Rajasthan: One MLA, 12 Councillors Send Resignation Letters to Protest Atrocities Against Dalits

The resignations were spurred by the death of a nine-year-old Dalit boy who was allegedly beaten up by his school teacher for touching a drinking water pot in Jalore.

New Delhi: The death of a nine-year-old Dalit boy after he was allegedly beaten up by his school teacher for touching a drinking water pot in Rajasthan’s Jalore has spurned a spate of resignations from the Congess party, with one MLA and 12 councillors stepping down over atrocities against the Dalit community.

Congress MLA from Baran-Atru Pana Chand Meghwal on August 15 sent his resignation to Rajasthan chief minister Ashok Gehlot, saying he doesn’t have the right to remain a legislator if he can’t protect his community.

“When we fail to protect the rights of our community… we have no right to remain in the post. After listening to my inner voice, I resign from the post of MLA so that I can serve the community without any position,” said Meghwal, the Baran-Atru MLA, in his resignation letter.

Even though the country is celebrating 75 years of independence, atrocities against Dalits and the other deprived classes continue, he said.

“I am hurt looking at the atrocities. I cannot express my pain in words (at) the way my community is being tortured,” he said.

Dalits are being killed for drinking water from a pot, sporting a moustache or riding a mare during a wedding. The judicial process is stalled and case files are passed from one table to the other. Cases of atrocities against Dalits have been on the rise in the last few years. It seems there is no one to protect the rights granted to Dalits by the Constitution, he added.

“In most of the cases lodged by Dalits, the police submit the final report. I have raised such cases in the state assembly many times but no action was taken by the police,” Meghwal rued.

The nine-year-old Dalit boy, Indra Kumar, was allegedly beaten up by his school teacher for touching a drinking water pot in Jalore on July 20. He died during treatment at a hospital in Gujarat’s Ahmedabad on Saturday. The accused teacher, Chail Singh, 40, has been arrested. The state government has announced financial assistance of Rs 5 lakh for the victim’s family.

12 councillors resign

Twelve Congress councillors from the Baran Municipal Council on Tuesday sent their resignation letters to Gehlot, expressing anguish over atrocities against the Dalits.

The Congress has 25 councillors in the Baran civic body. Ward No.29 councillor Yogendra Mehta said they sent their resignation letters in support of the MLA and against the government’s failure to protect the Dalits. The other councillors who sent their resignation letters are Rohitashva Saxena, Rajaram Meena, Rekha Meena, Leeladhar Nagar, Hariraj Erwal, Piyush Soni, Urvashi Meghwal, Yashwant Yadav, Anwar Ali, Jyoti Jatav and Mayank Mathodia, he said.

They will submit copies of their resignation letters to the Kota divisional commissioner on Wednesday, Mehta added.

Meanwhile, the nominated councillor of the Kota’s Itawa civic body Suresh Mahawar also sent his resignation letter to the chief minister.

Before heading to Jalore, Pilot said, “Such incidents need to be strongly condemned. We need to put a check on such incidents. Only laws, speeches and actions are not enough. We will have to give them a strong message that we are with them in order to instil trust in them.”

The Congress leader condemned the politicisation of the issue, calling it inappropriate whether it is done by the BJP or his own party.

Meanwhile, state Congress chief Govind Singh Dotasra announced financial assistance of Rs 20 lakh to the family of the Dalit boy.

Dotasra along with women and child welfare minister Mamta Bhupesh, PWD minister Bhajan Lal Jatav and disaster management and relief minister Govind Ram Meghwal visited the boy’s home at Surana village in Jalore.

Meanwhile, the Rajasthan State Human Rights Commission (RSHRC) took suo moto cognisance of the death of the Dalit boy in Jalore and issued notices to the district collector and the superintendent of police. The RSHRC asked them to submit reports on the matter on August 26.

RSHRC chairman Justice G.K. Vyas will visit Jalore on Tuesday.

Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Commission chairman Khiladi Lal Bairwa arrived in Jalore on Monday.

(With PTI inputs)

Note: This article was originally published at 5:19 pm on August 16, 2022 and republished at 7:40 pm on the same day with additional information. 

Loans, Debt, Land Sold: A Father’s Fight To Get Justice for Daughter Who Was Raped

From the registration of the FIR to conviction of the accused, it has been an arduous journey for the father of the Dalit teenager who was found dead in the water tank of a teachers’ training college in Rajasthan’s Bikaner.

Jaipur: For the father of the Dalit teenager who was found dead in the water tank of a teachers’ training college in northern Rajasthan’s Bikaner, it has been a long and taxing journey to justice. The quest for justice has also taken a huge financial toll on the family as it had to borrow money from a bank and a local moneylender and also sell off a part of ancestral land for the legal battle. But the man is happy that the fight has ended in conviction.

