Report Highlights Dismal State of Several State Information Commissions

The Satark Nagrik Sangathan’s report says four information commissions are defunct, while pendency and delays are endemic. This is part of efforts to “crush the citizen’s fundamental right to information”, say activists.

New Delhi: At least four of the 29 information commissions in India are completely defunct, says a report of the Satark Nagrik Sangathan (SNS), an organisation trying to hold the government accountable vis-a-vis the Right to Information Act, 2005. 

Jharkhand, Telangana, Mizoram and Tripura have had no information commission with the incumbents retiring. Jharkhand has been without a commission for the past three years and Tripura for two years.

The SNS released a report card on the performance of the information commissions of India for 2022-23 on October 11.

Another six commissions are currently headless, including the Central Information Commission, with the chief information commissioner demitting office on October 3.

Manipur has been functioning without a chief for 56 months and another officer has been made acting commissioner, though no such provision exists in the law.

Chhattisgarh has been functioning without a chief since December 2022, Maharashtra since April this year, Bihar since May and Punjab has been without a chief information commissioner since last month.

Anjali Bhardwaj from the SNS, who was a key person in compiling the report, says, “A consistent behaviour of the government we have seen since 2014 is no information commissioner is ever appointed till civil society moves [the courts]. It’s only at the court’s direction that the government is forced to move.”

Amrita Johri, also of the SNS, says, “A good way to crush the citizen’s fundamental right to information is by making information commissions defunct. With no one to appeal to, an application for information gathers dust till it has no meaning left.” 

She continued: “While the Congress regime [also] tried to dilute the Act, it refrained following backlash from civil society. The present government has amended the Act twice, first in 2019 and the second this year through the Digital Personal Data Protection Act. Each time, the RTI Act has got only weaker.”

For instance, the tenure, salary and pension of information commissioners were envisaged and written down clearly in the original Act. In 2019, this was amended. From a five-year tenure and a salary at par with a Supreme Court judge, the Act now says these are conditions that the Centre will decide. 

Also Read: The Right to Information Is Dead. Here Is its Obituary.

As a result, an information commissioner who was appointed in 2020 was a journalist and author of two books on Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Uday Mahurkar. One of the selection committee’s members, leader of the opposition Adhir Ranjan Choudhary, pointed out in his protest note that Mahurkar had not even applied for the job.

“In fact, the government is now careful about who they appoint. Sometimes their own appointee passes an order to make Modi’s college degree public. Therefore, the government knows that apart from weakening the law, the best course is not to appoint anyone,” says Johri.

The other way to deny information is to keep appeals pending, finds the SNS. As many as “3,21,537 appeals and complaints were pending on June 30, 2023 in the 27 information commissions, from which data was obtained. The backlog of appeals and complaints has been steadily increasing in commissions,” the report said. 

“The 2019 assessment had found that as of March 31, 2019, a total of 2,18,347 appeals and complaints were pending in the 26 information commissions from which data was obtained, which climbed to 2,86,325 as of June 30, 2021 and then crossed 3 lakh as of June 30, 2022. 

“Using the average monthly disposal rate and the pendency in commissions, the time it would take for an appeal/complaint to be disposed was computed. 

“The assessment shows that West Bengal SIC [state information commission] would take an estimated 24 years & 1 month to dispose [of] a matter. A matter filed on July 1, 2023 would be disposed [of] in the year 2047 at the current monthly rate of disposal!

“In Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra SICs, estimated time for disposal is more than 4 years and in Odisha and Arunachal Pradesh more than 2 years. The assessment shows that 10 commissions would take 1 year or more to dispose [of] a matter.”

The report goes on to say that an “analysis of penalties imposed by information commissions shows that the commissions did not impose penalties in 91% of the cases where penalties were potentially imposable.”

Besides, it is mandatory to table an annual report in parliament. The report says that 19 out of 29 information commissions or 66% in all have not published their annual report for 2021-22.

India and Investment Arbitration: Transparency Abroad but Stonewalling at Home?

India’s push for greater transparency in investment treaty arbitration before the courts abroad is at odds with its practice back home. Here, one has to rely on RTI Act to seek any information on such matters.

In May 2021, the Indian government lost an appeal at the Singapore Court of Appeal against an October 2020 decision of the Singapore High Court (SHC). 

