger on the palace-fort which had been the citadel of power during the ‘Great Indian Rebellion’. More than two thirds of the inner structures were destroyed. Henceforth, structures in the palace-fort served as quarters for the British garrison and the famed Diwan-i Aam as a hospital.

The buildings south of the Diwan-i-Khas were found to be ‘of little architectural interest’ and were declared suitable for troops. Most jewels, precious stones and artworks of the Red Fort had already been looted during Nadir Shah’s invasion. The aftermath of suppression of the rebellion saw further looting. Several existing Mughal structures were demolished, including the harem courts and gardens to the west of Rang Mahal, the royal storerooms and kitchen to the north of Diwan-i Aam and the Mahtab Bagh. New structures including army barracks, hospitals, bungalows, administrative buildings, sheds and godowns soon came up in the palace-fort complex. The rebellion also ended the rule of the East India Company, and an act passed in the British Parliament in August 1858 made Queen Victoria the sovereign head of British India.

Excerpted with permission from Pan Macmillan India.

Why Hindutva’s Latest Slam Campaign Against Shah Jahan Escapes Logic

Nobody asks why Shah Jahan did not target the architects – for the Taj is really the manifestation of their imagination – and instead only concentrated on workers.

Bharatiya Janata Party leaders and a pro-Modi media have drawn a contrast between the popularised myth of Shah Jahan’s brutal act of chopping off the hands of Taj Mahal workers after the completion of the monument and Narendra Modi’s act of showering flower petals on sanitation workers as a gesture of gratitude on the inauguration of the first phase of the Kashi Vishwanath corridor.

Shah Jahan is supposed to have committed this ungrateful act so that the workers would not be able to build another monument like the Taj Mahal.

As the Alt News article has made it clear, there appears to be no evidence for this claim that Shah Jahan chopped off the hands of workers and as such it appears to be a tale that has been spun at some point of time in history.

Further, assuming for the sake of argument, that Shah Jahan’s purpose was he did not want any another similar monument to come up, it does not make sense that such an act serves his presumed purpose. Why?

It is because the beauty and grandeur of the Taj Mahal are the outer manifestation of the architect’s conception, imagination and aesthetic sense. Therefore, his target should have been the architect.

The ingenuity of the architect lies in the originality of the plan, design and how much aesthetic sense coupled with imagination he can express through his plan and design. Once this is concretised as a structure of the Taj Mahal, a first of its kind, it is not difficult for other planners and designers with no such skill to bring about similar structures. Masons, artisans, craftsmen and others go by the plan of the architect – though this is not to marginalise the contribution of these workmen, as there are certain intricate skills required for workmanship).

Also read: Fact-Check: Did Shah Jahan Chop off the Hands of Taj Mahal Workers?

The UNESCO also mentions that “the uniqueness of Taj Mahal lies in some truly remarkable innovations carried out by the horticulture planners and architects of Shah Jahan”. The arches and domes that are captured by the imagination of the architects enhance aesthetic sense. In fact, the Taj Mahal project had a board of architects led by the chief architect Ustad Ahmad Lahuri.

If Shah Jahan wanted that a similar monument should not come up, his brutality would have been directed toward the architects as well.

Myths around monuments

Ebba Koch, the Austrian art and architecture historian and a leading authority on Mughal architecture, terms this story, “guides’ tales”, in her book The Complete Taj Mahal and the Riverfront Gardens of Agra. Further, she compares this story with the similar myths that are classified by Stith Thompson who has authored the Motif-Index of Folk-Literature.

She mentions three similar myths (different from Shah Jahan’s) drawing upon Thompson’s work as follows:

  1. “King kills architect after completion of a great building, so that he may never again build one so great.”
  2. “Artisan who has built palace blinded so that he cannot build another like it”.
  3. “Masons who build mausoleum of princess lose their right hand so they may never again construct so fine a building”.

A similar story is also associated with St Basil’s Cathedral in Moscow’s Red Square. It was built to commemorate the fall of Kazan to Tsar Ivan the Terrible of Russia.

“Legend has it that Ivan the Terrible blinded the architect Posnik Yakovlev to prevent him from building another church as grand as this, although this is not confirmed by historians.”

Now the question is did Shah Jahan extend the brutal act to the architects?

This would have been more important for him if he really did not want another similar structure to come up because it is the architect who has the primary role in the conception and design of the structure.

However, modern writers have done that job of extending the brutal act story of Shah Jahan to include the architects also.

The initial story of brutality that was restricted to workers was further spiced up to include the chief architect, recently, lest some people start thinking why the architect had been left out of the act of Shah Jahan.

Justin Huggler in his article makes the claim that Lahuri was blinded after the Taj’s completion.

As Koch, rightly remarks, these were “presented as historical facts” and by including the architect the “journalists of renowned newspapers… garnish…” their reports.

Convenient legends

The Hindutva leaders and their supporters’ proclivities for Muslim and Christian bashing in their thoughts and acts have become increasingly pronounced. They look for such apocryphal tales to depict a certain monstrosity in the kings from these communities.

Also read: By Raising Aurangzeb-Shivaji Binary at Kashi Vishwanath, Modi Indicates Divisive Agenda

Meanwhile, a similar unproven legend is associated with the Konark temple. A brutal condition was apparently laid by its builder, the Eastern Ganga dynasty king Narasimhadeva I. He “had set a deadline for the completion of the temple and had threatened to behead all the workers if the deadline is not met.”

One would be curious to know the rightwing Hindutva groups’ response to the Ekalavya story in the Mahabharata where Dronacharya demanded the right thumb of Ekalavya as a guru dakshina (a Hindu tradition of paying an honorarium to the teacher for having imparted knowledge), even though he never formally taught Ekalavya. He was worried that his disciple Arjun would lose the status of the supreme archer if Ekalavya comes into prominence. His intention of extracting his dakshina in a cruel form was to make him (Ekalavya) incapable of exercising self-acquired archery skills.

Mythical tales and legends of brutal deeds of Hindu characters are not convenient. But tales like Shah Jahan chopping hands serves a communal purpose.

S.K. Arun Murthi taught Philosophy in the Humanities and the Social Sciences department, Indian Institute of Science Education and Research , Mohali, Punjab.