On Tuesday, the Bikaner court for Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POSCO) Act cases sentenced physical training instructor Vijendra Singh to life for raping and pushing the teenager to death by suicide, and awarded six years in prison each to college principal Pragya Prateek Shukla and hostel warden Priya Shukla after holding them guilty of abetment of suicide of a minor. The court convicted the three on Friday and heard the arguments for sentencing on Tuesday.

The body of the 17-year-old was found in the water tank of Adarsh Jain Teachers’ Training Institute for Women in Nokha town of Bikaner on March 29, 2016. Police pressed charges of kidnapping, rape and abetment of suicide of a child under various sections of the Indian Penal Code, the POCSO Act and the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989.

The Wire is withholding the name of the girl and those of her family members, in accordance with the law.

From the registration of the FIR to conviction, it has been an arduous journey for the teenager’s father, a government school teacher – both physically and mentally. “I had to go to Bikaner several times. I couldn’t take public transport for the fear that the accused would harm me,” said the father. “I would hire a private cab and travel with some well-wishers. It would cost me Rs 15,000. I must have made around a hundred trips to Bikaner. You can do the math,” he added.

The teenager’s mother said the family is under a lot of debt. “We first took a loan from a bank. When that didn’t work, we sold our ancestral land. Even that wasn’t enough; we had to borrow more money and this time we went to the local moneylender, who charges a hefty interest,” she said.

The school teacher, the only earning member of the family, was already repaying the education loan he had taken for his daughter. “She was very bright and wanted to be a teacher like me,” he said.

The deceased teenager was a brilliant student and an amazing painter, having excelled in an art competition in Rajasthan when she was in Class XII. An artwork of hers was featured in a magazine published by the Rajasthan secretariat in 2006, when she was just seven years old. She travelled to Nokha, 450 km from Trimohi, a nondescript hamlet close to the India-Pakistan border at Gadra Road in Barmer district, for the Basic School Teaching Course (BSTC). She was in the second year of the course when her life was snuffed out.

The family received only Rs 90,000 by way of relief under a scheme for victims of rape. “According to rules, assistance of Rs 10 lakh should have been given,” said the victim’s father.

The family is also sore about activists hovering around them to take credit for justice to the teenager.

“After my daughter’s death, politicians and people of many human rights organisations and NGOs came to me, but after a few days, all of them disappeared. Everyone had assured me to call them whenever needed, but when I did, no one came to help. Now that the punishment has been decided, people have started coming again to take credit,” he said.

He names three people for being with him through this quest for justice. “Disha Wadekar of Pune, Riya Singh of Ghaziabad and Anurag Bhaskar of Lucknow stayed with me like a family. Disha and Anurag are lawyers. They gave legal inputs to the local lawyers due to which the verdict came in our favour. Riya is a research scholar. She gave me full support. Apart from this, Mularam Meghwal of Rawatsar [in Hanumangarh, Rajasthan] was a pillar of strength,” he said.

Though the lower court has found the three people guilty, the father reckons that the fight is not yet over. There may be appeals in higher courts but he has no complaints. “If needed, I will take more loans, but will not sleep in peace until the perpetrators are punished.”

Outrage and criticism of government

The death of the minor Dalit girl resulted in widespread outrage and criticism for the then Vasundhara Raje-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government in the state. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi visited Trimohi to extend his condolences to the victim’s family. Rights activists and politicians pressured the police to book the accused under different sections of the POCSO Act.

After the outrage over the case, the state government recommended the investigation be given to the Central Bureau of Investigation. But the Central agency did not take it up even two months after the order from the state home department. Subsequently, the Bikaner police completed the investigation.

“The Bikaner police had then claimed that she had died by suicide by drowning, but no water was found in her lungs. It was suggested that she killed herself after being caught in a compromising position with the physical training instructor. But it emerged that the hostel warden Priya Shukla used to send her to the physical training instructor’s room for cleaning, and she had complained about it to her father several times,” local journalist Anurag Harsh told The Wire.

The allegations that she was made to clean the room, if true, represent the harsh reality of caste-based discrimination faced by students from Dalit communities.

“The Bikaner police filed the chargesheet claiming that she was not murdered but forced to die by suicide. The trial started in 2017 and took four years till conviction. It got delayed because the Rajasthan high court temporarily stayed the trial. Finally, when the witness deposition began, courts closed during 2020 and 2021 due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The final arguments began on September 2 and ended on September 27,” added Harsh.

In April 2021, the Rajasthan government renamed Trimohi as ‘Delta Nagar’, in honour of the girl. The notification for the creation of the new revenue villages was issued by the Rajasthan revenue department. The new revenue village was formed from the existing revenue village Trimohi, which has a population of 200 voters in 94 households, mostly from Scheduled Caste (SC) communities.