The cases before the Singaporean courts emerge from the ongoing investment treaty arbitration (ITA) between Vedanta Resources Plc, the British extractive giant, and the Indian government under the India-UK bilateral investment treaty (BIT). This dispute has its origins in the blunder of retrospective amendment of tax laws in 2012. 

While the arbitration between Vedanta and India is pending, in another BIT arbitration arising out of the same matter, Cairn Energy v. India, the tribunal awarded $1.2 billion in compensation to Cairn Energy recently. 

The cases before the Singapore courts, although incidental to the main arbitral proceedings, bring to the fore important issues related to the policy and practice of the Indian government regarding transparency in ITA matters. This piece seeks to shed light on those issues. 

Seeking transparency in Singapore

The existing law of Singapore imposes a general obligation of confidentiality on arbitration. In other words, the obligation of confidentiality applies irrespective of whether the arbitration is private commercial arbitration, or an investment treaty arbitration. The Indian government moved the SHC seeking a declaration that the ‘documents generated in the Vedanta arbitration are not confidential or private’ under Singapore law. 

The declaration sought by India, was an important one, as such declaration would inevitably be based on treating ITA as conceptually and legally distinct from private commercial arbitration. 

The SHC made an important observation to this effect: 

“Singapore’s common law of arbitration imposes a general obligation of confidentiality on arbitration in Singapore generally i.e., without drawing any distinction between private arbitration and investment-treaty arbitration. But it is certainly true that the considerations which apply to a private arbitration do not apply with equal force to investment-treaty arbitrations. The latter raises important issues of public interest and public policy involving a sovereign which is ultimately accountable to its people. A different approach may well be warranted in investment-treaty arbitration, given the different stakeholders and the sovereign and public interests implicated.” [Emphasis added]

While SHC agreed that this distinction was significant, and a novel issue that has yet not been decided under the Singapore law, it rejected India’s application on the ground that circumstances of the case did not justify the exercise of discretion to grant declaratory relief which India sought. India preferred an appeal that was dismissed by SCA which disagreed partly with the reasoning of SHC. Nevertheless, the observation of SHC regarding the distinctive nature of ITA was not questioned by the SCA.

It is important to note, however, that the objective behind India’s bid for greater transparency with respect to ITA at Singapore was not the disclosure of the Vedanta arbitration documents to the general public, but only to the Cairn Energy tribunal which was hearing the matter arising from the same cause of action.  

Transparency in India? ‘We don’t do that here!’

When thought of as a litigation strategy before the Singapore courts, India’s insistence that there is no general obligation of confidentiality with respect to ITA is unsurprising. 

Nevertheless, India’s push for greater transparency in ITA before the Singapore courts is at odds with its practice back home. 

Also read: It’s Been 15 Years since RTI Act Was Passed, but Is It Really Working?

In India, to seek any information on the matters related to BITs one has to rely on the Right to Information Act, 2005. In an RTI request filed by the author, asking if the government had a designated policy regarding the disclosure of documents related to ITA cases against India, the Department of Economic Affairs (the nodal agency dealing with the BIT matters in India) replied that no such policy existed. However, the requests to publish the ITA-related information such as notice of arbitration, or award of the tribunal, are mechanically shot by the government, invoking the exceptions under the RTI Act. 

Two provisions are routinely invoked to justify the denials – first, section 8(1)(a), exempting the disclosure of information which may be prejudicial to the sovereignty and integrity of India, security, the strategic, scientific or economic interests of the State, relation with foreign State or lead to incitement of an offence; and second, section 8(1)(b) exempting the disclosure of such information which is expressly forbidden from publication by any court or tribunal, or disclosure of which may amount to contempt of court.

Recently, when the author filed an RTI request seeking disclosure of the arbitral award rendered by the Permanent Court of Arbitration in Vodafone v India, the DEA invoked section 8(1)(b) to deny the information. To top it up the first appellate authority added that such disclosure is also exempted under section 8(1)(a). Similarly, in January last year when the author filed a request to publish the arbitral award in Tenoch Holdings v India, which India won, it was rejected invoking section 8(1)(b). 

Vodafone RTI reply, dated December 18, 2020 by The Wire on Scribd

The invocation of these provisions is problematic for several reasons. The arbitral tribunal in the Vodafone case has dealt with the propriety of the imposition of retrospective taxation by the Indian government – a sovereign function, an exercise of public power of taxation. The implications of such arbitrations and awards are huge.

