Brazil: Anti-Gang Operations Leave at Least 44 People Dead

Deadly police action across Brazil in the past few days has reignited the debate over security forces’ use of lethal force. In the latest incident, police killed at least nine people in Rio de Janeiro.

A wave of police operations across Brazil has culminated in the deaths of at least 44 people, including nine in Rio de Janeiro on Wednesday.

State police said they returned fire in a shoot-out in the Penha slums complex area, resulting in multiple casualties.

“Eleven suspects were wounded” and taken to the hospital, it said. “Nine of them died of their injuries.”

They added the Rio operation was a response to intelligence on a high-level meeting by gang leaders.

Two alleged drug gang leaders known as “Fiel” and “Du Leme” were among those who lost their lives during the Rio operation. Seven rifles, ammunition and grenades have been seized from the suspects, police said.

Two police officers were also wounded and were in stable condition.

Deadly raids across Brazil

The firefight in Rio was just the latest deadly police action in the past few days.

In Sao Paulo state, authorities said Wednesday that 16 alleged criminals have been killed since police launched a massive anti-gang operation on Friday.

The operation came after 30-year-old special forces officer Patrick Bastos Reis was shot dead while on patrol in the port city of Guaruja on Thursday.

In the northeastern state of Bahia, officials reported the deaths of 19 suspects in three separate cities due to clashes with police since Friday.

Use of lethal force questioned

In all the cases, authorities said police had returned fire after coming under attack.

The operations have sparked a debate about the security forces’ reliance on lethal force, particularly in a country where the police killed 6,429 people in 2022 alone.

Rio state legislator Dani Monteiro mentioned Wednesday’s police operation came just over a year after a raid in the same favela complex left 25 dead.

She criticised Rio state Governor Claudio Castro, a security hardliner and ally of far-right former president Jair Bolsonaro, demanding a halt to his security policies.

President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva’s justice minister, Flavio Dino, joined the criticism, arguing that the police response “doesn’t seem proportional to the crime committed.”

Lula da Silva, who beat Bolsonaro in last year’s vote, has long criticised his predecessor’s support of police who kill.

This article was originally published on DW.

Robbers in Brazil Stage Brazen Bank Raids, Taking Hostages; At Least 3 Dead

Experts believe a COVID-19 pandemic welfare programme for poorer Brazilians has encouraged robbers to plan bold raids in sleepy regional cities where bank branches are storing more cash.

Rio de Janeiro: Armed robbers hit several banks in a small Brazilian city on Monday, using locals as human shields, leaving a trail of explosive devices and shooting at police in an assault that killed at least three people, a senior state security official said.

The brazen attack around midnight in Araçatuba, a city of roughly 200,000 people in the interior of Sao Paulo state, is the latest in a series of increasingly violent recent bank heists in Brazil. Experts believe a COVID-19 pandemic welfare programme for poorer Brazilians has encouraged robbers to plan bold raids in sleepy regional cities where bank branches are storing more cash.

More than 20 heavily armed men carried out the attack, using 10 cars, Alvaro Camilo, the executive secretary of Sao Paulo’s military police, said at a news conference. As the criminals made their getaway, they used locals as human shields, and burned cars, while leaving a trail of explosive booby traps across the city, the military police said in a statement.

The attackers used drones to monitor the streets as they entered the city, hit the banks, and made their getaway, the statement said.

Camilo urged people not to leave their houses until the explosives have been found and deactivated.

There were two separate firefights with police, and three people died, Camilo said. Two of the fatalities were local residents, while one of the alleged assailants was also killed.

The statement said two attackers had been arrested. One passerby who was injured by an explosion had his leg amputated, it added.

There were more than 350 police in the city, using two helicopters to track down the attackers, Camilo said.

He added that a Banco do Brasil SA branch in Araçatuba was a repository to store cash – something state officials were not aware of.

Late last December, there were two similar bank raids on consecutive days in the cities of Cametá and Criciúma, targeting Banco do Brasil branches in both cases.

Camilo said it was too early to tell where the most recent raid was related to other recent attacks.

Brazil has a long history of bank heists, and major lenders have struggled with a wave of violent robberies in recent years.

(Reuters)

Candidates Backed by Brazil’s Bolsonaro Sink in Local Elections

The results are a setback for Bolsonaro and indicate that the wave of anti-establishment sentiment that got him elected in 2018 following the widespread political corruption.

Brasilia: Shaken by the world’s second-deadliest coronavirus outbreak and deep economic crisis, Brazilians voted on Sunday for experienced politicians from traditional parties in local elections, a move that may damage re-election hopes for President Jair Bolsonaro.

Candidates backed by the far-right populist president, who presents himself as an outsider, were knocked out of the running in the country’s largest city Sao Paulo and other municipal races in state capitals.

In Rio de Janeiro, Brazil’s second-largest, a former mayor Eduardo Paes led the election and will face incumbent mayor, evangelical bishop Marcelo Crivella, in a runoff in two weeks.