If you know someone – friend or family member – at risk of suicide, please reach out to them. The Suicide Prevention India Foundation maintains a list of telephone numbers (www.spif.in/seek-help/) they can call to speak in confidence. You could also refer them to the nearest hospital.

Why the Rajasthan Police Circular Under SC/ST (Atrocities) Act is Lawful

The circular, which says giving the benefit of section 41A of the CrPC to the accused is contrary to the Act and defeats its very purpose, has been met with opposition from some groups.

The additional director general of police, Rajasthan (ADG, civil rights) R.P. Mehrda issued a circular on May 29, 2020 under the Scheduled Caste and the Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989. Primarily, the circular says that a person who is an accused under the Act should not be allowed the benefit of section 41A of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC). It declares that giving the benefit of section 41A is contrary to the Act and defeats its very purpose.

The fundamental reason for issuing the circular is that it has become a common practice in Rajasthan that the accused under the Act are not arrested by applying section 41A, whereas due compliance of the section does not leave much room for not arresting an accused.

After the circular was issued, Samta Andolan Samiti (an NGO) wrote a letter to the chief minister requesting strict action against Mehrda. The organisation also filed a public interest litigation (PIL) seeking cancellation of the circular.

The present article seeks to examine the lawfulness of the circular.

Applicability of Sections 41 and 41A

According to Part II, Schedule I, of the CrPC, the offences punishable under the Act are cognisable (that is, police may arrest without warrant) and non-bailable also. In such a case, the police may arrest the accused in accordance with section 41.

A careful reading of the conditions mentioned in section 41 reveals that the possibility of non-arrest of an accused under the Act is rare, provided the police officer acts fairly. On the other hand, section 41A says that, where the arrest of a person is not required under section 41(1), the police officer shall issue a notice directing the accused to appear before him, instead of arresting.

Thus, section 41A may apply only if all the conditions requiring arrest under section 41 are absent. Therefore, giving the benefit of section 41A to an accused under the Act must be an exception, not a general rule. Despite the exceptional nature of section 41A, the police in Rajasthan frequently invokes the same because of the caste prejudices.

Therefore, by preventing the application of section 41A, the impugned circular seeks to ensure sincere and due compliance of section 41 CrPC by the police.

The main logic that is often placed in support of section 41A is the apprehension of false cases. However, in such a scenario, the police may submit a final report (negative) after investigation.

Representative image. Photo: PTI/Files

How application of section 41A is problematic

When the police do not arrest a person accused under the Act, it is highly probable that the accused may intimidate or harm the victims or witnesses, and thereby, hamper the administration of justice. As the upper caste people enjoy a relatively better socio-economic status, it becomes easier for an accused to abuse the power. Such incidents are frequently reported and it is contrary to some of the provisions of the Act also.

For example, to ensure the protection of the victims and witnesses, section 15A of the Act confers upon them comprehensive rights and imposes obligations on the state for their protection. Section 18 states that anticipatory bail shall not be allowed to a person accused under the Act. Therefore, the non-arrest of a person accused under an Act which bars anticipatory bail makes a mockery of the provision.

Similarly, section 41A contradicts and weakens section 21 of the Act, which compels the state government to take necessary measures for the effective implementation of the Act. Thus, giving an accused the benefit of section 41A renders these provisions ineffective.

This is why the impugned circular directs not to allow the benefit of section 41A. The circular was passed in good faith, and, therefore, it is protected under section 22 of the Act. The circular does not violate Article 21 of the constitution, because it is a “just, fair and reasonable” law, the necessary qualifications of a law depriving a person of his life and personal liberty as laid down in the Maneka Gandhi judgment.

To what extent provisions of the Code may apply to the matters under the Act

In the context of arrest, section 18A(1)(b) of the Act says that “… no procedure other than that provided under this Act or the CrPC shall apply.” This provision is, however, restrictive and negative in nature. It bars the application of any other provision, and, at the same time, does not intend to allow the provisions of the code to apply at any cost and with their full force.

The negative provision indicates that the procedure under the CrPC shall apply only to the extent that they do not adversely affect the provisions of the Act, otherwise the intention behind enacting a severe law shall be defeated.

Intention of legislature and purpose of the Act 

The Statement of Objects and Reasons appended to the Bill (now the Act) says:

“… They (SCs and STs) are denied a number of civil rights and are subjected to various offences, indignities, humiliation and harassment. They have been, in several brutal instances, deprived of their life and property. Serious atrocities were committed against them for various historical, social and economic reasons.”