Also read: Vodafone versus India: A BIT of Confusion

The total cost to the public exchequer as a result of compensations to be paid after losing White Industries, Devas and Cairn Energy, adds up to a staggering amount of Rs 9,000 crore. There are several others pending where India might be expected to compensate huge amounts of money. Given such impact on public money, it is imperative in the public interest that citizens must ‘know’ about the actions of the legislature, and the executive, which bring such huge cost to the taxpayers’ money. 

The Supreme Court in the case of Reserve Bank of India v Jayantilal has specifically observed that ‘an informed citizen has the capacity to reasoned action and also to evaluate the actions of the legislature and executives, which is very important in a participative democracy and this will serve the nation’s interest better which also includes its ‘economic interests.’ Therefore, it appears counterintuitive to withhold the arbitral award on the ground that its publication would be prejudicial to the economic interests of India under section 8(1)(a). 

Further, the denial of the arbitral award on the ground of section 8(1)(b) is also problematic. In denying the request for the award, the authority simply relied on art. 32(5) of the UNCITRAL Arbitration Rules (UAR) providing that an award cannot be made public unless both the parties agree i.e., the host state and the foreign investor. While this may be so, the statute under which these authorities are operating i.e., the RTI Act requires the court or tribunal to expressly forbid the information from publication. Therefore, unless there is an express order from the tribunal prohibiting the publication, section 8(1)(b) cannot be invoked. The relevant actors under the art. 32(5) are the parties i.e., claimant investor, and the host State, whereas the actor contemplated under section 8(1)(b) is the tribunal. It will only be improper to apply section 8(1)(b) merely based on an agreement between the investor and the state, in absence of an express order by the tribunal. 

The application of section 8(1)(b) based on article 32(5) of the UNCITRAL Arbitration Rules also exposes the lack of understanding of issues relating to the relationship between domestic law and international law. First, the UAR does not have the status of a treaty. They are only ‘procedural rules upon which parties may agree for the conduct of arbitral proceedings arising out of their commercial relationship.’ These rules do not create a general binding obligation on the Indian government, so as to supersede the obligations under domestic law such as the RTI Act. 

Second, under the Indian legal system, the rules of international law do not create a binding obligation in the domestic law, unless they are implemented through a legislation by the parliament. The Indian parliament has not enacted any implementing legislation under art. 253 of the Indian Constitution making the UAR part of the Indian law. Therefore, invoking section 8(1)(b) on the pretext of UAR to avoid the obligations under RTI Act is a severe blow to citizens’ right to know, a constitutional right. It simply amounts to permitting the government to bypass the domestic law obligations by privately agreeing with a claimant investor to keep documents confidential in the arbitration. 

Global push for transparency in ITA and India

Lack of transparency is one of the major reasons, responsible for the legitimacy crisis in international investment law, and ITA. This general lack of transparency exists regarding how BITs are negotiated, hearings of the arbitral tribunals, documents related to arbitration etc. In December 2013, the UN General Assembly adopted UNCITRAL Rules on Transparency in Treaty-based Investor-State Arbitration which inter alia provides that the documents such as the notice of arbitration, the response to the notice of arbitration, the statement of claim, the statement of defence etc. shall be made available to the public.

To further strengthen transparency in ITA, the UN adopted Mauritius Convention on Transparency 2014. Additionally, transparency in ITA is a recurring issue in the deliberations of the UNCITRAL Working Group III since 2017, which is working on the reform of ITA. India has not signed the Mauritius Convention yet.

However, the new Indian Model BIT has an express provision on ‘transparency in arbitral proceedings’. Article 22 provides that subject to the applicable law for the protection of confidential information the defending party i.e., the host state, shall make documents such as the notice of dispute, the notice of arbitration, pleadings, submissions by parties, transcripts of hearings where available, and decisions, orders and awards issued by the tribunal.

The BITs signed by India with Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, after the new model was adopted, contain an identical provision on transparency. It is also important to note that the obligation of India in the Model BIT is independent of the consent of the other party i.e., the claimant investor. In other words, the consent of the investor is not at all necessary for the publication of ITA-related documents. However, the practice of government as discussed above, is diametrically opposite especially when they invoke section 8(1)(b). 

Exemption available u/Section 8(1)(b) of the RTI Act by The Wire on Scribd

Silver Lining?

While on most occasions the RTI requests related to ITA matter have been shot down, there have been two exceptional instances where the Indian government revealed the requested information such as arbitral awards, and the decision on jurisdictions etc, consequent to the author’s requests.