‘Waste of Time’: Delhi HC Refuses to Entertain PIL on Removing NCERT Book Passage on Mughals

“We are unable to decide the present policies of Centre and State and you are talking about some errors committed by Shah Jahan.”

New Delhi: The Delhi high court on Wednesday refused to entertain a public interest litigation (PIL) asking for a section of the Class 12 NCERT history textbook to be removed. The section talks about how Mughal rulers Aurangzeb and Shah Jahan had given grants for temples to be repaired.

Chief Justice D.N. Patel and Justice Jyoti Singh came down heavily on the petitioners, saying they were attempting to waste the court’s time. “You are saying you have a problem with the fact that Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb had no such policy for giving the grants for temple repair etc? We are unable to decide the present policies of Centre and State and you are talking about some errors committed by Shah Jahan. This is a waste of time of court. These types of PILs are only filed in Delhi High Court. People think the High Court has such free time,” Chief Justice Patel said, according to Bar and Bench.

The bench also talked about imposing costs on the petitioners for filing a frivolous lawsuit, but stopped after it was told that the petitioners weer students. “You people have such free time. You have deliberately made the students as petitioners. Seems like you guys sleep at night and file PIL on whatever issues that comes to your mind,” the chief justice said.

The court then allowed the petitioners to withdraw the application.

How the Red Fort Became the Site for India’s Independence Day Celebrations

At the Red Fort, on August 15, 1947, the past and the present had coalesced to mark a newly independent nation’s step towards the future.

This piece, originally published on August 14, 2017, is being republished on August 15, 2020.

Known by different names at different points of time, such as Qila-i-Mubarak (the Fortunate Citadel), Qila-i-Shahjahanabad (Fort of Shahjahanabad) or Qila-i-Mualla (the Exalted Fort), the Red Fort remains one of the most iconic representations of anti-colonial resistance and India’s Independence Day celebrations. Since 1947, on every Independence Day, successive prime ministers have hoisted the national flag here and addressed the nation from the rampart adjacent to the Lahori Gate, which now forms the public entrance to the fort.

Constructed by the Mughal emperor Shah Jahan between 1638-1649, the Red Fort, which derives its name from its massive red sandstone walls, represented the political and cultural grandeur of the Mughal empire. It was designed as the fort-palace of the new Mughal capital, Shahjahanabad, literally ‘the abode of Shah Jahan’.

A painting of Shah Jahan. Credit: Wikipedia

A painting of Shah Jahan. Credit: Wikipedia

After the reign of Aurangzeb, Shah Jahan’s son and successor, the fortunes of this bastion started dwindling as the later Mughals proved to be very vulnerable. Nadir Shah, the Turk ruler of Iran, attacked Delhi in 1739. He plundered the fort as well as the city and carried away a massive booty, including Shah Jahan’s iconic Peacock Throne and the Koh-i-noor (Mountain of Light) diamond. Subsequently, raids by the Marathas, Sikhs, Jats, Gurjars, Rohillas and Afghans from mid to later 18th century further weakened the Mughal stronghold. In fact, during the time of Shah Alam (1759-1806), it is said that Mughal rule extended from the Red Fort to Palam in Delhi.

Az Delhi to Palam

Badshahi Shah Alam

(From Delhi to Palam

Is the realm of Shah Alam)

The early 19th century saw the British influence growing in the region. After the capture of Delhi in 1803, the British started taking control of the fort and the city. The early half of the 19th century was relatively quiet for the city, dubbed as years of ‘English peace’.

These were also years of the ‘Delhi Renaissance’, marked by the presence of Ghalib, Momim and Zauq, and the Delhi College, and soon to be overtaken by the rebellion of 1857. In the circumstances that unfolded, Red Fort gained a new identity as the most important symbol of resistance to the might of the British. Once again the Mughal emperor found himself being referred to as the ‘Emperor of Hindustan’.

The 1857 rebellion

The year 1857 witnessed an armed rebellion in parts of central India and northern India leading to the loss of British control over these regions for a while (new research suggests that the uprising was far more widespread than hitherto believed). Red Fort and its occupant, Bahadur Shah Zafar, became the most important symbol of the rebellion.

Historian Eric Stokes writes that the rebel soldiers showed a “centripetal impulse to congregate at Delhi”. Pressured by the rebels, a reluctant 82-year-old Mughal emperor became the leader of the rebellion while real power was exercised by rebel soldiers, princes and nobles.

The fall of Delhi sparked off mutinies and uprisings; the rebellion acquired a civil and popular character in parts of north India. With the coming of the rebel troops from Bareilly to Delhi, led by Muhammad Bakht Khan, a government was formed combining civil and military administration.

Muhammad Bakht Khan was nominated Sahib-i-Alam Bahdur (governor general) and he functioned with the help of an administrative court. Historian K.N. Panikkar points out that the court conducted the affairs of the state in the name of the emperor. He was recognised as an emperor by all rebel leaders. Coins were struck and orders were issued in his name.

A retreating British army took refuge in the Delhi Ridge area while waiting for the reinforcements from Ambala. Historian Rudrangshu Mukhjee writes that their aim was to regain control of Delhi which had become the focal point of rebellion. Other centres of revolt were soon suppressed.

After gaining control of Delhi around September 1857, the British resorted to harsh reprisals marked by summary court martial and hangings, blowing rebels from the cannon and indiscriminate shootings. Bahadur Shah Zafar, who had escaped by the Yamuna river route to take refuge in Humayun’s tomb, was caught along with three princes. The arrested emperor was brought back to the Red Fort as a prisoner while the three princes were killed by Major William Hodson near Delhi Gate. Bahadur Shah Zafar was tried in the Diwan-i-Khas (Hall of Special Audience) and exiled to Rangoon (now Yangon) on October 7, 1858.