In Salvador, the fourth city, voters elected Bruno Reis of the Democrats party (DEM), which won mayoral races in Curitiba and Florianópolis and is favoured to win Rio with Paes.

In Belo Horizonte, the sixth-largest city, voters re-elected Alexandre Kalil, who took tough quarantine and social distancing steps that were criticized by Bolsonaro, who has repeatedly downplayed the gravity of COVID-19.

Also read: More Loyal Than Trump: Is Bolsonaro Ready for Joe Biden in the White House?

“The pandemic has put the brakes on the trend towards anti-politics and rejection of traditional parties for being corrupt,” said Creomar de Souza, head of Brasilia-based consultancy Dharma Political Risk and Strategy.

“Voters understood that the politicians elected with Bolsonaro in 2018 are flawed and they want to see public services improve,” he added.

A woman walks from a polling booth at the Complexo do Alemao slum during the municipal elections in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Credit: Reuters

The results are a setback for Bolsonaro and indicate that the wave of anti-establishment sentiment that got him elected in 2018 following the widespread political corruption uncovered by the Car Wash graft investigation may have subsided.

As voters look to traditional parties, like the DEM and the Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB), which is leading the race for Sao Paulo mayor, Bolsonaro appears vulnerable because he has no party.

The Social Liberal Party (PSL) he joined for his presidential campaign and later fell out with was nowhere to be seen in major city races on Sunday, despite having surged two years ago to become the second-largest in Congress.

(Reuters)

Brazil: At Least 57 Inmates Killed in Prison Clash

Prisoners belonging to the Comando Classe A gang set fire to a cell containing inmates from the rival Comando Vermelho, or Red Command, gang, Para’s state government said in a statement.

Sao Paolo/Rio De Janeiro: A bloody clash between two prison gangs on Monday left at least 57 inmates dead with 16 of them decapitated, authorities in the state of Para said, the latest deadly clash as Brazil‘s government struggles to control the country’s overcrowded jails.

State authorities said the riot began around 7 am local time (1000 GMT) at a prison in the northern city of Altamira, and involved rival gangs.

Prisoners belonging to the Comando Classe A gang set fire to a cell containing inmates from the rival Comando Vermelho, or Red Command, gang, Para’s state government said in a statement.

Most of the dead died in the fire, they said, while two guards were taken hostage, but later released.

“It was a targeted act,” state prison director Jarbas Vasconcelos said in the statement, adding there was no prior intelligence that suggested an attack would take place.

“The aim was to show that it was a settling of accounts between the two gangs.”

Videos circulating online showed inmates at the prison celebrating as they kicked decapitated heads across the floor. Reuters was unable, however, to independently verify the footage.

Elected on a tough-on-crime message, far-right President Jair Bolsonaro has benefited from a sharp drop in homicides so far this year. Nonetheless, endemic prison violence has been a stubborn public security challenge in one of the world’s most violent countries.

In May, at least 55 inmates died during prison attacks in the northern state of Amazonas. Weeks of violence in Amazonas in 2017 resulted in 150 prison deaths as local gangs backed by Brazil‘s two largest drug factions went to war.

Brazil‘s justice ministry said in a statement that it was working with Para authorities to identify those behind the latest attack, adding it had opened some space in the federal prison system where those gang leaders would be transferred.

Brazil‘s incarcerated population has surged eight-fold in three decades to around 750,000 inmates, the world’s third-highest tally. Prison gangs originally formed to protect inmates and advocate for better conditions, but have come to wield vast power that reaches far beyond prison walls.

The gangs have been linked to bank heists, drug trafficking and gun-running, with jailed kingpins presiding over criminal empires via smuggled cellphones.

Also read: ‘The Edge of Democracy’ Takes a Hard Look at Brazil’s Political Past

In the country’s violent northeast, prison gangs have grown powerful by moving cocaine from Colombia and Peru along the Amazon’s waterways to the Atlantic coast, where it heads to Africa and Europe. Murderous disputes often arise as they clash over territorial control.

The Red Command hails from Rio de Janeiro, but has expanded deep into northern Brazil as it seeks to diversify its income. That expansion has often led to confrontations with Brazil‘s largest and most powerful gang, the First Capital Command, headquartered in Sao Paulo.

The Comando Classe A gang is seen as a relatively small gang, and is little known outside Para. Its high-profile attack against the Red Command could give it a nationwide reputation.

Bolsonaro’s government has proposed moving powerful incarcerated drug lords to federal lockups, and building more prisons at the state level. But with the vast majority of prisons run by Brazil‘s overstretched state governments, Bolsonaro is likely limited in terms of what he can achieve from Brasilia.

In February, justice minister Sergio Moro unveiled his signature crime-fighting bill, including proposals to toughen prison sentences and isolate gang leaders in maximum-security lockups.

That bill has since struggled in Congress, with the government giving its pension reform legislation priority.

Joao Gilberto, Whose Guitar Produced Absurd and Beautiful Music

A tribute to the Brazilian artist and his ‘bossa nova’ style.