Therefore, the Act is a remedial statute in the sense that it seeks to safeguard the civil rights and dignity of the members of SCs and STs and protect the victims and witnesses. It does so by providing for stringent provisions including the following:

Section 3 (comprehensive list of offences and punishment, extending to imprisonment for life and death sentence also, in some cases), section 4 (punishment for neglect of duties by public servants under the Act), section 7 (forfeiture of property in addition to the punishment under section 3), sections 10 and 11 (removal of person likely to commit offence), section 16 (imposition of collective fine), section 18 (no anticipatory bail), section 18A(1)(b) (no approval required for the arrest), and section 19 (no release on probation).

The legislature provided for the strict provisions because these classes of people have been historically subjected to inhuman acts with impunity, and the same is continuing unabated till today.

Also Read: The Dark Realities of the SC/ST Atrocities Act: An Ethnographic Reading

Interpretation of inconsistent provisions  

The wholesale application of section 41A not only discards section 41 of the CrPC but also contradicts with the provisions of the Act. To resolve the conflict between section 41A and the Act, the applicable principle is: ‘in case of inconsistency between special and general law, the former shall prevail’. The same is reflected under sections 5 of the CrPC and 20 of the Act.

The decision in Prasad Kurien & Ors v. K. J. Augustin & Ors that a general rule which has come in the later point of time will prevail over the special rules, does not apply here. This is because, first, section 41A is inconsistent with the Act. Second, section 18A(1)(b) of the Act, a provision of special law, was inserted after the addition of section 41A to the CrPC, a general law. Third, it is section 18A(1)(b) due to which some provisions of the CrPC may apply to the cases under the Act, however, it never intended to permit full-fledged application of the CrPC contrary to the Act, especially contrary to the stringent provisions introduced by the amendments made in the year 2016 and 2018.

In addition to the above, it is an established principle of interpretation that a statute is always to be read as a whole so that effect may be given to the intention of the legislature. At the same time, it is also noteworthy that the dominant character of the statute is remedial, rather than penal. Therefore, the Act is to be liberally interpreted in favour of victims.

Conclusion

Thus, section 41A of the CrPC defeats the very intention of the legislature and purpose of the Act. The impugned circular preventing the application of section 41A does not make the arrest arbitrary and mandatory. Rather, it seeks due compliance of the conditions under section 41 of the CrPC, so that the objectives of the Act may be fulfilled. It strikes at the root of the prevalent dominance of the so-called upper caste in Rajasthan and the consequent abuse of it.

The circular becomes more important in the light of the incessantly growing number of the complaints of atrocities reported. According to the Rajasthan Police data, in 2019 the number of registered cases of atrocities was 8,591, the highest in the last ten years. The number was also 50% higher than the 2018 data. The data published by the National Crime Records Bureau also reveal a rise in the offences against the members of SCs and STs. By the end of 2018, a total of 1,72,794 cases of atrocities were pending before Indian courts. These data, of course, do not include thousands of the cases that are not registered by the police or not reported due to fear or intimidation exercised by the so-called upper caste people. Therefore, the caste-based atrocities must be dealt with strictly.

Kailash Jeenger teaches at the Faculty of Law, University of Delhi.

As Judge, Arun Mishra Was Almost Predictable When the State Was Before Him

When the state was appellant, he invariably found for the state. When the state was a respondent, he also normally found for the state, except in a handful of cases where his rulings were controversial.

This is the third in a five-part series examining the judicial career and pronouncements of Justice Arun Mishra, the Supreme Court judge who retires on September 2. See also: Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 4

Should Supreme Court judges be predictable? Does the predictability of a judge suggest that she or he has already made up their mind about the outcome of a case, and therefore, howsoever persuasive counsel is, their opinion is unlikely to change?

In law, predictability is considered very important.  People need to know the rules and they cannot plan their lives unless they know the law – and how it operates – in advance.

Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty

Despite differences in temperament and personal attributes, it is reasonable to predict that a judge will not compromise her or his or her oath of office, and therefore, can be expected to protect constitutional values, despite challenges from any quarter. But judging actions and laws can also leave room for reasonable doubt, and the best judges are those who grapple with the facts and the law fairly and not predictably, and this attribute will inevitably lead them in unexpected directions.

Justice Arun Mishra might have surprised many when he praised Narendra Modi as “an internationally acclaimed visionary and a versatile genius who thinks globally and acts locally” in February this year. The bar was upset by his effusiveness and said so. But for those who have been following his judgments,  his personal encomium  for the prime minister expressed from a public platform in Modi’s presence was hardly a surprise, because as the biggest litigant before the court, the Centre always stood to gain in cases listed before him. When the very embodiment of that biggest litigant was physically present before him, how could he have withheld his admiration?

How then will history place Justice Arun Mishra in the scale of predictability? There are three broad, but qualified, inferences that one can make from his judgments.

1. He always ruled in favour of the state when it was an appellant in a case before the Supreme Court.

In July 2020, a Justice Arun Mishra-led bench set aside a Delhi high court order asking the National Investigation Agency to explain the circumstances in which it had effected the “hasty transfer” of Gautam Navlakha from Tihar Jail in Delhi to Mumbai despite the pendency of Navlakha’s special bail plea on health grounds.