"Capture of the King of Delhi by Captain Hodson", steel engraving. Captain William Hodson captured Bahadur Shah II on 20 September 1857 during the Sepoy Mutiny. Credit: Wikimedia

“Capture of the King of Delhi by Captain Hodson”, steel engraving. Captain William Hodson captured Bahadur Shah II on 20 September 1857 during the Sepoy Mutiny. Credit: Wikimedia

The aftermath of 1857

British officials were not just content with deporting the emperor and killing his descendants, they also unleashed their anger on the fort which been the citadel of power during the ‘Great Indian Rebellion’. More than two-thirds of Red Fort’s inner structures were destroyed.  The palace was converted into quarters for the British garrison and the famed Diwan-i-Aam (Hall of Public Audience) into a hospital. The buildings south of the Diwan-i-Khas were allotted to the troops.

Precious stones, jewels and artworks adorning the palaces were looted. Several existing Mughal structures, including the harem courts, the gardens to the west of Rang Mahal, the royal store rooms and kitchen were demolished. British buildings such as army barracks, hospitals, bungalows, administrative buildings, sheds and godowns came up in the former Mughal bastion.

The suppression of the rebellion was accompanied by major administrative changes. The rule of East India Company came to an end and Queen Victoria was made the sovereign head of British India. The office of the Secretary of State was created to rule India.

The new power equations were reinforced by imperial durbars held in Delhi in 1877, 1903 and 1911. The Coronation Durbar of December 1911 also marked the visit of the British King George V and Queen Mary. After the event at the Coronation Park, the royal couple decided to make an appearance from a jharoka (balcony) of the Red Fort on December 13. The jharokha darshan (Audience from the Balcony) was a symbolic appropriation of a practice which only the emperors of Hindustan were entitled to.

The 1911 durbar also saw a surprise announcement – the transfer of British India’s capital from Calcutta to Delhi. Mukherjee points out that the decision to shift the capital to Delhi was also motivated by the symbolic importance of the city and the hold the Mughals had over the minds of the people of north India.

Bahadur Shah Zafar, on his death bed. Credit: Wikimedia Commons

Bahadur Shah Zafar, on his death bed. Credit: Wikimedia Commons

While the British appropriated the imperial symbolism related to the Red Fort, they did everything to prevent any news about Bahadur Shah Zafar coming out in public. Historian Amar Farooqui writes that the exiled emperor and his family lived in complete obscurity till the end of the 19th century, with the colonial state ensuring that no definite account of the Mughal family became available to the public.

Nevertheless, the rebellion and its heroes continued to remain in public memory and later in the nationalist imagination. As Panikkar writes, even in failure, the rebellion of 1857 served as a source of inspiration for the freedom struggle in later decades.

Rangoon, the Indian National Army and the Red Fort

Almost a century after 1857, the Red Fort emerges on the horizon in the years preceding Independence, with the circumstances of the freedom movement in the 1940s rekindling interest in the lives of the seemingly-forgotten Mughal emperor and his family.

Farooqui, however, argues that the choice of the Red Fort as the site for India’s principal public event “was not directly the outcome of a desire to set right, symbolically, the historical wrongs of 1857” – rather it was “indirectly that latent memory of the suppression of the uprising (that) determined the selection of what was the most prominent non-colonial structure in the capital of the British India Empire”.

According to the historian, what triggered this memory in the 1940s was the setting up of the headquarters of the Azad Hind Fauj or the Indian National Army (INA) provisional government at Rangoon in Burma. Subhas Chandra Bose, the ‘Netaji’ of INA reportedly visited the shrine that had come up around the unmarked grave of Bahadur Shah Zafar and his famous call Chalo Dilli (March to Delhi) invoked both the emperor and the Red Fort and was also linked to the idea of the recapture of the fort –”(O)ur task will not end until our surviving heroes hold the victory parade on the graveyard of the British empire, at the Lal Quila, the Red Fort of ancient Delhi”.

Netaji’s intervention, writes Farooqui, played a decisive role in “overcoming the forced collective amnesia about the history of the brutal reconquest of the city”.

The INA trials (1945-1946) put the spotlight on the Red Fort once again. After the Second World War, the captured officers of the INA were put on public trial at the Red Fort in December 1945. Three officers, namely Colonel Shah Nawaz Khan, Colonel Prem Kumar Sahgal and Colonel Gurbaksh Singh Dhillon, were housed there for the duration of the trial. The chambers within the baoli, or step-well, believed to pre-date the Red Fort, were converted into a prison.

Jawaharlal Nehru addresses the nation from Red Fort on Independence Day, August 15, 1947. Credit: Wikimedia

Jawaharlal Nehru addresses the nation from Red Fort on Independence Day, August 15, 1947. Credit: Wikimedia

There was a “mass upheaval” of campaigns, protest meetings and all-party demonstrations showing signs of remarkable communal harmony. “Never before in Indian history,” Nehru admitted, “had such unified sentiments been manifested by various sections of the population.”

According to historian Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, there were many factors behind the mass upsurge, including the fact that the trial took place at the Red Fort, which appeared to be the “most authentic symbol of British imperial domination” – it was the place where the last Mughal emperor and the acclaimed leader of the 1857 revolt was tried and exiled.

Farooqui writes that the nation-wide campaign for the release of the INA officers further reinforced the public perception of the former Mughal fort-palace as the symbol of anti-colonial resistance.

Finally, in August 1947, the first Prime Minister of India Jawaharlal Nehru raised the Indian national flag above Lahori Gate. Nehru’s speech made a special mention of Netaji, regretting his absence on the occasion. Farooqui argues that the act of replacing the British flag with India’s national flag, a day after the swearing in of the first cabinet on August 15, amounted to reclaiming this contested site for the nation.

It is a site where the past and the present coalesced to mark a newly independent nation’s step towards the future. On every Independence Day, as the prime minister speaks from the rampart of the Red Fort in what is a formal, choreographed event, the site itself shimmers with the sheen of an inclusive memory, like a talisman.

Shashank Shekhar Sinha has taught history in undergraduate colleges at the University of Delhi. He does independent research on tribes, gender, violence, culture and heritage.

Book Review: ‘Allahu Akbar’ Holds a Mirror to Today’s India

Manimugdha Sharma’s innovative and charming narrative style is not something that the discipline of history is used to.

It is perhaps a curious paradox that in today’s India, when heaping abuse on medieval India’s Muslim rulers – and the Mughals in particular – on TV channels and social media is the sine qua non of fervent patriotism (“Akbar was like Hitler”, announced one such profound commentator), some adventurous young scholars are headed in the opposite direction and are digging deep into Mughal history with great empathy and understanding.

