‘PM, HM, Defence Min Busy With Politics, Terrorists Took Advantage in J&K’: Shiv Sena’s ‘Saamna’

‘The PM speaks the language of war with Pakistan and he remembers Gautam Buddha’s teachings of peace when it comes to China,’ the editorial said.

New Delhi: The Shiv Sena (Uddhav Thackeray) on April 22, Saturday has said Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Union home minister Amit Shah and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh were “busy in political work and terrorists took advantage of it”, commenting in an editorial in its mouthpiece, Saamna on what is said to be the worst terror attack in J&K after Pulwama in 2019.

Five jawans of the Rashtriya Rifles unit deployed for counter-terror operations lost their lives as their vehicle was attacked by terrorists in Poonch.

The editorial says that “even after the revocation of Article 370, which gave special status to Jammu and Kashmir, violence continues in the Kashmir Valley and there is still no peace there”, according to news agency, PTI.

“The prime minister, home minister and defence minister are busy in their political work (a reference to Karnataka polls) and terrorists have taken advantage of this and flung a bomb at an Army vehicle in Jammu-Kashmir,” the editorial said. 

The PM speaks the language of war with Pakistan and he remembers Gautam Buddha’s teachings of peace when it comes to China, the editorial said.

The editorial goes on to take potshots at central agencies, describing them as the weapons of Modi-Shah, and “that terrorists do not seem to be scared of them”.

The Peoples Anti-Fascist Force (PAFF), which is believed to be an offshoot of the proscribed Jaish-e-Mohammad outfit based in Pakistan, which has claimed responsibility for the attack, according to celebratory messages posted on social media. The J&K Police have not yet verified the claims. The PAFF was declared as a terrorist organisation under the anti-terror law by the Union government in January this year.

In a statement, the Army’s strategic Northern Command spokesperson based in Jammu said that the ill-fated Army truck was moving between Bhimber Gali, which is located in the Rajouri sector, and Poonch when unidentified terrorists took “advantage of heavy rains and low visibility in the area” and opened fire.

Shiv Sena’s CAB Flip-Flop Leaves Congress and NCP Leaders Upset

Shiv Sena’s behaviour has left Congress and NCP worried if the common minimum programme of the Maharashtra alliance will indeed be adhered to.

Mumbai: The decision of the Shiv Sena to first favour the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill in the Lok Sabha and then to completely stay away from the Rajya Sabha voting has angered its coalition partners in Maharashtra.

Several leaders in the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), which is in coalition with the Sena in the state government, have told The Wire that the Sena’s stand has caused them embarrassment. Senior leadership of the Congress and the NCP have also expressed their sharp displeasure, sources have confirmed.  

On December 9, the Sena faced its first litmus test when the party’s members of parliament had to vote on the CAB. Contrary to what was promised only a fortnight ago, in the tri-party common minimum programme (CMP), the Sena’s 18 MPs in the lower house shocked the coalition by supporting the CAB. This was done even when the CAB has been widely criticised by the Congress and the NCP for its divisive, communal nature. 

On November 28, the newly floated tri-party coalition also known as ‘Maha Vikas Aghadi’ had agreed upon crucial points as their CMP to run the government in Maharashtra state for the next five years. Sena, along with the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party, as a part of an unusual alliance, had reached a consensus and agreed that they would carry on with a “secular, all-inclusive” outlook as a part of the alliance. 

For a party like the Sena, which has stuck to its pro-Hindutva stance for over four decades, this was a clear deviation. But the party had agreed, mostly in order to keep its pre-poll ally Bhartiya Janata Party out of power. 

Also read: As Assam’s Anger Boils Over, Modi Tweets to a Land Without Internet, Sonowal Appeals For Calm

However, the flip-flops in the parliament, as learned by The Wire, has miffed both the Congress and the NCP. 

Soon after the voting process in the Lok Sabha was completed, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi tweeted against all those supporting the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill. “The #CAB is an attack on the Indian constitution. Anyone who supports it is attacking and attempting to destroy the foundation of our nation,” Rahul tweeted, after the Bill to amend a six-decade-old law to make it easier for the “non-Muslim refugees” from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan to become Indian citizens was passed in the Lok Sabha.

NCP’s member of parliament and senior leader Praful Patel too condemned the amendment. He said that the amendment violated the spirit of the Indian Constitution and needed to be opposed. “It (CAB) violates the certain spirit of the constitution, especially Section 14, and it is important to analyse the circumstances,” he added.