As The Wire reported,

Navlakha was arrested in April this year and charged under the draconian Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act in the Bhima Koregaon case…

On May 27, the high court asked for all the relevant documentation used to transfer Navlakha away from Delhi to jail in Mumbai. Justice Anup Bhambhani had then expressed his reservation about the “inexplicable, frantic hurry” the NIA displayed in shifting Navlakha to Mumbai from Delhi, while the proceedings in the court on his interim bail petition were still pending. Navlakha was effectively removed from the high court’s jurisdiction by the NIA.

Instead of following the Delhi high court order, the NIA moved Supreme Court, where the Justice Arun Mishra bench first stayed the HC  proceedings and then overturned its order, and also  expunged Justice Bhambhani’s remarks against the NIA.

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In Union of India v State of Maharashtra in 2018, the Centre sought a review of a Supreme Court order – delivered by a two-judge bench earlier in this year – issuing guidelines to deal with the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act.

The guidelines laid down by Justices Adarsh Kumar Goel and Uday Umesh Lalit in Subhash Kashinath Mahajan v State of Maharashtra on March 20, 2018 had become controversial with SC and ST organisations vociferously protesting what they saw as  a dilution of the Act’s denial of anticipatory bail to the accused. After Justice Goel retired, a three-judge bench comprising Justices Arun Mishra, M.R.Shah and B.R. Gavai was constituted to hear the review petition.

In their review judgment, the Justice Arun Mishra bench said public servants already have a remedy in false cases under Section 482 Cr.P.C., and can approach high courts for quashing such FIRs.

The guidelines laid down by the Goel-Lalit bench were recalled. Those guidelines had noted that individuals accused under the Act could not be arrested without the written permission of the senior superintendent of police of the district and that a preliminary enquiry would be required for registering a case under the Act.

The Arun Mishra bench upheld the amendments made by parliament in the Act to nullify the guidelines issued by Goel-Lalit bench. The amendment ruled out any provision for anticipatory bail for an accused under the Act.

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In Union of India v Mool Chand Khairati Ram Trust, (decided on July 9, 2018), a bench of Justices Arun Mishra and Lalit allowed the Centre’s appeal against the Delhi high court verdict which had quashed its directions to hospitals to strictly follow the policy of providing free treatment to 25% outpatient department patients and 10% of in-patient department patients in terms and conditions of the allotment of the land to them at concessional rates.

The high court had quashed the Centre’s directions on the ground of absence of legislative backing.  The Supreme Court held that the government was competent to enforce the contractual and statutory liability of the hospitals concerned under its executive powers. There was no need for a law, because no new restriction on the right to pursue a profession has been imposed under Article 19(6) of the Constitution.

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In Union of India v Jai Kishun Singh, decided by a bench of Justices Vikramajit Sen and Arun Mishra (and authored by Justice Arun Mishra) on September 10, 2014, the Patna high court had set aside the Centre’s order cancelling the pension payable to a freedom fighter. The Centre claimed that the respondent did not participate in the freedom struggle as he was a child of seven to eight years in 1942, and therefore, he was not eligible to receive it.  Participation in the freedom struggle at such a young age was highly improbable, and therefore cancellation of pension to the respondent was not unwarranted, he ruled on behalf of the bench.

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In State of Madhya Pradesh v Sabal Singh (dead) by LRS and Others, a bench of Justices Arun Mishra and M.R. Shah, on October 14, 2019, decided a land dispute in favour of the state government. In this case, the respondents had filed a suit for declaration of Bhumiswami rights and permanent injunction restraining the state from interfering in their possession of land. The state, however, treated the respondent as encroacher of agricultural land, and threatened him with dispossession.  The Supreme Court held that once the trial court and the first appellate court recorded a concurrent finding of fact that the land was not under personal cultivation, it was not open to the high court to interfere with the findings of fact, which was based on the proper appreciation of evidence on record. Even the plaintiff/ respondent was unable to state whether there was any crop in 2007 before zamindari abolition, the Supreme Court reasoned.

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In State through Narcotics Control Bureau v Yusuf and others, Justice Arun Mishra said the high court’s acquittal of respondents found guilty by the trial court under the Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act, 1985 was unsustainable. He, therefore, remitted the case to the high court to decide the appeal afresh in accordance with law duly considering the reasoning employed by the trial court and the entire evidence.

2. When the state was a respondent, he didn’t mechanically favour the state, but some of the exceptions when he ruled against the state, were controversial.