Interestingly several of them have not taken to history as a profession; yet theirs is far from the instant history that earns one headlines in the media if it emanates from ministerial or patriotic depths. Retired diplomat T.C.A. Raghvan’s masterly study of Bairam Khan and Abdur Rahim Khan-i Khanan in Attendant Lords (2017), Natural Sciences trainee Ira Mukhoty’s sensitive portrayal of imperial Mughal women in Daughters of the Sun (2018), journalist Parvati Sharma’s competent biography of Jahangir, An Intimate Portrait of a Great Mughal (2018), and now Allahu Akbar: Understanding the Great Mughal in Today’s India from yet another journalist, Manimugdha Sharma. Perhaps a Freudian response?

Sharma announces at the outset that his is not to be read as a linear biography of Akbar – though it is that too in spite of him – but how it holds a mirror to today’s India, in particular, and elsewhere. This he does in two ways, one by recounting the grandeur of Akbar’s vision for his subjects and his empire, and the other, by narrating any event and breaking off into massive distances of space and time and sometimes just about the other day around you, with a touch of affinity with the broken story.

This is a very innovative and charming narrative style that the discipline of history is not used to. Sometimes detours run into pages, at others a quick digression does the trick. Just one illustration: on page 62, Akbar’s first major adversary Himu is seated on his elephant at the second decisive battle of Panipat in 1556.

Also read: Babur – the Remarkable Emperor Who Happened to Be a Muslim

Manimugdha Sharma
Allahu Akbar: Understanding the Great Mughal in Today’s India
Bloomsbury, New Delhi, 2019

Having noted this, Sharma branches off to various battles fought with the deployment of elephants over the next six pages ranging from Alexander in 326 BC, to Pyrrhus (280 BC), Timur’s in 1398 in Delhi going on to Muhammad Shah’s confrontation with Nadir Shah in 1739 before returning to Himu and Panipat. None of the details are flippant. Yet elsewhere some delightfully playful asides liven up the narrative: “The new (Afghan) king Islam Shah … carried out an almost Stalinist purge among the nobility” (p. 33); or with the marriage of the Kachhwaha princess to Akbar, “Acche din (good days) arrived for the Mughals and the Rajputs…”.

The heart of this delightfully readable book is, of course, highlighting the vision of the great Mughal who could cut through the various dividing lines within the ruling class and reach out to the subjects. His greatest strength was the ability to think and decide for himself, which always implies a challenge to all modes of received wisdom. The ability to weave one’s own way through contentions.

Akbar was in the habit of raising profound philosophical to quotidian questions. If he asked why should Islam, which was the youngest of all religions in his time, have ipso facto primacy over other, much older ones which were imbued with profound philosophic meditation, he also asked why should Persian language script (official court language) have several letters for the same sound instead of having just one, or, why should a man and woman be required to purify themselves with a bath after having sex rather than before? Or why should only sons and not also daughters inherit property from their father? And so on.

But above all Akbar transformed the idiom of governance from one of exercise of unbridled power to one tempered by the notion of paternalism. Akbar was not the inventor of this notion; most civilisations throughout history have nurtured it. But Akbar made it a, or rather the, guiding ideology of his state.

He took it so seriously that he observes that if he had grown mature earlier he would never have married any woman from within his empire for every woman there was like his daughter! Paternalism implied non-discrimination against anyone on any ground. Hence his principle of sulh-i kull, absolute peace for all.

This is the lasting relevance of Akbar’s legacy which Sharma has brought out with such charm and which is under threat from the present-day secular democratic state.

Also read: A Portrait of Aurangzeb More Complex than Hindutva’s Political Project Will Admit

He also takes on the various films and TV serials, past and present centred on Akbar, which this reviewer has not been able to bring himself to watch, graphically analyses not only the content but also the intent of these ventures and passes some very critical judgments, including critical appreciation.

Even as the book is empirically very sound, based on in depth research – as indeed all the books mentioned above all are – there is the beauty and the holding quality of a grand novel in the writing. Hard to put down and go off to sleep. Its title itself is unusual; forsaking the simpler and common Akbar, it adds Allahu to the name.

Akbar delighted in the double entendre embedded in Allahu Akbar: Allah is as great as Akbar or Akbar is as great as Allah. Once asked by his courtiers to clarify his claim, he smiled and kept silent; on another occasion he actually denied it. Point made: he would have it either way, through silent affirmation and through a strategic denial.

Harbans Mukhia is the author of The Mughals of India.

Excerpt | From Kababs to Pulao, the Art of Cooking in the Time of Mughals

An excerpt from ‘The Mughal Feast’ focuses on ‘Nuskha-e-Shahjahani,’ a manuscript of recipes from the royal kitchens.

Nuskha-e-Shahjahani recaptures the nostalgia of the Mughal era, presenting the recipes and unveiling the mystique of the royal kitchens. Till now, no efforts were made to bring to light the treasure of recipes revealing the art of cooking in the time of the Mughals.

The original manuscript begins without any trace of the author or date of its compilation. The chapters describe the preparations of different dishes of those days in detail, and include recipes for making and preparing breads, soups, pulaos, kababs, do-piyazahs, fish, samosas and sweets. It takes you inside the imperial kitchens, where food was cooked with the right amount of spices to enhance the base flavours of the dishes. Specific combinations of herbs and flavouring agents characterised these foods, the blend of which was developed by expert cooks in keeping with the advice of the royal hakims.

Nuskha-e-Shahjahani reveals that few spices were used in cooking; cartloads of almonds, pistachios, walnuts, apricots, plums, raisins and saffron were imported along the new roads that were constructed to facilitate trade. The sweet and salty tastes relished by the Mughals are quite apparent from the selection of recipes in the manuscript. The extensive use of nuts, gold and silver leaves, saffron and aromatic herbs made food exotic and flavourful.