Sena has been an uncomfortable ally in the Maha Vikas Aghadi since the very start. But after breaking away from the BJP, it was left with little choice but to agree to the CMP. 

Reluctantly, the three parties had agreed upon a CMP, whose preamble read:

“The alliance partners commit to uphold the secular values enshrined in the Constitution. On the contentious issue of national importance as well as of state importance especially having repercussions/consequences on the secular fabric of the nation, the Shiv Sena, the NCP and the Congress will take a joint view after holding consultations and arriving at a consensus.”

But many in the Congress and the NCP consider Sena’s flipflop has dishonoured the very preamble of the CMP. 

Sena’s sudden u-turn

The Sena’s stand was unexpected as the party’s mouthpiece Saamna had called the CAB an instrument that could lead to an “invisible partition” in India. But on the floor of the parliament, the Sena did exactly the opposite. 

Speaking to NDTV, Sena MP Arvind Sawant said his party supported the bill “in the interest of the nation” and that the “CMP is applicable in Maharashtra only”. Sena’s 18 MPs were among the 311 who voted for the bill as against the minority 80 in the lower house who opposed. In all 391 members were present and had voted.

Soon after, Sena leaders were put under tremendous pressure and were asked to reconsider their stance in the Rajya Sabha. 

Also read: With CAB, India Has Taken a Decisive Step Towards the Sangh Parivar’s Idea of a Nation

In the Lok Sabha, the Sena had sought an explanation as to why the bill talked of non- Muslim refugees of Pakistan, Bangladesh, Afghanistan, and not of the Tamils in Sri Lanka. Sena MP Sanjay Raut “The situation of the Hindus in Nepal is much worse with infiltration from China and Pakistan in the region. The Hindus cannot even acknowledge the fact that they are Hindus. So, it is not about politics, but humanity. And humanity does not have any religion,” he said. This became Sena’s new alibi to oppose the bill in the Rajya Sabha. 

Sena chief and state’s chief minister Uddhav Thackeray in his defence, said, “We need to change this notion that one who supports the Bill and the BJP is a patriot and one who opposes it is anti-national.” “The government should answer all the issues raised on the Bill,” he further added.

To this, a senior NCP leader and a close confidante of the party chief Sharad Pawar said, “Der aaye durust aaye (‘better late than never’).”

But on December 11, the party again changed its stand. The Sena’s three MPs in the Rajya Sabha were to vote against the bill but at the nth hour, they decided to stay away. At the time of voting, the Sena MPs had walked out. 

Interestingly, two NCP MPs Majid Memon and Vidya Chavan too were absent at the time of voting at the Rajya Sabha. Patel claimed that Memon was unwell and Chavan had a marriage to attend and hence both had to stay away from the Rajya Sabha on such a crucial day. Of the total 240 MPs in the Rajya Sabha, 230 had voted. Out of the 10 absent, five were from Maharashtra. 

The CAB was the coalition’s first test. It had taken an entire month after the election result for the three parties to come together and form a government. The Congress, although, has a small share in the state government, has made it amply clear that it would not compromise on the issue of secularism while being a part of the coalition. The stability of the government now depends on how the Sena conducts itself in the coming days and stays true to the promises made in the CMP. 

With Weary Witnesses, Suleman Usman Bakery Case Goes to Trial After 26 Years

On January 9, 1993, the police had opened fire on Suleman Usman bakery in south Mumbai, killing nine Muslim men. Since then, the case has moved at a snail’s pace.

Mumbai: On February 13, when Mohammed Farooq Mohammed Fazil Shaikh took the witness stand in Mumbai’s sessions court, he claimed that the police had recorded his statement incorrectly. He was deposing as an independent (panch) witness in a 26-year-old case of police firing.

On January 9, 1993, police opened fire on Suleman Usman bakery in south Mumbai’s Mohammed Ali Road area, killing nine Muslim men. Eighteen policemen, including the then joint commissioner of police R.D. Tyagi, were named as the prime accused.

But, as the case has finally come up for trial, only seven people remain accused. Nine of the 18, including Tyagi, have been discharged from the case by the trial court and two policemen have died since.

The case has been moving at a snail’s pace ever since, and has been hampered by many obstacles along the way – like the suspicious disappearance of the police diary.

When the proceedings finally began, Shaikh was the first witness to be called to the stand.