They can have millions of parties in the moonlight that I will not go to
— Vinicius de Moraes, “Você e Eu”

Getz/Gilberto

Spring ’64, was when the forests rumbled and the streets caught fire. Cassius Clay became Muhammad Ali. Elvis was discharged from the army. The British, dressed up as four boys in mop-tops, invaded the Americas. And in Brazil, the army, aided by the ever-dependable CIA, overthrew President João Goulart in what turned out to be the start of 21 years of military dictatorship.

Yet, a quieter invasion began that same spring, when another Brazilian, also called João – that sticky Portuguese J, whispered through coffee and cachaça – released an album with a jazz saxophonist from Philadelphia. The record had a memorable cover, painted by the Puerto Rican abstract expressionist Olga Albizu, all flaming amber and Titian gold on heavy black. It had a memorable name, a harmonic and alliterative name, those of its creators, Stan Getz and João Gilberto. And it had a memorable sound, a new thing, new beat, bossa nova, the sound of warm rain and afternoons on the beach in the shadow of the Sugarloaf Mountain.

‘Getz/Gilberto’ was one of the first two CDs I owned, acquired almost four decades after its original March 1964 release (the other was Parlophone’s reissue of ‘With the Beatles’). Like most of the non-Portuguese-speaking world, this was my first affair with Brazilian music. I knew vaguely of samba, because, being Bengali, enthusiasm for the Brazilian football team was thrust upon me. And I was beginning to get a taste for jazz, so I really dug Stan Getz.

But this, this was something else entirely, this syncopated love-child of Debussy, jazz and samba. It was sickeningly melodious, but also kinda off-key (as the fourth song on the album, ‘Desafinado’, or “out of key” in Portuguese, admits with a wink). It sounded happy, but also wistful, as if it had forgotten a beloved hat in the back of a taxicab and regretted it just a little. Seductive as hell, it all but buried the attendant whiff of danger under irony and mesmerism. It was, in other words, the perfect record to make fumbling, inexperienced love to, and I was head over heels in love the summer I discovered João Gilberto.

A poster of Joao Gilberto. Photo: Flickr/comunicom.es CC BY SA 2.0

Orphic Rites

In Brazil, race clings to everything. For almost four hundred years, the Portuguese pressed both the indigenous people (the Guarani) and Africans into slavery; by the early nineteenth century, Africans outnumbered Portuguese settlers by three to one in northeastern states like Bahia (which is where, on June 10, 1931, Gilberto was born). Even today, dark-skinned Brazilians are disproportionately subject to institutional violence and unequal distribution of wealth.

However, in the 1930s, a number of scholarly works began interrogating this idea of race, politics and national identity, and celebrating mixing of races as something fundamental to the Brazilian character. In Roots of Brazil, the sociologist Sérgio Buarque de Holanda – father of the singer Miúcha, who married João Gilberto in 1965, and of the musician Chico Buarque de Holanda – suggested that the essential Brazilian identity was that of “the Cordial Man,” ruled by the heart and basing everything on the “ethos of emotion.” And in his revolutionary The Masters and the Slaves, the anthropologist Gilberto Freyre acknowledged “the shadow, or at least the birthmark, of the aborigine or the Negro in every Brazilian”. “In our affections,” he wrote, “our excessive mimicry, our Catholicism, which so delights the senses, our music, our gait, our speech, our cradle songs – in everything that is a sincere expression of our lives, we almost all of us bear the mark of that influence.”

Also Read: Brazil’s First Indigenous Online Radio Station Promotes Native Languages and Communities

For scholars like Freyre and Buarque, Brazil, more than a political entity, is an affective state of being where everything is connected intimately, at a personal level. This is why Brazilians love Garrincha more than Pele (“Pele is revered. Garrincha is adored.” – Alex Bellos, Futebol: The Brazilian Way of Life). And this is why João Gilberto’s mistimed mumblings strike something delicate and raw somewhere deep inside, because they are reminiscent of the necessity and the fragility of human relationships. They are the link between the magnificent, utopian architectural folly that is Brasilia and Augusto Boal’s Theatre of the Oppressed, even as they concede, all along, that repression and dictatorships are also intricate weaves in the elemental Brazilian fabric.

The Orphic rites of danger, death and excess that form the nervous system of Brazilian culture explode into trails of genius every once in a while. In 1956, the poet and diplomat Vinicius de Moraes’s three-act romantic tragedy Orpheus of the Conception, with music by Antônio Carlos Jobim – the greatest Brazilian composer of the 20th, or, indeed, any, century – premiered in Rio de Janeiro. A moody reimagining of the Orpheus myth, set in Rio during the carnival, it had voluptuous music in the vein of samba-canção, a slower, more lyrical samba. But samba, nonetheless. That’s when João Gilberto stepped in.