Salma Yusuf Husain
The Mughal Feast: Recipes From The Kitchen Of Emperor Shah Jahan
Roli Books, 2019

Most of the dishes mentioned in the manuscript were prepared in bulk, as there were many guests and family members to cater to, so the quantity of ingredients was huge. However, today recipes are mostly prepared for much smaller groups. Thus, one may reduce the quantities of the ingredients mentioned in the manuscript as per one’s liking. Furthermore, some recipes, such as Yakhni Talavi, may appear to be incongruous with their chapter descriptions, but since they are placed this way in the original manuscript, we have decided to leave them as they are. Also important to note is the old use of shangarf or cinnabar for food colouring; as this book is a translation, it has been left in, but it is not to be used due to certain health risks.

The manuscript also provides helpful tips for cooking. Methods to clean fish, soften bones, make artificial bone marrow and colour food using juices of vegetables and essence of flowers throw light on the creativity of the cooks of the royal kitchens. It mentions the method of cooking zeer biryan through indirect cooking by placing bamboo sticks at the bottom of the pan and placing the main ingredient of the dish like meat, fish or paneer over it. The dish was then cooked on dum. It was common to cook food on low heat and finish on dum, a technique adopted extensively in India under the name dum pukht.

The arrival of every dish was a ceremony and history will never forget the pomp of those times, along with the flavours which remain only in the pages of handwritten manuscripts of those days, such as Nuskha-e-Shahjahani. Not only the imperial kitchens of the emperor, but also the bazaars of the city were charged with the smoke of different kababs, and the environment was filled with the fragrance of nahari, haleem, qormas and qaliyas. The array of breads was dazzling. Festive occasions were never complete without baqarkhani, kulchas and sheermals. Sharbat ke katore and kulfi ke matke added colour to the scenario. The city of Shah Jahan was a paradise of food with the creations of local and foreign chefs.

Also read: Partition Changed India’s Food Cultures Forever

This luxurious way of serving and preparing food continued only till the time Shah Jahan ruled, as his son Aurangzeb did not believe in luxury, pomp and show. Unfortunately, the last years of this great emperor were unhappy. Deposed by his son Aurangzeb, Shah Jahan was imprisoned in Agra Fort and remained there for eight years until his death in 1666. Legend has it that Aurangzeb ordered that his father be allowed only one ingredient of his choice, and Shah Jahan chose chickpeas. He chose them because they can be cooked in many different ways. Even today, one of the signature dishes of North Indian cuisine is Shahjahani dal, chickpeas cooked in a rich gravy of cream.

§

AMBA PULAO

Serves: 6-8

sweet and tangy mango lamb rice

Ingredients

Lamb, cut into pieces 1 kg
Rice 4 cups / 1 kg
Ghee 1 cup / 250 gm
Onions, sliced 1 cup / 250 gm
Ginger (adrak), chopped 4 tsp / 20 gm
Coriander (dhaniya) seeds, crushed 4 tsp / 20 gm
Salt 4 tsp / 20 gm
Cloves (laung) 1 tsp / 5 gm
Raw mangoes (kairi) 1 kg
Sugar 3 cups / 750 gm
Cumin (jeera) seeds 2 gm
Black peppercorns (sabut kali mirch) 1 tsp / 5 gm
Cinnamon (dalchini), 2 sticks 1˝ each
Pistachios (pista), fried ½ cup / 125 gm
Almonds (badam), fried ½ cup / 125 gm
Raisins (kishmish), fried ½ cup / 125 gm

Method

  1. Make yakhni with the lamb pieces (see pg. 218), ghee, onions, ginger, crushed coriander seeds and salt. Strain the stock and separate the lamb pieces.
  2. Add half the mangoes to the stock, and cook until tender. Remove from heat and keep aside to cool. Squeeze the mangoes with hands to extract thick pulp. Strain and keep the mango stock aside.
  3. Make a sugar syrup of one-string consistency (see pg. 219).
  4. Cut the remaining mangoes into pieces, boil in water and then float in this sugar syrup and cook until tender. Remove from the syrup and keep aside.
  5. Add the syrup to the mango stock and parboil the rice in it.
  6. In a separate pan, spread the cumin seeds, followed by the lamb pieces. Add the whole spices and 2 tbsp sweet stock; cook on low heat until syrup is absorbed.
  7. Spread the rice over the lamb, pour some ghee and cook on dum (see pg. 218).
  8. While serving, arrange the mango pieces on the pulao and garnish with fried dry fruits.

GURAK KABAB

Serves: 4

chicken stuffed with meat and slow-cooked on cinnamon bed

Ingredients

Chicken, cleaned, washed, skinned 2 (700-800 gm each)
Onion juice ½ cup / 125 ml
Ginger (adrak) juice ¼ cup / 60 ml
Salt to taste
Vegetable oil 3 tbsp / 45 ml
Lamb, minced 400 gm
Onion, medium-sized, sliced 1
Coriander (dhaniya) seeds, crushed 1 tbsp / 15 gm
Ginger (adrak), chopped 1 tbsp / 15 gm
Saffron (kesar), dissolved in milk 1.5 gm
Yoghurt (dahi), whisked ¼ cup / 60 gm
Cinnamon (dalchini) sticks to cover
the bottom of the pan 8-10
Ghee ½ cup / 125 gm
Black gram (urad dal) flour ½ cup / 125 gm
Freshly ground to a fine powder:
Cloves (laung) 1 tsp / 5 gm
Cardamom (elaichi) 1 tsp / 5 gm
Black peppercorns (sabut kali mirch) 1 tsp / 5 gm

Method

    1. Prick the chicken all over with a fork.
    2. Marinate the chicken with onion juice, ginger juice and salt; rub well inside and outside the chicken and keep aside for 30 minutes.
    3. Heat the oil in a pan; add the minced meat, onion, crushed coriander seeds, chopped ginger and salt. Stir and cook until the meat is tender.
    4. Smoke (see pg. 218) the cooked mixture.
    5. Fill the chicken with the minced lamb and tie both legs with twine to keep the shape of the chicken intact.
    6. Mix the saffron and ground spices with the yoghurt.
    7. Apply the yoghurt and saffron mixture all over the chickens evenly.
    8. Spread the cinnamon sticks on the bottom of the pan. Place the chicken on the cinnamon bed and pour the ghee around.
    9. Make a semi-hard dough of black gram flour. Cover the pan and seal with this dough.
    10. Place the pan on low charcoal heat and cook on dum (see pg. 218) for 4 hours.
    11. Remove the cover, take the chicken out, cut into four pieces and serve over the mince.