In Chebrolu Leela Prasad Rao and Others v State of Andhra Pradesh, in which he presided over a constitution bench of five judges, Justice Mishra quashed, in a unanimous judgment, 100% reservation to Scheduled Tribe candidates out of whom 33.3% was reserved for women for the post of teachers in the schools in the scheduled areas in Andhra Pradesh. The judgment, in the words of  sociologist Nandini Sundar, is perilously close to dismantling the entire edifice of the Fifth Schedule to the Constitution. As non-adivasis from other districts flood Scheduled areas, leading to clear demographic change, the clamour to do away with the protective provisions of the Fifth Schedule is only getting louder, she has observed.

The Andhra Pradesh G.O. of 2000 was aimed at promoting education in tribal areas and addressing the problem of rampant teacher absenteeism. As anyone even slightly acquainted with the problems of tribal areas knows, non-tribal teachers are often reluctant to travel to or live in remote adivasi hamlets. Another big problem is language. Many non-tribals, including lower government officials, have lived for years in tribal areas without feeling the need to learn tribal languages. At the primary level, mutual incomprehension between non-tribal teachers and tribal students hampers the basic education of children, she adds.

As Sundar makes clear, it is as though the Arun Mishra bench didn’t understand the history and rationale of Fifth Schedule to the constitution.  It is one judgment which needs to be revisited by a larger bench.  The earlier, the better.

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In Devinder Singh v State of Punjab through CBI, Justice Arun Mishra, while sitting with his senior judge, Justice V.Gopala Gowda, ruled in favour of the appellant.  In this case, the appellants were police officers accused of  killing  four persons in a fake encounter in 1993. The appellants had obtained sanction from the state government, but not from the Centre as required under the Punjab Disturbed Areas Act, 1983. The high court had held that since it was a fake encounter, the same could not be said to be an act in discharge of official duties, and hence sanction was not required.  In his judgment, Justice Arun Mishra, directed the trial court to proceed on the basis of the prosecution version, and re-decide the question of sanction afresh in the light of evidence emerging that there was a reasonable nexus of the incident with discharge of official duty.

In Amal Kumar Jha  v State of Chhattisgarh , which Justice Arun Mishra decided while sitting with Justice Gopal Gowda as the presiding Judge on April 26, 2016, the Supreme Court allowed the appeal of a government doctor accused of medical negligence resulting in the death of a patient by holding he could not have been prosecuted without sanction in accordance with law by the competent authority.  The doctor’s conduct complained of was intrinsically connected with discharge of his official duty, the bench held.

In Selvaraj v State of Karnataka, Justice Arun Mishra ruled in favour of the appellant by holding that the high court erred in reversing his acquittal under the Prevention of Corruption Act.

In Kala  v State through Inspector of Police, he acquitted the appellant giving her the benefit of doubt as the chain of circumstances was not complete.

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In Wildlife First v Ministry of Forest and Environment, the constitutional validity of the Forest Rights Act, 2006 is under challenge and the case has been pending since 2008.  In 2014, the petitioners – mainly conservationists – filed an interlocutory application, requesting the court to order states to evict illegal forest dwellers.

On February 13, 2019, the bench of Justices Arun Mishra, Navin Sinha and Indira Banerjee, ordered states to evict all individuals who had their claims rejected under the Act by July 24, 2019.  The bench directed the Forest Survey of India to conduct a satellite survey and place on record encroachment positions before and after evictions.   It also directed the chief secretaries of various states to submit affidavits explaining why they had failed to evict individuals, who had had their claims rejected.

Following an outcry by affected tribals and other stakeholders, and the Centre, which intervened on their behalf, the bench of Justices Arun Mishra, Navin Sinha and M.R.Shah, on February 28, 2019 kept its February 13, 2019 order on hold so far as eviction is concerned.

This pending case is likely to be taken up by another bench after Justice Arun Mishra retires.

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Savelife Foundation v Union of India was a public interest litigation, and the Centre did not adopt an adversarial stand in the proceedings. As the plea was for the development of a supportive legal framework to protect bystanders and passers-by who render help to victims of road accidents, the court constituted a committee consisting of eight members to submit suggestions.  The Centre prayed that its guidelines notified on May 12, 2015 might be declared to be enforceable by Supreme Court so that it is binding on all the States and union territories until the Centre enacts a law to this effect.

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In Bikram Chatterji v Union of India, (23.7.2019), the Justice Arun Mishra bench which included Justice Lalit, addressed the question of whether builders and promoters can be permitted to usurp and divert the money of home buyers and whether the latter can have no remedy.

Applying the public trust doctrine, the bench held that it imposes on the state and its functionaries a mandate to take affirmative action for effective management, and the citizens are empowered to question its effectiveness.  The state government, the bench held, is bound to ensure that builders act in accordance with the objective behind the acquisition of land and the conditions on which allotment had been made.  The public authorities, the bench held, are duty-bound to observe that the leased property is not frittered away along with the money of the home buyers.  The bench appointed the National Buildings Construction Corporation (NBCC) to complete the various unfinished projects of Amrapalli Group of companies, whose registration under Real Estate Regulatory Authority stood cancelled.  The court directed the Centre and the state governments to ensure that housing projects are completed in time-bound manner as contemplated under RERA and home buyers are not defrauded.