Nhenhenhem…

Gilberto’s contribution to the craft of Brazilian song is, frankly, absurd. He takes Jobim’s languid compositions and shuffles them into his guitar. The guitar swivels one way, his voice droops the other. He delays the vocals and advances the guitar. Then he does it the other way around. His guitar keeps brushing against chords in this bossa nova style of playing, much of it influenced by the legendary São Paulo guitarist Garoto (“Garoto is extraordinary and his guitar is the heart of Brazil,” Gilberto once said). Sometimes, he uses his voice to complete the harmonies on his “telegraphically syncopated guitar,” as the bossa nova historian Ruy Castro notes in Bossa Nova: The Story of the Brazilian Music That Seduced the World.

The voice of João Gilberto is a quiet revelation. It wanders, whispers, and often just wilts away, trailing off into plucked guitar strings. Gilberto sings every song like he’s humming to a sleepy canary on the windowsill. His enunciation and phrasing from Sinatra, his breathy tone from the Brazilian crooner Dick Farney, he always sounds casual, conversational, and unconcerned. “João is skilled at singing behind the beat, like many jazz singers, but his ability to phrase ahead of the beat is even more remarkable,” the music journalist Ted Gioia recently wrote. “Few singers attempt to push the beat in this manner, because doing so tends to impart a rushed and anxious quality to the music. It remains a mystery to me how Gilberto can propel the lyrics one bar or more ahead of the music, yet continue to sound so extraordinarily relaxed.” Or, as Miles Davis once said, “João Gilberto on guitar could read a newspaper and sound good.”

Also Read: Moralistic Pressures in Brazil Leading to Revival of Artistic Censorship

In a way, Gilberto’s sonic wobbling is an extension of all the dark arts performed by Cariocas over the ages. Rio is the only great world city where the poor look down on the rich, quite literally; the real estate gets more expensive the closer you get to the sea, so most of Rio’s low-income population lives in elevated favelas, unregulated slums on the hills near the Rio harbour. This visual-class counterpoint – the poor get the best views, while the rich pay for the beaches – is paralleled by the counterpoint between favela and asfalto. In the geographic imagination of the city, the asfalto is dull but safe, where the respectable people live; the favela is violent and diseased, but exotic, exciting, authentic! Gilberto’s stammering guitar (what the Brazilians call violão gago) and the temporal convulsions of his voice – just the barest suggestion of “an edgy fire behind the music’s calming melodies,” as Ed Morales describes it in The Latin Beat – gesture at just such a dialectic.

The Rocinha neighbourhood in Rio de Janeiro. Credit: Pilar Olivares/Reuters

“This isn’t music, it’s nhenhenhem,” Gilberto Sr. had once mocked. And why not? For a singer famous for his understated vocal sensitivity, João Gilberto is often unintelligible, even when you understand Portuguese. His fondness for gibberish and whimsy is evident from his very first album, ‘Chega de Saudade’ (No More Blues), released in 1959. The title track, written by Jobim and Moraes (who would become his frequent collaborators), is a nostalgic number about rejecting nostalgia. There are two Gilberto originals; nonsense phrases both, they are pure sonic utterances: ‘Hó-Bá-Lá-Lá’ and ‘Bim Bom.’

“It is not the right angle that attracts me, nor the straight, hard, inflexible line created by man,” the great Brazilian architect Oscar Niemeyer says in A Vida é um Sopro (Life is a Breath of Air). “What attracts me is the free, sensual curve. The curve I find in the rivers of my country, in the clouds up in the sky, in the body of my favourite woman. All the universe is made of curves.” Gilberto wrote ‘Bim Bom’ while watching Bahian laundresses pass by the São Francisco river with bundles of clothes on their heads.

Its rhythm is meant to replicate the swaying of their hips.

Saudade

For the Portuguese, and for Brazilians, who dream, sing and fornicate in it, saudade is a complex historical condition, a state of mind and a way of being. The 15th century king of Portugal Duarte the Eloquent called it a “failure of the heart” when it misses someone or something. It has connotations of nostalgia, loss, and the eternal sense of an absence. In the early 20th century, it became a symbol of the Lusophone spirit and culminated in the aesthetic movement of Saudosismo. Fernando Pessoa’s The Book of Disquiet, for example, is soaked in saudade (“Senhor Valdes. I remember him now as I will in the future with the nostalgia I know I will feel for him then.” Or, “I’ll miss Moreira, but what does missing someone matter compared with a chance for real promotion?”).

Also Read: Jazz Isn’t Dead, It’s Just Moved to New Venues

The profound melancholy of the Portuguese fado, with its desolate lyrics and desperate voicing, often captured the yearning for home that many colonialists felt in Brazil in the 19th century. A rising political engagement with questions of nationalism in the 20th century led to the fado being left behind for the samba, that “national Brazilian music” (Hermano Vianna, History of Samba). Gilberto’s guitar twists the samba’s tail and infects it once more with saudade. No wonder, then, that ‘Chega de Saudade’ was the first great bossa nova release.