To every question posed by the prosecution, Shaikh furnished a standard response: that he had never entered the bakery. “I only signed where the police asked me to sign,” he told the court. Sixty-year-old Shaikh runs a chappal (slipper) shop in the Mohammed Ali road area of south Mumbai.

The Suleman Usman bakery case

The Suleman Usman bakery firing was perhaps one of the deadliest incidents of the 1992-1993 riots, severely denting the secular identity of the state. Back then, a judicial inquiry commission led by Justice (retd.) B.N. Srikrishna indicted the police for indiscriminately firing on the Muslim youth who had gathered to offer namaz. The policemen claimed that several “armed terrorists” were holed up in the masjid above the bakery, from where they were hurling bombs at the police.

The commission found these claims to be false and stated that the police was not provoked to resort to opening fire. At first, the commission’s findings were not accepted by the state government. Eventually, after much back and forth, the Special Task Force set up by the government in 2000 booked 18 policemen under section 302 of the Indian Penal Code for murder. Of them, seven are facing trial at present.

Also read: Sohrabuddin Fake Encounter Case: Key Witness Wants to Be ‘Re-Examined’

The struggle to bring this case before the court has been immense. It was essentially due to the efforts of human rights activists and some riot victims, that the case even reached trial stage.

Shaikh’s hostility in court was not surprising. Several witnesses this reporter reached out to expressed an unwillingness to pursue the case anymore. They see no point in putting themselves in a situation where they have to face the court and the police all over again.

“We have tried it all. There is no point in reliving all that we had endured in 1992-93 again. The main people have already been let off scot free. One [referring to Tyagi] even went on to become the commissioner,” said a garment retailer, who is also one of the witnesses in the case.

***

In 26 years, even locals have lost hope for justice. The Suleman Usman bakery firing case was once the fulcrum around which the movement for justice for the riot victims was organised. But today, most residents of the area have put the whole incident behind them. Hardly anyone was willing to talk to this reporter.

“Those who fought for justice are either too old today or deceased. The second generation knew justice would never be done, so they never got themselves involved in the struggle,” says Sheeraz Masood, whose father Fazal Ahmed Shad was at the forefront of the fight to bring the accused to book.

Masood’s family runs Universal Book Depot – a store that sells the Quran and other Islamic religious books, right opposite the bakery. “My father is over 80 now. He is too old and tired. His saathis [friends] have all died,” Masood added.

Maulana Noorul Huda, one of the victims of the incident and also the one who challenged the accused at every stage of the case, died in 2012. “He was a Maulana at the adjoining Masjid. He was injured severely in the firing. But he continued to fight the police until his death. With his death, the case, too, took a back seat,” said Farooq Mapkar, a social activist and also a victim of police firing in another incident in Hari Masjid at Sewri, central Mumbai.

The trial

A sessions court in Mumbai – designated to conduct the trial in the riot case – was scheduled to examine the next witness on March 1. But when the witness- assistant sub inspector Amrut Shekappa Ingle appeared to testify, the prosecution informed the court that the original log book – containing details of calls made by cops through wireless units at the time of the incident – could not be traced.

Judge U.M. Padwad then issued a notice to the senior police inspector of Pydhonie police station and the deputy commissioner of police (STF) to ascertain the whereabouts of the documents which would have been crucial to establishing the claims made by the investigating team.

Also read: The Story of Azam Khan, Endangered Keeper of Deadly Secrets from Haren Pandya to Sohrabuddin

The log book would have provided the chronology of the incident and the exchanges made between the policemen at the bakery, those at the control room and the police station.

The case has been adjourned until March 11.

Along with missing documents, another major challenge, says one of the investigating officers, is to ensure witnesses turn up before the court and stick to their statements. “It is a 26-year-old case and the investigation was carried out in 2001, a decade after the incident. So many years have passed by, and most witnesses don’t want to be associated with the case anymore,” the officer said.

The incident

On January 9, 1993, the police had claimed that “terrorists with sten- guns” were holed up in the roof- top of the bakery. The police had claimed that bullets were being fired at them by over 100 of them hiding there. The police killed nine and had arrested 78 persons from the area claiming they were all involved in the attack. Most of them were migrants from Uttar Pradesh.

This was the second phase of the riots that engulfed the city killing close to 900persons and leaving over 2000 severely injured in the riots. The first phase was triggered on December 6, 1992, soon after the demolition of Babri Masjid in Uttar Pradesh and lasted for over 10 days. The second phase was triggered in the first week on January 1993. Between the two phases, several stray incidents of attacks were recorded.