Excerpted from The Mughal Feast: Recipes from the Kitchen of Emperor Shah Jahan by Salma Husain, published by Roli Books.

Stories of Khwajasaras Should Be an Important Part of the Study of Mughal History

During the Mughal era, khwajasaras or eunuchs were not limited to the harems, but held important positions in political and administrative organisations as well. However, as “non-males” in a patriarchal system, they were subject to animosity.

In the vicinity of Agra, on the route which once took people to Allahabad, there is a place by the name Etmadpur. The area is marked by a magnificent two-storey water pavilion. The water has now dried up and the pavilion stands at the centre of vast, marshy land, dotted by herdsmen and their goats. To the north of this pavilion is a causeway, which must have originally connected it to land. At a little distance is the octagonal tomb of the Etmad Khan khwajasara (eunuch), after whom the place was named.

Similar to this structure, on the route from Agra to Gwalior, one would come across another tomb and tank of another khwajasara, Firuz Khan. The tomb, octagonal again, stands atop a large platform. The ornamentation of the gateway and the tomb are exquisite and the architectural decorations hint of Jahangir’s period. Both these khwajasaras commanded immense power in the administrative setup of the Mughals. While Etmad Khan held the high rank of 3,000 under Akbar’s Mansabdar system, Firuz Khan rose rapidly from Jahangir to Shah Jahan’s reign and died on an equally high rank of 3,000.

These structures tell a history of the life and work of khwajasaras in the Mughal world, which is quite different from what has been popularly assumed. In popular culture, khwajasaras are seen as limited to harems (seraglio), which is associated with unnecessary romanticism. Harem is seen as a place of fulfilment of carnal pleasures. The Mughal harem specially becomes a centre of myth making, since it represents the space of sexual escapades of otherwise shrewd and all powerful emperors.

There is no doubt that khwajasaras were associated with the harem. They were part of an elaborate organisation ensuring the functioning of a harem. They were treasury supervisors and also of properties of the royal ladies. Khwajasaras used to hold guard too, as one contemporary writer observes, any entourage of royal women was incomplete without the ‘sour’ faced eunuchs forming a protective circle around them. The royal women, while on the move, couldn’t be seen by the public because of this guard of eunuchs.

Having established this, it becomes important to foreground the other duties performed by the khwajasaras, which weren’t linked to the harem at all. They were active participants in the political and administrative functioning of the empire as well.

Participation in political, administrative organisations

That a history of active participation of sexual minorities in Mughal political and administrative organisations can be forgotten says a lot about the way popular history and popular culture function. While contemporary historians have enormous amount of information on the khwajasaras, it has not been utilised.

Khwajasaras played the role of trusted servants, conveying messages and confidential information. Roshanara Begum, Aurangzeb’s sister, used her trusted eunuchs to circulate confidential information regarding her brother’s illness. It was a eunuch who was given charge of Aurangzeb’s son in case he did not recover from his illness. Even Shah Jahan, when he was imprisoned by his son, was in the protective custody of eunuch Aitbar Khan.

The role of Khwajasaras was not limited only to royal service. They were active participants in the administrative functioning of the state as well. Itibar Khan, a confidential servant of Babur, was made responsible for the safety of royal ladies who were travelling from Iran to India. He was also made the governor of Delhi during the reign of Akbar. Khwaja Agah enjoyed the position of faujdar (garrison commander) of Agra on several occasions. During Jahangir’s reign, Wafadar was sent to govern the strategic location of Gujarat. Itibar Khan defended the city of Agra when Shah Jahan marched on it during his rebellion.

Thus there was an important and apparent presence of khwajasaras in spaces apart from the harem.

Not a sign of absence of animosity

Babur meeting a princess, work of Mansur, Baburnama, AD 1598, National Museum, New Delhi. In the frame, khwajasaras can be seen in the service of the princess.

This active participation of khwajasaras in the administrative setup shouldn’t however be confused with absence of animosity towards them. They were the non-males in an overall patriarchal setup and were treated with hatred. Men thought khwajasaras were envious of their manhood.

It is assumed that there prevailed a sense of inferiority in the minds of khwajasaras regarding their sexuality, a hint reflected in Aitbar Khan’s outburst when his family visited him when he was in a powerful position. The eunuch blamed his family for his inability to enjoy man’s greatest pleasure.

It is difficult to ascertain how far the eunuchs cradled animosity towards men, because we hardly have information from their perspective, but it is well known that khwajasaras were faithful and sincere to their masters, both male and female. The khwajasara of Prince Murad Bakhsh even laid down his life for his master.

The narrative of khwajasaras envying manhood might just have been an attempt to legitimise their dehumanisation. Contemporary observers called them animals, monsters and baboons, generally attributing to them qualities of being covetous of gold, diamond and pearls.

Khwajasaras are reported to have been foul in speech and fond of silly stories. It is said that they were licentious in examining everything, both goods and women, which came into the palace. But the fact is that it was the job of these khwajasaras to inspect goods coming and leaving the palace. They were the officers on guard. They had the authority to search everything with great care and detail to stop the entry of bhang, wine, opium, nutmegs or any other drug which can act as intoxicant. Entry of radishes, cucumbers or similar vegetables that may be used for sexual pleasure by women was also prohibited inside the harem by royal orders. Khwajasaras properly performing their duties was also constructed as evil by contemporary writers.

Link between the two worlds

It can be safely assumed that khwajasaras were the link between the harem and the outside world, a passageway connecting the ‘male’ world and the ‘female’ world, dwelling between the protectors and the protected; they were on the margins of the social hierarchical order and were disadvantaged at numerous levels, yet they had the unique authority to move freely across the veil dividing the genders

Some historical sources suggest that the argument around jealousy can be built in the reverse order as well. It can be argued that men were jealous of the khwajasaras’ access to women. This can be better understood from an incident that took place during Aurangzeb’s reign, where a khwajasara developed a romantic relationship with a woman. Didar Khan, one of the principal eunuchs of the seraglio of Aurangzeb, developed a relationship with the sister of a common folk. They could meet easily and the affair was feasible only because Didar Khan was a khwajasara. Eventually, the khwajasara was brutally stabbed by the woman’s brother when the affair came to light. It was only after the women and eunuchs of the harem protested that the emperor handed a token punishment to the murderer.