3. Apart from the few exceptions above, Justice Arun Mishra mostly ruled in favour of the state when the latter was a respondent.

In Anand Teltumbde v The State of Maharashtra, a bench comprising him and Justice M.R. Shah, rejected anticipatory bail pleas of  Bhima Koregaon case accused Gautam Navlakha and Anand Teltumbde on the ground that Section 43D(4) of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967, excludes the operation of Section 438 of the Cr.P.C.  The bench opined that it could not be said that no prima facie case was made out and directed them to surrender within three weeks from March 16.

Chapters 4 and 6 of UAPA deal specifically with “terrorist acts” and “membership with the terrorist organisation” respectively and Section 43D(5) of the UAPA – dealing with a prima facie case – kicks in only if the offences alleged prima facie fall under these chapters.  There is sufficient reason to believe that the Arun Mishra bench by avoiding any discussion of the facts of the case in detail – by citing the petitioners’ request as an excuse – relied on the respondents’ plea mechanically and dismissed the plea for anticipatory bail perfunctorily.

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In Christian Medical College, Vellore Association v Union of India, a bench of Justices Arun Mishra, Vineet Saran and M.R. Shah dismissed the challenge to National Eligibility-cum-Entrance Test (NEET) for admission to MBBS course in each academic year.  The bench held in this case that the rights of religious and linguistic minorities under Article 30 are not in conflict with other parts of the constitution, and the balancing of rights is a constitutional intendment in the national and more enormous public interest.  Reasonable regulatory measures can be provided without violating rights available under Article 30 of the Constitution to administer an institution, the bench ruled. The regulatory measures by prescribing NEET is to bring the education within the realm of charity which character it has lost, the bench reasoned.

But doubts persist over whether standardised common tests may discriminate against the poor and the under-privileged, and the bench has apparently ignored this dimension of the problem.

In most land acquisition cases in which there were disputes over compensation, Justice Arun Mishra was inclined to dismiss the appeals filed by private individuals  in favour of the respondent-state.   Where the state and its instrumentalities were appellants before him, he either allowed the appeals or partly decided them in their favour.

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In the latest case of Sayantan Biswas & Others v National Testing Agency (NTA) and others, which the Arun Mishra-led bench heard on August 17,  the bench refused to postpone the NEET and JEE (Main)  examinations, simply relying on the submissions of solicitor general Tushar Mehta. “In our opinion, though there is pandemic situation, but ultimately life has to go and the career of the students cannot be put on peril for long and full academic year cannot be wasted”, the bench reasoned .  No wonder, the order was disappointing as it was issued merely on the basis of the official claims, without examining the facts on the ground.

Karnataka: Dalit Man Assaulted for ‘Touching’ an Upper Caste Man’s Motorcycle

While the local police have registered a complaint under the SC/ST Atrocities Act, a counter case has also been filed against Kashinath Talwar.

New Delhi: A Dalit man was thrashed by a mob, allegedly as he had “touched” a two-wheeler vehicle of an upper caste man in Karnataka’s Vijayapura district.

According to the New Indian Express, Kashinath Talwar, a 28-year-old daily wager was going to work with his father in Minajgi village in Vijayapura on Saturday. A group of villagers thrashed him, accusing him of merely touching a motorcycle that was owned by an upper-caste person, which was parked near Chennamma Circle, says the complaint filed by Talwar’s father Yankappa.

A video that has surfaced on social media shows a crowd raining blows on the man, as others hold him.

Yankappa stated that the crowd also assaulted him and his son’s wife and daughter when they tried to rescue Kashinath. “The men used offensive words against our caste and threatened to set our community houses on fire,” Talwar stated in his complaint, which has been registered at the Talikoti police station.

The local police have registered a complaint under the SC/ST Atrocities Act, but no arrests have been made yet. Thirteen people had been named in the complaint, NDTV reported.

A Karnataka police officer Anupam Aggarwal said that the villagers also filed a counter-FIR against Talwar.

“When an investigation team reached the site of the incident today, they were told that he was beaten up when he took out his clothes and started showing his private parts to two girls who were washing clothes. We have registered a counter case under section 354 of the IPC,” he told NDTV.

In several cases, counter-FIRs are filed by the police to force victims of caste atrocities to either back down or come to a compromise. Writing for NewsClick, Parth M.N. reported recently that in Beed town of Maharashtra, after a Dalit woman filed a complaint against a lawyer for physical and sexual abuse, a counter-FIR was registered against the victim within hours.