The Ministry of Heavy Industries and Public Enterprises was forthcoming in providing the Decision on Jurisdiction rendered by the PCA in the case of Nissan v India under the India-Japan CEPA in response to the original request by the applicant, in August 2019, even as the arbitration was ongoing and the award on merits had yet not been given.

Department of Heavy Industries Nissan RTI reply by The Wire on Scribd

Second, the Ministry of Shipping released in 2019 the arbitral award, as well as the decision on jurisdiction in the case of Louis Dreyfus Armateurs v India rendered by the PCA, where India won. 

Overall, the policy, and practice of the Indian government regarding transparency in ITA matters, is contradictory. In applying the RTI Act, the officials seem to follow an unstated policy where non-disclosure seems to be the rule, and disclosure, an exception. While the government has certainly been proactive in training and capacity building of the government officials concerning BITs and ITA, the government must also address the issues relating to transparency in ITA.

In April, an executive training programme was conducted for government officials, which had DEA officials, leading academicians, and practitioners in the field of ITA as resource persons. However, there was no session on transparency. Even if there was a discussion, we may never know, as all the deliberations were confidential. 

Pushkar Anand is an assistant professor at the Faculty of Law, University of Delhi. He can be reached at pushkar.rathaur@gmail.com

Information Commissioners’ Tenures, Salaries Now Firmly in Centre’s Hands

As rules for amended RTI Act are notified three months after the amendment, activists insist greater powers with Centre would make information commissioners wary of issuing tough orders.

New Delhi: As the Centre today notified the rules for the amended Right to Information Act, 2005, curtailing the the tenure of information commissioners in both Central Information Commission and State Information Commissions to three years, a number of RTI activists slammed the move and said it would reduce the commissioners to “caged parrots”.

According to the gazette notification, “The Right to Information (Term of Office, Salaries, Allowances and Other Terms and Conditions of Service of Chief Information Commissioner, Information Commissioners in the Central Information Commission, State Chief Information Commissioner and State Information Commissioners in the State Information Commission) Rules, 2019 will be applicable on all new appointments.”

The RTI Act was amended by the Centre in July 2019 to alter the tenure and terms of service of the information commissioners as it intended to do away with the parity enjoyed by them with the Chief Election Commissioner and election commissioners as per the original Act.

Rules come three months after Act was amended

The notification has come nearly three months after the amendments were passed amid protests by rights activists. Due to the delay new appointments had stalled and pendency of cases in commissions that were short of hands rose sharply.

As per the new rules, the Centre would now have the discretion to decide the allowances or service conditions not specifically covered by the 2019 rules and its decision would be “binding”. The power to relax the norms would also rest with the government.

Also read: Who’s Afraid of the RTI Act?

Tenure of Commissioners reduced to three years from five

While earlier, the commissioners had a term of five now or retired at the age of 65, whichever was earlier, now the term has been fixed at three years.

RTI activists had earlier argued that there was a need for a longer tenure that so that the information commissioners could function fearlessly.

CIC chief gets Rs 2.50 lakh in salary, all other commissioners Rs 2.25 lakh

The rules also stipulate fixing of the salary of Chief Information Commissioner at Rs 2.50 lakh and of Information Commissioners at Rs 2.25 lakh.

In a detailed analysis of the notification, Anjali Bhardwaj of Satark Nagrik Sangathan said these rules would make information commissions function like “caged parrots” since “they would now be wary of giving directions for disclosing information that the central government does not wish to provide”.

She said, “The rules made by the Central government confirm fears that the amendments were aimed at allowing the government to exert control over the information commissions.”

‘Government gets discretion to have different tenures for different commissioners’

On the reduction in tenure, she commented that while there is no change to the maximum age limit of 65 years and to the provisions regulating reappointment, as these provisions were not amended, Rule 22 states that the central government has the power to relax the provisions of any of the rules in respect of any class or category of persons.

“This raises serious concerns that the government could potentially invoke these powers to determine different tenures for different commissioners at the time of appointment,” she said.

Also Read: ‘RTI Bill Shrouded in Secrecy, How Will it Enhance Transparency?’ Ask Former CICs

‘Status of Information Commissioners reduced’

Bharadwaj charged that the protection of status of information commissioners has also been done away with. According to her, “prior to the amendments, the RTI Act conferred a high status on Commissioners to empower them to carry out their functions autonomously, without fear or favour, and direct even the highest offices to comply with the provisions of the law”.