In contrast to this, Khwajasaras were sometimes punished for no apparent crime. When two men were allegedly caught by the guards from the harem of Roshanara Begum, Aurangzeb’s sister, a huge scandal was created. It was an unsaid truth that the men must have entered the harem with the royal lady’s knowledge. Yet, to protect the princess’ name, the head khwajasara was blamed for being careless in guarding the harem. He was removed from the office. This entire episode is narrated by Manucci, a contemporary observer. The authenticity of his account is dubious as he bases it largely on bazaar gossip with much fictitious content. This incident is a reflection of the true conditions of the khwajasaras. Their persecution was taken for granted and was an accepted norm in popular imagination.

It seems that despite the power exercised by khwajasaras, a general attitude of animosity towards them was prevalent. Some thought they exerted more power than they should, while others saw them excelling despite being mischievous. Khwajasara Etimad Khan, the one after whom Etmadpur is named, had risen to a high position. He was struck dead by a soldier with the allegation that he had a “harsh attitude”. Harsh attitude of a khwajasara, even one enjoying a high rank, could not be tolerated. Though there was a sense of authority associated with this sexual minority, they had to face much animosity and hardship.

Khwajasaras couldn’t go on pilgrimage to spend their wealth and had no blood successors to keep their memory alive. Thus, they invested in architectural enterprises to keep alive their memory. The two architectural remains mentioned above still stand tall, despite several bouts of invasion faced by north India and the test of time. As was originally intended, the names of some of these khwajasaras still live on in modern times. These surviving structures keep alive not only their name, but hint towards the glory and power they commanded, despite being persecuted and oppressed in a patriarchal setup.

Lubna Irfan is a research scholar at the Centre of Advanced Study, department of history in Aligarh Muslim University.

The Taj Mahal, ASI’s Paralysis and the Curious Case of the Elusive White

The Archaeological Survey of India’s inability to offer a coherent defence for the deterioration of the monument suggests a serious problem, best characterised as a paucity of quality human resources, and at worst, administrative atrophy due to constant judicial and parliamentary oversight.

In 1652 CE, Prince Aurangzeb wrote to his father, Shah Jahan, detailing a long list of structural defects, particularly those affecting the dome of the Taj Mahal, which had leaked during the rainy season. Thus began the litany of unending maintenance woes of the architectural wonder recorded and reported by caretakers even as legions of admirers felt that Taj was not properly cared for. No matter what, this equation has never turned out in favour of the caretakers, as also witnessed by recent events that have pushed maintenance of the Taj into the headlines.

A year before India’s independence, the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) had undertaken a detailed assessment of the structure and charted out the history of interventions since 1652 (Ancient India: Bulletin of the Archaeological Survey of India, No. 1, 1946). After reading the long list of problems and concerns for structural stability due to inherent design issues and fast eroding red sandstone, the prevailing obsession with only the colour of the marble cladding seems tragi-comic! Over the years, public gaze has remained focused on the surface colour and appearance of the monument even as ASI has been labouring away in order to keep the monument safe, an unending process.

It is not as though ASI has not been concerned with the surface of the Taj Mahal. Soon after the government in power announced the setting up of a refinery at Mathura in 1977, ASI made an international appeal to pressurise the government to change the location of the refinery (Today, such a bold step seems unthinkable.) They argued that sulphur-dioxide emissions from the Indian Oil Corporation (IOC) refinery would impact the marble surface.

IOC, on its part, to assuage public fear, appointed an Italian firm, TECNECO, in a consulting capacity to study the problem, after which three volumes of reports were submitted by them. Detailed scientific studies were undertaken with the setting up of monitoring stations and samples of marble from the Taj being compared with samples from the quarry among other studies. They concluded that sulphur-dioxide emissions were not a significant factor in the yellowing of the monument’s surface. It should be noted here that this report contradicted several other scientific writings on the subject by Indian experts. Through all of this, under no circumstances were the competence and commitment of the ASI brought into question.

The situation started to change when in 1984, M.C. Mehta, a lawyer, troubled by the yellowing of marble at Taj Mahal, filed a petition in the Supreme Court of India. The petition sought the removal of all polluting industries from the Taj Trapezium in order to protect this architectural wonder. Soon after, in 1987, O.P. Agrawal, director general of National Research Laboratory for Conservation of Cultural Property (NRLC), Lucknow, published a study on the problems of discolouration and also concluded that pollution was not a significant cause contributing to discolouration of the Taj Mahal. Along with several local issues, an acrylic coating applied as a preservative by ASI had changed colour and this was giving the monument’s surface its discoloured appearance. This finding was one of the earliest instances of an unreported treatment by ASI being identified as a problem. Subsequently, over-cleaning also has been recognised as a probable cause for rapid deterioration of the Taj’s surface.

The ASI has been at the receiving end of the Supreme Court’s displeasure over the years, with chronic problems like algal growth and insect droppings (reported in several surveys from the earliest days) being perceived as new developments. The inability of ASI to offer a coherent defence suggests a serious problem, best characterised as a paucity of quality human resources, and at worst, an administrative atrophy due to constant judicial and parliamentary oversight.

How yellow is the Taj?

In view of the recent observations by the Supreme Court on continued deterioration of the marble surface of Taj, it is worthwhile examining the nature of white that the monument should have.

I tried to look for scientific papers published over the last 30 years or so that can help us define ‘Taj White’. But to no avail, though one must admit that literature and fiction, are both rich with wide-ranging and creative descriptions. For example, the poet Kaifi Azmi describes the Taj under moonlight as ‘a bubbling river of milk’ in his famous poem vapas chal. The romance of Taj and its gleaming white colour is part of folklore. One may even be excused if in our collective psyche, the affair resembles the numerous ‘Lalitaji’ television commercials for a detergent. But characterising the white of the Taj remains elusive! The closest description or definition could be if we call it ‘Makarana White’, after the quarry from where the marble was sourced.