The police, however, were not able to back such a serious claim with any evidence. Later when the policemen appeared before the state- appointed Justice Srikrishna Commission of Inquiry, it became clear that the police had made a false claim.

The commission had observed that, “The police were very much influenced by the floating exaggerated rumours of attacks from sophisticated firearms, and the consequent fear psychosis, which caused them to shoot to kill… The evidence on record in no way bears out the police story that there were terrorists, much less with deadly arms; nor does the evidence suggest that it was necessary for the police to carry out such extensive firing as they did.”

The commission’s report had further stated: “This is one incident where the police appeared to be utterly trigger-happy and used force utterly disproportionate to meet the apprehensions of private firing, assuming there was one. The responsibility for this incident must squarely fall on Joint Commissioner of Police, R.D.Tyagi, who was overall in-charge of the operations at the Suleman Bakery…”

The 78 Muslims who were booked by the police in a fake case were later discharged by the Bombay High Court in 2011 with an observation that: “Nothing can be more frightening than … when the protector becomes the predator.”

Even after such serious indictment and despite the evidence presented, Tyagi, was discharged from the case in 2003. At the time, the additional sessions judge Pradeep Bavkar had observed that since only seven of the 18 policemen had actually fired at the victims, only they should face the trial. This decision was upheld even by the Supreme Court in 2011. Tyagi later went to become the city’s police commissioner.

“Those who were the masterminds of the attack have already been let out free. The government, be it the Congress or the BJP, have both let us down. How does it matter now who deposes before the court and who does not?” asks Masood, dejectedly.

Shiv Sena Cautions Centre Against Using Pulwama Attack for Electoral Gains

The party’s comments in its mouthpiece Saamana came a day after it sealed an electoral alliance with the BJP.

New Delhi: A day after sealing a seat-sharing pact with the BJP, the Shiv Sena on Tuesday asked the NDA government not to behave in a way that would fuel allegations that it was trying to wage a war to influence poll results.

Riots and terror attacks should not be used for “political gains”, the Sena said in an editorial in the party mouthpiece ‘Saamana’.

Targeting students from Kashmir over such incidents could spell more trouble for the government, it warned.

The remarks came a day after the BJP and the Shiv Sena announced a seat-sharing arrangement for the upcoming Lok Sabha and Maharashtra assembly elections, overcoming their strained ties and earlier declarations of going solo. The party has been a strong critic of both the BJP-led government in the state and Centre even in the past.

Without taking names, the Uddhav Thackeray-led party said, “Sometime back there were political allegations that Prime Minister Narendra Modi could wage a small-scale war to win elections… The rulers should not behave in a way that these allegations gather strength.” The paper was likely referring to statements made by Bahujan Samaj Party chief Mayawati, who said the prime minister could start a war to hide his “failures”.

Referring to the February 14 Pulwama attack in which more than 40 CRPF personnel were killed, the Marathi daily said, “The country is still boiling over the terror attack, hence some may face criticism. (But) riots and terror attacks should not be used for political gains.”

Cautioning the government that the recent attacks on students from Kashmir in other parts of the country could spell more trouble, it recalled the 1984 anti-Sikh violence after the assassination of then prime minister Indira Gandhi and said the Congress was still “paying a heavy price” for it.

Also Read: What the BJP’s Hurried Efforts to Boost Its Alliances Reveal

It also took a dig at certain lawmakers for their controversial comments made on India-Pakistan relations and in the aftermath of the Pulwama terror strike.

Noting that Punjab Congress minister Navjot Singh Sidhu was ousted from a television show after he called for dialogue with Pakistan even after the Pulwama attack, the Sena said pressure was mounted on him and a campaign launched against him over the remarks.

On the other hand, the comments of BJP legislator Nepal Singh, who recently stirred a controversy with his statement that Army jawans “ought to die”, were selectively ignored and he did not face any action, it pointed out.

Further targeting the government over the Pulwama incident, it said, “Our intelligence officials can trace an e-mail purportedly referring to a threat to the prime minister’s life but they fail to stop terror attack on a convoy.”

Before 2014, Modi and RSS held the Manmohan Singh-led UPA government responsible for every terror attack in the country, the editorial said. “Then it should be understood if someone expects the current prime minister to uproot terrorism from the country,” it said.

(With PTI inputs)

Ram Mandir Brings Shiv Sena, BJP Together Again

After having launched continuous unrestrained attacks on the BJP for over three years, Uddhav Thackeray announced that he has made “peace” for the larger “Hindutva agenda”.