A photo of Joao Gilberto. Photo: Facebook

I tracked down all the João Gilberto (and Antônio Carlos Jobim) albums I could find obsessively – not very many, before YouTube and internet piracy – partly because I had begun to enjoy the music, but mainly because I wanted to facilitate the continuation of my love affair. There was something appropriate about this music. It was appropriate for loving, of course, but also for heartbreak. It worked as well for wino afternoons as it did for the hangovers to come. I played it at parties and I played it alone.

Obviously, I was about 40 years too late. An entire generation of Brazilian lovers had already grown up listening to João, from Gilberto Gil to Seu Jorge. Tropicalistas – the iconoclastic, discordant rockers of the repressive ’60s, many of whom were imprisoned or exiled – swore by him. “João Gilberto was the greatest artist that my soul came into contact with,” Caetano Veloso tweeted (after Gilberto’s death, on July 6). “Before I turned 18, I learned from him everything I already knew and everything that was yet to come.” The fourteen-year-old Gal Costa grew entranced by ‘Chega de Saudade’ when it first came out and decided to become a singer. In the middle of a concert in a sleepy mid-western town in the US some years ago, the psychedelic band Os Mutantes, fronted by the incandescent Rita Lee, broke into a medley from Gilberto’s second album, ‘O Amor, o Sorriso e a Flor’ (Love, the Smile and the Flower). All of us hummed along.

In his delightfully vulgar ode ‘A Bossa Nova é Foda’ (which translates roughly to ‘Bossa Nova is the F*****g S**t’), Caetano Veloso calls João Gilberto “the Wizard of Juazeiro” who gives the world the gift of bossa nova. Eccentric, reclusive, stage-fraught, cat-loving, saudade-stricken João Gilberto, without whom my teenage love would not exist, I want to give you a big hug. Or, as they say down on the beaches of Ipanema, João Gilberto, um abraçaço.

Sudipto Sanyal is assistant professor, department of English at Techno India University in Kolkata.

How LGBTQ People are Resisting Bolsonaro’s Brazil Through Art

Under President Jair Bolsonaro, violence against LGBTQ people in Brazil is at an all-time high, but artists refuse to be intimidated.

Jair Bolsonaro was elected president of Brazil in October 2018 and took office in January 2019. Since then, the Ministry of Women, Family and Human Rights has chosen to remove the legal protection status of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and queer (LGBTQ) people. Some politicians are now pushing for a ban on talking about gender diversity and sexual orientation in schools.

Bathroom laws pertaining to which toilet facilities trans people are allowed to use and bills defining what constitutes a family, same sex marriage and laws enabling trans people to change their legal name are also seen to be under threat.

Brazil has a reputation as one of the most violent countries in the world and is known as the LGBT “murder capital” – 167 trans people were reported murdered between October 1, 2017 and September 30, 2018 alone. In the lead up to and since Bolsonaro’s election, LGBT hate crime has increased.

No wonder that many Brazilian LGBTQ people are worried that they are becoming isolated from the rest of the world. Marielle Franco – a young politician who took a strong stance against police violence – was murdered in Rio de Janeiro in March 2018.

She was a bisexual black woman who grew up in the Maré favela and pushed for social justice for marginalised people in the city. She was reportedly targeted by professional killers.

In Brazil, military police patrol the streets and are independent from the municipal police who carry out investigations. In March 2019, a year after her murder, it was reported that two ex-military police had been arrested for the killing.

Theusa Passareli – a 21-year-old art student who identified as genderqueer or non-binary – was murdered in April 2018, killed on their way home from a party.

Their work was incomplete in Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janiero’s design studio when I visited in November 2018 and will stay to commemorate their memory, as the university and the trans community mourn the murder of another young person.

Resin on glass by Theusa Passareli. Credit: Catherine McNamara, Author provided

A safe place to protest

I was in Rio for a short residency with the TransArte festival – a three day art show that explores gender identity and sexuality. The festival brings together trans people and allies to exchange ideas, make and share work, and celebrate the strengths of the LGBT community in Brazil within a place of safety.

Also Read: Global Outcry as Brunei Implements Stoning to Death Under New Anti-LGBT Laws

It’s not easy to protest when faced with violence, nor is it easy to enjoy culture – particularly for people living in poverty where basic needs are difficult to meet. Trans artists have said that being trans is a barrier to participating in the arts, but “safe spaces” such as the TransArte festival allow protest art to flourish and create opportunities for LGBTQ people to express themselves.

Trans and LGB artists, activists and educators from Rio de Janeiro and London. TransArte Festival Team, Author provided

A theatre company led by trans people created Come As You Are – a series of autobiographical stories with physical theatre and improvisation. The stories were about family – supportive and loving family as a source of strength, and familial rejection as a result of being trans.

They explored life as trans men and women in a culture of toxic masculinity, normativity and police brutality. A photography exhibition of several artists included Bernardo de Castro Gomes, whose work also explored his identity as a black trans man facing intimidation, harassment and violence.

Queer drag artists such as Le Circo de la Drag spoke about their political performance – using their bodies to resist toxic masculinity and defy the threats of violence they often receive.