That said, it is obvious that the biggest challenge for ASI is dealing with a national perception of an elusive white colour that the marble cladding of  mausoleum supposedly should have. I was particularly struck by recent news reports such as the following exchange between Supreme Court judges and an advocate – A bench of justices M.B. Lokur and Deepak Gupta saw photographs of the monument placed before it by advocate M.C. Mehta and remarked: “It (colour of the marble) was first becoming yellow. Now, it seems to be green and black.”

The above description of how the yellowing was assessed is worrisome and I would like to believe it was more scientific than what is conveyed in the news. Anyone familiar with photography and printing is aware of the way light affects colours at the time of capture and to reproduce colours faithfully, specific procedures need to be followed. I must assume that proper documenting procedure with a colour reference chart was followed for the images that were presented to the court. But, just following this methodology does not satisfy scientific criterion of imaging/assessing colour change. It would appear that ASI did not advise the court of any such requirement. In the court-room, it seems as though ASI has given up on its role as the custodian of this monument.

The Taj Mahal is reflected in a puddle in Agra, India, on August 9, 2016. Credit: Cathal McNaughton/Reuters

The Taj Mahal is reflected in a puddle in Agra, India, on August 9, 2016. Credit: Reuters/Cathal McNaughton

Under these circumstances one wonders if systematic colour studies have been conducted and the results over the years compiled to build a database that can be used to inform decisions about cleaning etc. Colour studies are complicated and protocol-sensitive, and absolutely essential in the current context. May I add that no known colour studies on Taj have been published by the ASI.

Around 1983-84, a study was published by ASI on a new cleaning process developed for the Taj Mahal. This was the ‘mud pack system’ that is still in use. Recently, in response to a parliamentary question about the efficacy of the cleaning method, ASI stated that the results are “satisfactory as the gloss of the surface was maintained”. This half-answer unfortunately does not fully address the issue of yellowing. Such a response encourages the general perception in the conservation community that some unreported cleaning agent is added to the earth which is leading to surface erosion and pitting.

Further, the procedure is carried out at the Taj by daily wagers who work for a contractor. I am not aware of the use of treated water for this procedure; they would need a large water-treatment plant for the purpose. Untreated water can cause further deterioration due to salt residues. Also, it appears that ASI has started the treatment from the base upwards, which means that the residue from the top collects and covers the lower area. I am hoping that both these observations are not correct; otherwise, the consequences can be disastrous.

As regards the statement by one of the senior judges [“It (colour of the marble) was first becoming yellow. Now it seems to be green and black,”] I would like to draw attention to a paper published in ICOM, Committee for Conservation, 8th triennial meeting, Sydney, Australia in 1987 by O.P. Agrawal and his colleagues, in which he has identified seven  types of discolouration on the surface of the mausoleum:

i) Uniform yellowing of the surface;

ii) Blackish accretions on the cenotaph and on the walls of the gallery inside the monument;

iii) Yellow-grey deposits on the brackets used on minarets

iv) Brown rust-like stains

v) Brown spots

vi) Green-black deposits

vii) Black patches.

As is obvious, the green-black deposits on the surface of the marble is not a new phenomenon and has been reported not only by Agrawal but also in other documents elsewhere. Therefore, the Court’s outburst of “It appears that you (ASI) do not have the expertise or you have but do not want to utilise it or you do not care about it (Taj)…” seems uncalled for.

Some of the factors affecting the Taj are not in the control of ASI. A quick reading of the report, ‘Effects of pollution on Taj Mahal’ submitted by the Parliamentary standing committee chaired by Ashwani Kumar (Member, Rajya Sabha) in July 2015, underlines this point.

Thomas Daniell, Gateway to the Taj Mahal, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Coloured aquatint (1796). Credit: Wikimedia Commons

The Taj Trapezium Zone (TTZ) was declared by the Government of India as a pollution-free area in 1983 and an administrative authority was formed to manage pollution in 1999. The Supreme Court as part of the Mehta litigation had passed eight orders to manage the TTZ. The committee did not mince words while expressing its shock: “The committee is aghast to note that no administrative setup has been constituted for TTZ Authority and as such no mechanism is available to implement the decisions of the TTZ Authority. Only a small number of measures to reduce the pollution around the monument were implemented by Archaeological Survey of India and the Agra authorities.”

ASI too has limitations

It appears that post-1984, the ASI has had no autonomy in deciding the treatment plan for the Taj, as it has been working on the directions of the Supreme Court and various Parliamentary Committees. The ASI’s jurisdiction is restricted to the monument and the buffer zone. It does not have the legal mandate or the judicial authority to do anything within the TTZ.

The much-maligned institution (ASI) does invite some of the flak that it has been receiving, for it has failed to modernise and keep up with the fast-paced developments in the field of conservation. But, to be fair to them, at Agra the ASI is not functioning in an independent capacity. As the only constitutionally designated (Indian Constitution, Seventh Schedule) technical institution with more than 100 years of experience in the preservation of monuments, it has been treated poorly. Having been made to follow the Supreme Court’s directives along with those of Parliamentary committees, I would assume that some sort of ‘administrative paralysis syndrome’ must have set in. Given that two important institutions were involved in deciding what needs to be done, is it fair to single out the ASI for failure without the involved institutions also sharing some responsibility for the failures to execute the designated plan for making TTZ a pollution-free zone?

The limitations of the ASI are more than apparent and it is obvious that they need to look outwards for help. We do have some expertise within the country and further collaborations with international institutions like the Getty Conservation Institute (Los Angles) and Opificio delle pietre dure (Florence) that are at the forefront of research in conservation can be beneficial. What is required is a systematic and scientific approach with a research project to monitor and address the various conservation challenges. A long-term management plan free from ad hoc orders and oversight would go a long way in taking care of the Taj Mahal. It would also help if romantic perceptions of the creative kind were not made part of the scientific debate.

I can say with some conviction based on my experience, that if we moderate our insistence on this vague notions of ‘Taj White’, we probably will end up extending its life by several centuries.

Sanjay Dhar is a materials conservator, specialising in conservation of wall paintings. He was instrumental in the setting up the Intach Art Conservation Center, Delhi and has served as a consultant on projects for UNESCO, World Monuments Fund and National Mission for Manuscripts.