Mumbai: The two sparring allies Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have finally decided to bury the hatchet and retain their tie-up in the upcoming general elections and Maharashtra state elections. The two made a seat- sharing announcement on Monday February 18 in Mumbai.

Shiv Sena will contest 23 seats of the total 48 seats, and BJP the remaining 25 seats in the general elections which are to be held in April. For the state assembly elections, the two parties have decided to go with 50:50 seat sharing. The state is likely to head to the polls in September. 

Larger ‘Hindutva agenda’

After having launched continuous unrestrained attacks on the BJP for over three years, Sena chief Uddhav Thackeray today announced that he has made “peace” with its ally for the larger “Hindutva agenda”.

Thackeray said his demand for Ram Mandir to be built on the disputed land in Ayodhya at the earliest is still on BJPs agenda and the two parties have come together to fulfil this larger goal. Both BJP chief Amit Shah and Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis agreed with his demand.

“If we are seeking Ram rajya in this country, we need a Ram Mandir to be built in Ayodhya at the earliest,” Thackeray said.

Also read: BJP, Shiv Sena Split Maharashtra’s Seats in Tie-Up For Lok Sabha, Assembly Polls

Addressing a press conference in Mumbai along with Shah and Fadnavis, Thackeray said he has agreed to overlook his differences and focus on the “larger good”. An hour before the press meet, Shah along with Fadnavis and other senior party leaders had visited Thackeray at Matoshree, his residence in suburban Bandra. 

“The two parties had stuck together for over 25 years on its single ideology of nationalism and Hindutva agenda. We have had differences in the past but we are ready to leave them behind and come together to push the Hindutva agenda on a national level,” Thackeray declared at the conference.

Credit: Sukanya Shantha/The Wire

Sena, which has been a bickering ally over the past few years, has on multiple occasions given hints about its intentions of heading to the polls alone, using its mouthpiece Saamna to hit out at the BJP and the prime minister Narendra Modi.

In a scathing editorial piece in December – soon after the BJP lost elections in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh – Thackeray had taken to his newspaper to “congratulate the voters” for taking a “bold decision” of ousting the BJP from their respective states.

Also read: Shiv Sena Celebrates BJP Collapse in the Hindi Belt

The Sena, in the editorial, had said that both PM Narendra Modi and Shah have been side-lined in the “Hindi belt” of the country and given space to the “meritorious star” Rahul Gandhi. The title of the editorial reads: “Those (BJP) trying to fly high, have collapsed.”

But today at the press conference, the mood was entirely different. Fadnavis claimed that the two parties have managed to “amicably resolve” all its issues and have accepted each other “with open hearts”. “Uddhavji has been raising some pertinent issues in the recent times and we have agreed to take care of them favourably,” Fadnavis said.

He further added that Thackeray has been persistent with few of his demands, particularly about the need to expedite the process of building the temple at Ayodhya.

Reiterating Fadnavis’ claims, Shah added, “Under PM Modi’s guidance, the work has already been initiated.”

He further added that the central government has already sought the surplus 67 acres of land acquired in 1993 to be handed over to its “rightful owners” Ram Janmabhoomi Nyas.

The upper hand

Going by today’s announcement on the seat-sharing, it is evident that the BJP has managed to have an upper hand in the state.  This has remained a root of much of the friction between the two allies. Both party leaders, however, stayed quiet about the probable chief ministerial candidate in the state elections, one of the other most contentious issue between the two parties.

The BJP has also agreed to resolve issue of the Nanar oil refinery project in the coastal region of Maharashtra.

“The Sena has made it clear that it is not opposed to the project per se but to the issue of land acquisition of the farmers in the region. I had already announced in the past that we have stopped our process of acquiring land in Ratnagiri and Sindhudurg region. Today, I am announcing that we will soon be starting with the reversal process of handing over the land back to the farmers,” Fadnavis declared.

Also read: Why BJP Will Continue to Give in to Shiv Sena’s Demands

Talking of the woes of farmers in the state, Fadnavis said over 50 lakh farmers have benefitted from the loan waiver scheme in the state.

“But we will ensure all those who have been left behind because of the technical issues at the local village level. Uddhav ji wanted me to give this assurance and BJP promises to take this up seriously,” he added. 

Expressing confidence over winning the polls, Shah said, “I am confident that in the Lok Sabha elections, BJP and Shiv Sena will together win 45 out of total 48 seats in Maharashtra.” Shah had made similar claim at his recent visit to Pune.