“The law stated that the salaries and allowances payable to, and other terms and conditions of service of, the Chief and the Information Commissioners of the CIC shall be the same as that of the Chief Election Commissioner and Election Commissioners respectively,” she said.

‘Reduction in salaries does away with insulation from government control’

Further, she added, the salaries and allowances of “State Chief Information Commissioners and State Information Commissioners were the same as that of the Election Commissioner and the Chief Secretary to the state government, respectively. The Chief and other election commissioners are paid a salary equal to that of a judge of the Supreme Court, which is decided by parliament, thereby providing insulation from government control.”

But now, she lamented, “rules made by the Central Government have done away with the protection of stature of commissioners.” The rules prescribe a fixed quantum of salary for commissioners – Chief of CIC at Rs 2.50 lakh per month, Chief of SICs and information commissioners of CIC and SICs at Rs 2.25 lakh per month.

Also Read: RTI Amendment Bill, Degree Row: Modi’s Victories Against Transparency Movement

The rights activist said, “The removal of the provision guaranteeing equivalence to other posts (Chief Election Commissioner, Election Commissioners, Chief Secretaries) means that salaries of information commissioners will be revised only if the central government decides to revise the rules.”

Also, the rules do not indicate details of the post-retirement entitlements, including pensions, of commissioners, she added.

‘Government will wield influence through discretionary powers on post retirement benefits’

Bharadwaj said more discretion has been brought in through Rule 21 which states that conditions of service for which no express provision has been made in these rules shall be decided in each case by the Central Government. “This would potentially mean that the government will decide the post retirement entitlements, including pension, of each commissioner. It could use this power to vary the entitlements of different commissioners and use it as a means to exercise control and influence.”

Similarly, she said, Rule 22 allows the central government to relax the provisions of any of the rules in respect of any class or category of persons. “This raises the concern whether the government can invoke these powers to determine different salaries, allowances and terms of conditions for different commissioners.”

The rules, she said, also empower the Centre to relax provisions related to tenure, salaries and terms of service for different category of persons. “This destroys the insulation provided in the original RTI Act, which was crucial to enable information commissions to function in an independent manner. The autonomy of commissions is further eroded through rules by enabling the central government to decide certain entitlements for commissioners on a case by case basis,” she said.

Information Commissions, commissioners downgraded, reduced to ‘babus’

Another RTI activist, Venkatesh Nayak, told PTI that “as the parity between the Information Commissions and the Election Commission of India has been downgraded to babu-level (government officials)” and so now it was very unlikely that senior bureaucrats would be hauled up before the Information Commissions for not complying with the provisions of the RTI Act.

He said the trait of the bureaucracy to equate seniority, authority and power with pay grades “adversely affects the prestige and the ability of the Information Commissions to do their appointed job under the RTI Act.”

Another RTI activist, Commodore (Retd.) Lokesh Batra commented that the new rules give the government full control over the information commissions and puts a question mark on their autonomy.

Activists Slam Bill That Gives Centre Control Over Salaries of Information Commissioners

The Modi government will introduce the RTI Amendment Bill, which also proposes bringing the tenure of commissioners under the Centre’s control, in the monsoon session of the parliament. 

New Delhi: The Centre’s proposal to alter the “status and service conditions” of information commissioners in the Central Information Commission and the state information commissions by bringing their tenure and salaries under its own ambit through the Right to Information (Amendment) Bill 2018 has got rights activist up in arms over fears that it would undermine the authority of the commissions as well as the transparency movement.

The Bill has been listed for “introduction, consideration and passing” in the monsoon session of parliament due to begin on July 18.

As the details of the proposed move became known, Anjali Bhardwaj of the National Campaign for People’s Right to Information stated that the text of RTI Amendment Bill revealed that it “seeks to completely destroy the autonomy of information commissions by allowing the Central government to decide the tenure and salaries of central and state information commissioners, which are currently statutorily protected.”

A reading of the Bill revealed that the Centre wants to control both the duration of the tenure of the chief information commissioner and the information commissioners as well as their remuneration.

Salaries of CIC, ICs at par with CEC, ECs respectively

In the statement of objects and reasons, the Bill states that Section 13 of the Act provides that the salaries and allowance and other terms and conditions of service of the chief information commissioner and information commissioners shall be the same as that of the chief election commissioner and election commissioner respectively.