Le Circo de la drag pay tribute to Marielle Franco and Theusa Passareli. Marianna Cartaxo, Author provided

The show Monster, Whore, Bitch – Waldirene’s Dreams, directed by Dandara Vital, compiled the everyday experiences of Brazilian trans people interwoven with a re-telling of the story of Waldirene – the first trans woman to undergo gender reassignment surgery in Brazil in December 1971, at the height of the military dictatorship.

Resistance is clearly flourishing in Brazil against the odds and not only within festivals like TransArte. A Portuguese translation of Jo Clifford’s play The Gospel According to Jesus, Queen of Heaven was due to open in Londrina, a city in southern Brazil, but the venue cancelled at the very last moment.

The lead, a trans woman called Renata Carvalho, received death threats. The company moved to a semi-derelict space where they performed by torchlight instead, despite injunctions from both Pentecostal and Catholic groups to stop the production.

My own experiences working with the TransArte festival team in Rio have shown me the value of safe places free from judgement and hostility. The people we worked with told us that being there in solidarity with the trans communities of Rio felt like a powerful action in itself, resisting the culture of violence that thrives in Bolsonaro’s Brazil.

Catherine McNamara, head of school (art, design and performance), faculty of Creative and Cultural Industries, University of Portsmouth

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

WhatsApp Becomes the Frontline Battleground for Brazil Elections

On Thursday, a newspaper reported that supporters of far-right candidate Jair Bolsonaro hace funded mass messaging attacks against leftist rival Fernando Haddad.

Brasilia: Facebook Inc’s WhatsApp messaging service became the frontline in Brazil‘s bitter presidential campaign on Friday, as front-runner Jair Bolsonaro angrily denied accusations he had encouraged widespread misinformation campaigns on the platform.

On Thursday, newspaper Folha de S.Paulo had reported that supporters of the far-right candidate had funded mass messaging attacks against leftist rival Fernando Haddad.

Bolsonaro said in an online video that he had no knowledge of such activity and called on any supporters doing so to stop.

Haddad and his allies have urged an investigation and threatened a flurry of legal action, as the race that lawmaker Bolsonaro is expected to win by a landslide on October 28 reaches its final stretch.

Also Read: Hate or Hope: In a Bitter Election, Brazil Fights for Its Soul and Democracy

Later on Friday, Brazil‘s top electoral court TSE approved opening a probe into the case.

The recriminations highlight the outsized political role of WhatsApp in the election in Brazil, where its more than 120 million users rival the reach of Facebook’s main platform, in a country with a population of almost 210 million.

The messaging app allows groups of hundreds of users to exchange encrypted texts, photos and video out of the view of authorities or independent fact checkers, enabling the rapid spread of misinformation with no way to track its source or full reach. Digital marketing firms had apparently taken advantage of that opacity to circulate unregistered political propaganda, according to the Folha report.

WhatsApp said on Friday it was “taking immediate legal action to stop companies from sending bulk messages,” including cease and desist letters to the companies in question.

The day before, WhatsApp said it had banned hundreds of thousands of accounts during the election period, with spam detection technology spotting accounts engaged in automated ‘bot’ behaviour.

Yet new questions arose on Friday about the effectiveness and consequences of that technology.

The leading presidential candidate’s son, Senator-elect Flavio Bolsonaro, revealed he had been blocked from using the service, demanding an explanation from the company.

Also Read: Right-Wing Brazil Candidate Bolsonaro Commits to Free Press After Calling It ‘Trash’

“There is no limit to the persecution!” Flavio Bolsonaro wrote on Twitter, adding that the ban had since been lifted.

WhatsApp confirmed that it had blocked Flavio Bolsonaro’s account for “spam behaviour” in recent days, for reasons unrelated to the Folha report.

Official complaint

Haddad’s Workers Party has filed an official complaint with electoral courts, asking them to investigate the allegations of illicit financing for misleading propaganda.

It is unclear what effect, if any, the accusations will have on opinion polls. The latest Datafolha survey, taken before the story was published, showed Bolsonaro had 59% of voter support, compared to 41% for Haddad.

Bolsonaro has run as an anti-establishment candidate despite representing Rio de Janeiro state as a federal congressman for nearly three decades. With a career untainted by major corruption investigations, he has rallied voters fed up with years of graft scandals and economic mismanagement while the Workers Party was in power.

Also Read: Brazil’s Women, LGBTQ+ Community Lead the Fight Against Rising Machismo Culture

The WhatsApp allegations have energised Haddad, who said his party has witnesses saying Bolsonaro asked business leaders for cash to pay for the bulk messaging, which he described as soliciting undeclared campaign contributions.

The Democratic Labor Party (PDT), which supports Haddad, filed an electoral complaint on Friday asking courts to annul the presidential election due to what it called an “abuse of economic power.”

(Reuters)

Right-Wing Brazil Candidate Bolsonaro Commits to Free Press After Calling It ‘Trash’

Many reporters say the animosity from Bolsonaro supporters has been more intense, targeting specific journalists for social media attacks that have led to physical confrontations.