“Our hearts have always been together. We are making a fresh start today and I believe all Hindu voters will rejoice today. The two parties will now move forward together with a clean heart,” Thackeray said.

Will Shiv Sena Part Ways With BJP at the Centre and in Maharashtra?

Uddhav Thackeray appears to be biding his time before pulling the plug on the Shiv Sena’s alliance with the BJP.

Uddhav Thackeray appears to be biding his time before pulling the plug on the Shiv Sena’s alliance with the BJP.

Shiv Sena chief Uddhav Thackeray. Credit: PTI

Shiv Sena chief Uddhav Thackeray. Credit: PTI

Mumbai: The high stakes battle in Mumbai between the Shiv Sena and BJP is getting more interesting and exciting as ‘D-Day’ approaches.

Ahead of the February 21 Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections, the million dollar question is whether the Shiv Sena will become the first NDA partner to leave the ruling alliance at the Centre, fed up with the ‘big brother’ attitude of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Will the bitterly contested BMC elections ultimately lead to the Maratha party parting ways with the ruling BJP in Maharashtra too?

The fact of the matter is that the two oldest ideological partners are at loggerheads like never before.They are hurling invectives at each other, unprecedented even among sworn political rivals.

That the Mumbai civic polls could ultimately turn into a full-scale war between the two parties is becoming increasingly clear, with Sena chief Uddhav Thackeray now declaring it a ‘battle for the pride of Mumbai and self respect of Maharashtra’.

Uddhav says ties with the BJP are on a “notice period“, brushing aside questions over why he is not withdrawing from the state government and the Centre and is only going it alone in the civic polls.

“It is like living together after a divorce,” says Congress leader Anant Gadgil, a sentiment echoed by other detractors of the Shiv Sena.

Unique to the current tussle is Thackeray’s consistent attack on Modi and BJP chief Amit Shah, contending that Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis is just carrying out the orders of the high command to “save” his chair.

Fadnavis is leading the BJP campaign in the BMC polls, overshadowing all other party leaders, including state party chief Raosaheb Danve Patil.

Uddhav has been sulking for a while and the BJP’s campaign attack claiming under the Sena rule Mumbai turned into “Patna” has added fuel to the fire. The BJP’s allegations of a “mafia raj” running the BMC has already hurt the Sena plenty.

Unmistakably targeting Modi, he has signalled that his patience is wearing thin.

“You get power riding on a wave. But that does not mean you become all powerful. You have to toil hard to retain power and certainly you have to retain friends,” he told Shiv Sena mouthpiece Saamna.

In happier times: Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis and Shiv Sena president Uddhav Thackarey. Credit: PTI

In happier times: Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis and Shiv Sena president Uddhav Thackarey. Credit: PTI

Wait and watch

Political observers say Uddhav is biding his time, believing that the time to hit back will come sooner rather than later. This comes amid projections that the BJP is unlikely to perform well in the five states going to the polls, the results of which are due on March 11.

Uddhav is playing a high-stakes battle to regain supremacy in the megalopolis where it has dominated affairs for several years since its emergence.

Uddhav has to show that he is no less a general than his late father Bal Thackarey, founder of the Shiv Sena and who ran it with an iron hand while forcing the BJP to play a second fiddle without much murmur.

Bal was known as “Hindu Hriday Samrat” as he originally espoused the cause of an aggressive Hindutva. Modi and Shah were known admire him.

But Uddhav is in a catch-22 situation. If the Sena does well in Mumbai and gains power of the BMC on its own or at least emerges the single largest party, he could call the shots and he could seize the initiative. But if the party fails to retain its dominance on its home pitch and the BJP comes first in Mumbai, Uddhav will have to bear further humiliation. There is no place for laggards in politics.

It is only natural that with Shiv Sena deciding to go it alone in city corporations and other civic polls across Maharashtra, the focus has shifted to the stability of the BJP-led state government.

Sena ministers in the Fadnavis government say they have their resignations ready to send and are waiting for the signal from their party chief.

The BJP circles, however, refuse to give much credence to such statements.

Significantly, the Sharad Pawar-led NCP had pledged outside support to the BJP when it emerged the single largest party but fell short of absolute majority in 2014 assembly polls. However, Pawar recently said “There are rumours being spread that NCP is becoming closer to the BJP. This is absolutely false news. NCP will never support BJP”.