The lawyer’s wife accused three men and the Dalit woman of attempting to gangrape her. The three men named in the FIR helped the Dalit woman file her complaint, one of them was a local journalist. “This counter FIR is to harass us for the help we extended to the woman,” the journalist said, according to the report.

The Dalit woman said the lawyer, an ‘influential man’ in the town was offering to withdraw the complaint if she withdraws her’s. “I am being pressured,” she said.

Recently, many incidents of violence against Dalits have been reported in the media. Last Friday, reports said a 27-year-old Dalit man was killed by six upper caste men in Gujarat. Pintu Galchar, a resident of Ravi village in Dhanera taluka of Banaskantha district was allegedly abducted from outside his house by a group of six men around 10 pm on July 16. He was later found dead, with his body showing gruesome injuries.

In Madhya Pradesh’s Guna, a Dalit couple died by suicide after the police destroyed their crops as part of an ‘anti-encroachment’ drive. Visuals of the couple’s children holding their dead bodies and weeping were flashed on television screens across the country, causing outrage.

In June, a report said that since the imposition of the coronavirus lockdown, caste atrocities had increased nearly fivefold in Tamil Nadu.

Brahmin Family Allegedly Blocks Wedding Procession of Dalit Groom in Uttar Pradesh

There have been several reports of Dalit wedding processions being attacked or blockaded in the past.

New Delhi: Members of a Brahmin family reportedly stalled the ceremonial wedding procession of baraatis (guests of the bridegroom) of a local girl from the Valmiki sub-caste in Mathura.

According to the Times of Indiathe incident took place on the night of February 10 – last Sunday – when a Jatav groom, Mahesh Kumar from Peergarhi tappa village, was taking out his wedding procession towards the bride’s home in Musmuna village. The bride’s family members were part of the procession and noticed a tractor-trolley blocking their way to the venue.

The bride’s uncle, Vijayendra Singh told the Times of India that the Brahmin family refused to remove the tractor-trolley when asked, and instead launched casteist slurs and even manhandled some of the family members.

Also read: Dalit Policeman’s Wedding Procession Attacked in Rajasthan

The Brahmin family finally removed the tractor-trolley after the bride’s family members called the police. Despite that, Singh claimed that a few youths from the Brahmin family stopped the DJ from playing music. In order to salvage the situation, the baraatis decided to go to the bride’s house without the procession and music.

When the bride’s family went to the police station on Tuesday, a compromise was arrived at and the Brahmin family apologised.

There have been several reports of Dalit wedding processions being attacked or blockaded in the past.

Most recently, on Saturday, a Dalit policeman’s wedding procession was allegedly attacked by upper caste Rajput men in Dugar village of Rajasthan. The groom claimed the procession was attacked and he was verbally humiliated.

The groom Sawai Ram also alleged the assailants attacked the procession with sharp weapons after people tried to stop the Rajput men, resulting in injuries for many.

A case was registered against more than 12 people on Sunday and the matter is being investigated.

Dalit Policeman’s Wedding Procession Attacked in Rajasthan

The groom said upper caste Rajput men attacked his procession. Police have booked a case against 12 people.

New Delhi: A Dalit policeman’s wedding procession or baraat was attacked, allegedly by upper caste Rajput men, on Saturday in Dugar village of Rajasthan. The police registered a case on Sunday.

Some people have been detained by the police, who are on the lookout for more men connected to the incident.

The groom Sawai Ram said his wedding procession was attacked as it was about to enter Dugar village.

He claimed that people from the Rajput caste attacked the procession and verbally humiliated him. When people tried to stop the Rajput men, they attacked the procession back with sharp weapons and left many injured, he said.

Police inspector Ajit Singh said Ram’s statement was recorded on Sunday. “A case has been registered under relevant sections against more than 12 people. The matter is being investigated. Action will be taken against the culprits,” he said.

There have been several reports of Dalit wedding processions being attacked or denied permission. In April last year, a Dalit groom was attacked for riding a horse in Rajasthan’s Bhilwara district. Eight years ago, the groom’s brother was also not allowed to conduct a marriage procession. Similar incidents were reported in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Madhya Pradesh.

Last July in UP’s Kasganj, Sanjay Jatav became the first Dalit groom in at least 80 years to lead a marriage procession through his village.

Rajasthan records a high number of atrocity cases against Dalits and tribals. According to the latest available statistics, the state had the second worst crime rate of atrocities against Dalits. Only Madhya Pradesh fared worse.

During the recently concluded assembly elections in the state, analysts said the rising caste crimes against Dalits and scheduled tribes was one reason for the BJP’s loss. While the Congress has promised to tackle hate crimes and discrimination against Dalits, the lynching of a Muslim man in late December and the Dugar village incident have brought it under a cloud.