Rio De Janeiro: Brazil‘s leading presidential candidate vowed to defend freedom of the press after his tirades against the media and reports of his supporters attacking journalists raised fears that civil liberties might suffer if he is elected.

Soon after describing the media as “trash” in a Thursday tweet, far-right congressman and former army captain Jair Bolsonaro turned around and called journalists “friends,” pledging to defend their work.

“When they cover the facts, without political activism and partiality, the media fulfil the valuable role of informing people,” he said on Twitter, adding “WE ARE AGAINST ANY TYPE OF SOCIAL CONTROL OF THE MEDIA AND INTERNET.”

Like US President Donald Trump, whose 2016 campaign he has emulated, Bolsonaro has derided critical press coverage as “fake news” and connected directly with supporters on social media, where he posts video chats, retweets right-wing outlets and suggests the media is part of a corrupt system out to stop him.

Also read: Brazil on a Knife-Edge as Polls Predict an Election Going Down to the Wire

In a Friday interview, his presidential rival, leftist Fernando Haddad, criticized Bolsonaro’s campaign for “fostering a culture of violence.”

Bolsonaro suspended campaign events after surviving a knife attack during a rally last month, but still rode a wave of anger over political graft, rising violence and a weak economy to win 46% of first-round votes on Sunday.

Opinion polls show him with a double-digit lead over Haddad ahead of the Oct. 28 run-off.

In Brazil‘s most bitterly polarized election since the end of military rule in 1985, Bolsonaro’s stabbing by a mentally disturbed man has been the most prominent in a string of violent acts hanging over the race.

Some incidents involve his supporters allegedly attacking or threatening journalists, along with gay people and other minorities that he has denigrated. Some of his comments have led to him facing federal charges of hate speech, which he has dismissed as politically motivated.

On Thursday, a car transporting Haddad was blocked by a pick-up truck in Brasília, according to his communication staff. The unidentified occupants of the vehicle shouted epithets against Haddad, his aides said.

Also Read: Brazil’s Women, LGBTQ+ Community Lead the Fight Against Rising Machismo Culture

Haddad said a man had been identified in connection with the incident and is being monitored by police.

Demonstrators shout slogans against Jair Bolsonaro, far-right lawmaker and presidential candidate of the Social Liberal Party (PSL), during a protest called “against fascism” in Sao Paulo, Brazil October 11, 2018. The poster reads: “Don’t allow your anti-Workers Party (PT) to elect a fascist.” Credit: Reuters/Amanda Perobelli

Climate of fear 

Since the impeachment of former President Dilma Rousseff, which Haddad’s Workers Party (PT) called a media-supported “coup,” crowds at leftist rallies have also been accused of intimidating camera crews from major TV stations.

However, many reporters say the animosity from Bolsonaro supporters has been more intense, targeting specific journalists for social media attacks that have led to physical confrontations.

“There is no doubt we’ve had violent episodes and a growing climate of fear,” said Diego Escosteguy, former editor-in-chief of newsweekly Epoca and critic of the PT.

“Journalists, blacks, women, transsexuals, gays, PT voters – many are afraid,” he tweeted on Friday. “That fear is not paranoia. It is the result of what Bolsonaro and his allies say – and what the candidate does not say.”

The Brazilian Association of Investigative Journalism (Abraji) has identified more than 60 instances of physical violence or its imminent threat against journalists during the campaign and more than 70 cases of online persecution.

Also Read: Hate or Hope: In a Bitter Election, Brazil Fights for Its Soul and Democracy

Bolsonaro attempted to address the issue during a rare news conference in Rio de Janeiro on Thursday, although his efforts were undercut by supporters in the room.

“Members of the press, or maybe I should say ‘friends,’ … we’re going to guarantee the freedom of the press,” he said.

“We want for you to really be independent, and be responsible in everything that you write,” he added.

But when it was the turn of a female reporter from newspaper Folha de S.Paulo to ask a question, she was hissed and booed by his supporters, prompting party leader Gustavo Bebianno to remind them of their commitment to a free press. Folha broke the news of police investigating a senior Bolsonaro aide this week.

Regarding the aggressions allegedly carried out by his supporters, Bolsonaro said he had zero tolerance.

“If by any chance it was somebody who voted for me, I reject that sort of vote. They committed a crime, they’ll have to pay,” he said. “My people are not disseminating hate.”

(Reuters)

Massive Fire at 200-Year-Old National Museum in Brazil

The museum, which is tied to the Rio de Janeiro federal university and the education ministry, was founded in 1818. It houses several landmark collections, including Egyptian artefacts and the oldest human fossil found in Brazil.

Rio de Janeiro: A massive fire raced through Brazil’s 200-year-old National Museum in Rio de Janeiro on Sunday, probably destroying its collection of more than 20 million items, ranging from archeological finds to historical memorabilia.

The destruction of the building, once a palace for emperors that had fallen into disrepair, was an “incalculable loss for Brazil,” President Michel Temer said in a statement.