Elections to 10 municipal corporations, including the cash-rich BMC, 25 zilla parishads and 283 panchayats are to be held from February 16-21.

Shiv Sena insiders say the outcome of these elections will determine whether the party pulls out of the Fadnavis government, which it joined in December 2014, two months after the state’s first ever BJP-led government came to power.

As for the Centre, the Sena does not carry much weight in the Modi dispensation with the BJP having a secured a majority on its own in the Lok Sabha polls in May 2014.

Incidentally, the Shiv Sena is the second largest constituent of the BJP-led NDA at the Centre, with 18 members in the Lok Sabha.

On the face of it, the BJP appears to have no problems with other allies so far. In Punjab, it was playing second fiddle to the ruling Shiromani Aakali Dal (SAD), amid indications that the party would go out of power after a 10-year reign in the 2017 assembly polls. A section of the BJP feels that the SAD is a liability and the BJP should chart out its own course in the state.

Uddhav has now been talking of the need to form an alliance of regional parties across the country. It shows he has stark choices after being pushed to the wall by an aggressive Modi.

The Sena chief has to prove his mettle in the BMC polls to be able to chart any future course of action. But one thing is clear, the Shiv Sainiks are charged up as they no longer have to carry the baggage of the BJP.

Sunil Gatade is a senior journalist.

Twenty-Four Years After the Bombay Riots, a Continuing Sense of Injustice

Thousands of lives were destroyed forever, but barely anyone has been held accountable.

Thousands of lives were destroyed forever, but barely anyone has been held accountable.

Bombay riots. Courtesy: IndianExpress/Tehelka

Bombay riots. Courtesy: IndianExpress/Tehelka

A day after the Babri Masjid was demolished on December 6, 1992, Razia Rehman Sheikh had planned to take her son Jabbar for a check up to a public hospital for his mental illness. She never got there. Years later she remembered the day with great clarity. That was when the riots broke out in Bombay (renamed Mumbai in 1995). They waited at Kherwadi gate near Bandra for a long time. They saw a lot of bodies being taken away in hand carts. Jabbar was watching all this too. It was a while before he could be taken to hospital. Later, Jabbar developed a severe mental illness and had to be committed to an institution. Razia’s tragedy did not end there. One of her daughters who was about to be married, suddenly died one day.

Razia used to live in Razzak chawl in Behrampada and had many Hindu neighbours. Now most of them have sold their houses and left. She, too, unable to bear the trauma, moved across to a nearby slum at Naupada. Now her life is spent with the Mahila Shakti Mandal, a women’s group helping others in distress. And educating her daughters is her priority. Like Razia, many in Mumbai still feel the trauma of the riots, which tore the city’s secular fabric to shreds. While the city already had its ghettoes, the riots intensified the divide more than ever, forcing people to seek shelter with their own community.

There is little to remind us today, 24 years later, of the months of upheaval that wracked the city in the aftermath of the Babri Masjid demolition. No memorials exist for the over 1000 killed and the many missing. Only memories remain, indelibly and unhappily etched in the minds of survivors.

Sudarshan Bane, whose parents died along with four others in the Gandhi chawl incident in Jogeshwari on January 8, 1993, ekes out a living doing odd jobs. His sister Naina Bane was almost burnt to death but managed to escape. The Shiv Sena used the Gandhi chawl incident to whip up passions in the second phase of riots in January 1993, as the Srikrishna Commission of Inquiry has pointed out. Yet, the same party has practically ignored the Banes who were left to fend for themselves after their house burnt down. They lived with their Muslim neighbours in Jogeshwari for years but now it seems impossible they would ever do so again.

The sense of injustice and alienation after the riots of 1992-93 persists. The Supreme Court still has to give its final say on some cases related to the Mumbai riots. The petitioners include the Action Committee for the Implementation of the Srikrishna Commission report, the Mumbai Aman Committee and the Lawyers Legal Aid Committee. Lawyer Shakil Ahmed who filed one of the petitions in the Supreme Court in 2002 demanding the dismissal of 31 policemen indicted by the Srikrishna Commission for the riots, has little hope left that riot victims will get any justice. The exhaustive inquiry report by Justice Srikrishna is now a dusty relic.