“Two hundred years of work, research and knowledge were lost.”

There was no word of the possible cause late on Sunday, nor if there were casualties or the exact extent of damage.

Firefighters in Rio did not reply to requests for comment.

Live television broadcast images of the fire, which began after the end of visiting hours at 5 pm, burning out of control throughout the building late into the night.

Firefighters try to extinguish a fire at the National Museum of Brazil in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil September 2, 2018. Credit: Reuters/Ricardo Moraes

Firefighters try to extinguish a fire at the National Museum of Brazil in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil September 2, 2018. Credit: Reuters/Ricardo Moraes

The museum, which is tied to the Rio de Janeiro federal university and the education ministry, was founded in 1818. It houses several landmark collections, including Egyptian artefacts and the oldest human fossil found in Brazil.

The museum had suffered from years of neglect under numerous governments, the institution’s vice-director the Globo TV network on Sunday night.

“We never got anything from the federal government,” said the official, Luiz Duarte. “We recently finalised an agreement with (state-run development bank) BNDES for a massive investment, so that we could finally restore the palace and, ironically, we had planned on a new fire prevention system.”

In a statement posted on its website in June, BNDES agreed to financing of 21.7 million reais ($5.35 million) to “physically restore the historic building” and also to carry out work to “guarantee more security to its collections.”

Councilwoman Marielle Franco’s Murder: Black Brazilians Seek Political Voice

Franco was shot dead in March, a murder which investigators have linked to her many years of denouncing militia activity in Rio’s shanty towns.

Rio de Janeiro: When black Brazilian filmmaker Anderson Quack and rapper Nega Gizza launched their bids to run for office in October’s elections, the absence of a murdered colleague cast a long shadow over the event in an impoverished district of Rio de Janeiro.

Rising political star Marielle Franco, a black Rio councilwoman, had been instrumental in bringing the two candidates under the banner of her Socialism and Liberty Party (PSOL), but did not live to see them start their campaigns.

She was shot dead in March, a murder which investigators have linked to her many years of denouncing militia activity in Rio’s shanty towns, known as favelas. One suspect is a fellow councilman accused of links to militias, two sources with knowledge of the investigation said on Wednesday.

Thousands took to the streets to protest her death, which has become a rallying cry for favela residents and black Brazilians seeking a greater voice in their country’s politics.

“Let’s have a round of applause for our companion Marielle, who was one of our greatest supporters in this process,” Quack, who is running for Congress, told a cheering crowd of nearly 200 people assembled late Tuesday in a courtyard in the hardscrabble neighbourhood Madureira, on the outskirts of Rio. “Marielle is present!”

Quack and Gizza are part of the Favela Front of Brazil, a political movement attempting to unify the voting power of favelas and other poor black neighbourhoods historically overlooked and underrepresented in Brazilian politics.

Some 11.4 million Brazilians live in favelas, according to government data, although a study by the UN estimated a favela population five times that size, encompassing more than a third of the country’s population.

Yet late into the 20th century, favelas received little if any public services and were often left off official maps.

Outcry over the murder of Franco has galvanized the Favela Front’s efforts to push for change, tapping widespread disillusionment with traditional politicians to win more visibility for the concerns of poor black Brazilians.

“It was a bullet in all of us, an attack on our voice,” said Derson Maia, president of the Favela Front. “(Marielle) is a role model for us.”

Traditional Barriers

Brazilians who are black or pardo, a Portuguese term for mixed race, make up 55% of the country’s population, but only constitute 20% of Congress.

“This democracy everyone talks about, in many cases it doesn’t exist. It will take a lot more black legislators,” said Gizza, the rapper running for state assembly in Rio, whose legal name is Giselle Gomes Souza.

Brazil has never had a black or pardo president and this time around only one black candidate, environmentalist Marina Silva, is a major contender, locked in a dead heat for second place.

“It is hard for those coming from popular movements to become candidates for mainstream parties,” said Chico Alencar, a PSOL congressman from Rio, who identifies as pardo. He blamed the high cost of campaigns for empowering traditional interests.

Even before fundraising, the Favela Front has run into hurdles trying to register formally as a party, a process that requires thousands of signatures and will not be completed before the October election.

Given that candidates must be affiliated with a registered party to run, the Front has worked to affiliate more than 70 of its potential candidates with various centre-of-left parties around Brazil, according to Maia. Many of them will face intraparty battles to secure spaces on the ballot, he said.

But a deep recession and voter disgust over widespread political graft scandals have created an opening for outsider candidates in 2018 that they have rarely had before, said political scientist Sérgio Praça.

“I don’t think the success of this movement will be enormous … but certainly the conditions today are favourable, much more so than previous elections,” said Praça, who teaches at the Getúlio Vargas Foundation in Rio. He said the Favela Front may find its best prospects in Rio, which has been especially hard hit by political and economic instability in recent years.

“This is the right time to be starting a new political movement,” Praça said.

(Reuters)