Officially, 900 people were killed in the riots. Thousands fled the city in fear. Many never returned. Some of the people reported missing in those days have not yet been traced. In July 2007, there was an effort to revive the riot cases and implement the Srikrishna Commission report. The police registered 2267 cases during the riots. About 1371 cases were closed as “A Summary”, as true but undetected. First a Special Task Force (STF), formed in 2000 to act on the recommendations of the Srikrishna Commission report, reviewed these cases and later this was re-examined by a committee headed by the Maharashtra director-general of police. About 112 cases were re-investigated. Fresh charge sheets were filed in eight cases, according to the Maharashtra government affidavit to the Supreme Court on January 16, 2008. These were filed in response to the apex court order in August 2007 directing all petitioners to file a joint affidavit listing their grievances over the implementation of the Commission’s report.

Fifteen years after the riots, Shiv Sena leader and former MP Madhukar Sarpotdar was convicted under section 153 A of the Indian Penal Code on July 9, 2008 for his speeches during the riots. Sarpotdar, who passed away in 2010, was the first and only politician to have been handed out a year’s simple punishment and a fine of Rs 5000; he got immediate bail and never went to jail. The Srikrishna Commission listed 31 policemen actively participating in riots, communal incidents or incidents of looting, arson and so on. One of them was Ram Deo Tyagi, a former joint commissioner of police (crime), against whom victims fought a long drawn out case, which ended in his acquittal along with other policemen in the famous Suleiman Usman Bakery case by the high court in October 2009. Two years later, the Supreme Court upheld the acquittal.

According to the Maharashtra government’s affidavit to the Supreme Court, of the 31 policemen listed by the Commission, ten were punished after departmental inquiries, 11 were found not guilty and one died.

In 2007, then chief minister Vilasrao Deshmukh decided to create four special courts to try the 253 pending cases related to the riots. A total of 894 charge sheets were filed in the courts, according to official records. The government decided on August 22, 2007 to form a high-powered committee chaired by the additional chief secretary (home) to review the pending riot cases. The committee examined the pending cases and selected 16 to be expedited through the special courts besides reviving the 93 dormant cases. Some 41 absconding accused were arrested who were involved in 24 pending cases. In 539 cases of the riots, the accused have been acquitted or discharged. Of these, 379 were scrutinised and 50 identified for further action.

According to the figures from the home department, 202 cases were sent to the fast track courts. There were some convictions. Out of 173 missing persons, a total of 65 legal heirs were given Rs 2 lakh each and legal heirs of 49 persons were not traced, official records state.

The state government’s affidavit listed the nine cases filed against the Shiv Sena mouthpiece, Saamna, as well as as those against the late Bal Thackeray and other party leaders. There is no mention of the state either reopening the cases or challenging the ones that resulted in acquittal. The police filed nine cases against Thackeray and Saamna for provocative writings. In four cases, no charges were framed, and Thackeray and the other accused were discharged on October 18, 1996. In two cases, Thackeray and others were acquitted on October 2, 1996. Three other cases have been closed.

Victims of the riots and their families are still running around for justice. Farukh Mapkar, both a victim and an accused in the riots, fought a long battle in the courts to get himself acquitted of all charges in 2009. On January 10, 1993, police firing in the Hari Masjid resulted in the death of seven persons and injuries to six, including Mapkar, but he was charged along with 50 others for rioting. After much wrangling, the CBI  investigated the matter, but it exonerated sub-inspector Nikhil Kapse who allegedly fired in the masjid. Mapkar had challenged the CBI report but some months ago, the sessions court accepted the agency’s report and closed the case. Now, Mapkar is all set to challenge the matter in the high court.

Tahir Wagle’s son Shahnawaz was killed by the police, an incident which the Srikrishna Commission referred to as “cold blooded  murder”. The police maintain that Shahnawaz was shot during rioting and a case to this effect was filed against him and 83 others at Byculla police station. After Wagle’s persistence, four inquiry reports by the police concluded Shahnawaz was not murdered but killed in police firing. The latest one in 2012 has also not believed the account of his sister Yasmin, the sole eyewitness to the incident, who says she saw the police shoot Shahnawaz in cold blood after dragging him out of  his home. The family has lost all hope of justice after the Bombay high court in January 2013 rejected a writ petition seeking justice, filed by Akhtari Tahir Hasan Wagle, Shahnawaz’s mother, after the state government filed an affidavit saying the matter was pending in the Supreme Court along with other cases.

For survivors of the post-Babri Masjid demolition riots, the final hope rests with the Supreme Court. But that hope is tinged with disappointment with the long delay.

Meena Menon is an independent journalist and author of Riots and After in Mumbai (Sage 2012).