Similarly, it states that Section 16 of the Act provides that the salaries and allowance and other terms and conditions of service of the state chief information commissioner and state information commissioners shall be the same as that of the election commissioner and the chief secretary to the state government respectively.

‘EC is constitutional body, ICs are statutory bodies’

It further said “the salaries and allowances and other terms and conditions of service of the chief election commissioner and election commissioner are equal to a judge of the Supreme Court, and therefore the chief information commissioner, information commissioner and state chief information commissioner becomes equivalent to the judge of the Supreme Court in terms of their salaries and allowances and other terms and conditions of service.”

‘Mandate of EC and information panels different, so status and service conditions need to be rationalised accordingly’

The Centre argued that “since the functions being carried out by the Election Commission of India and the central and state information commissions are totally different” and since “the Election Commission is a constitutional body established by clause (1) of Article 324 of the constitution” whereas “the Central Information Commission and State Information Commissions are statutory bodies established under the provisions of the Right to Information Act 2015”, therefore their “mandate” is different and “hence their status and service conditions need to be rationalised accordingly”.

In Section 13 of the RTI Act 2015 which deals with the tenure and emoluments, the Bill seeks to substitute “for a term of five years from the date on which he enters upon his office” to “for such term as may be prescribed by the Central government”.

It further states that “the salaries and allowance payable to and other terms and conditions of service of the chief information commissioner and the information commissioners shall be such as may be prescribed by the Central government”.

Likewise, the RTI Amendment Bill 2018 seeks to make changes to Section 16 of the principal Act which deals with the tenure and remuneration of the state chief information commissioner and the state information commissioners by proposing a change to “such term” from “a term of five years” and by stating that “salaries and allowances payable” to them “shall be such as may be prescribed by the Central government”.

Activists oppose changes, insist status conferred to information panels empowers them

Incidentally, Bhardwaj had earlier opposed any such changes on the ground that “status conferred on information commissioners under the RTI Act is to empower them to carry out their functions autonomously and direct even the highest offices to comply with the provisions of the RTI Act. Undermining their status will fundamentally dilute the RTI Act.”

Prominent rights activist and former central information commissioner Shailesh Gandhi had also cautioned against any changes. He had tweeted against making any changes to the RTI Act saying it was one of the best.

‘Tenure card may be used to ease out information commissioners issuing bold orders’

Another RTI activist, Venkatesh Nayak of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, said that the amendments will “deliver a body blow to the functional autonomy of the Information Commissions.”

Nayak said the amendments “seek to subject even the tenure of ICs to the control of the Central and state governments” and that this was “highly likely be used by governments to ease out information commissioners who will direct disclosure of information that the governments find inconvenient and seek to keep under wraps.”

He also noted that the proposed amendments can end up making the information commissions just another arm of the executive. This, he said, was not the original intention of parliament when it created a strong external appellate body like the information commission that would adjudicate disputes about people’s fundamental right to information about government’s functioning without fear or favour.

As for the impact of the proposals related to salary, he said by seeking to give governments the power to vary the salary and allowances to information commissioners at the time of every appointment, the Centre seems to want to repeat actions taken by the government of Nepal a few years ago, when it downgraded the salaries of the RTI commissioners even before the first batch could complete its term.

‘A body blow to cooperative federalism’

Nayak said, “the amendment proposals also seek to empower the Central government to vary the salaries of state information commissioners as well” and that “this should be treated as a body blow to the era of cooperative federalism whereby government of India would like to decide how much the state chief ICs and SICs should be paid for work.”

He also said that such amendment proposals defeat the very purpose of installing autonomous bodies that judge the correctness of governmental action in denying access to information. “The government of India is seeking to reverse its role as a high standard setter of strong RTI laws in the region. Instead it is seeking to toe the line of bad practices adopted elsewhere in South Asia,” he commented.

Haryana Assembly Corrects Speaker’s Educational Qualification After RTI Highlights Discrepancy

The name of speaker Kanwar Pal’s college was removed altogether from the assembly website as it did not match what was mentioned in his election affidavits.

The name of speaker Kanwar Pal’s college was removed altogether from the assembly website as it did not match what was mentioned in his election affidavits.

Haryana assembly speaker Kanwar Pal. Credit: Twitter

New Delhi: The Haryana assembly has removed from its official website the name of speaker Kanwar Pal’s college and has also changed his educational qualification to BA second year from Bachelor of Arts after an advocate-activist filed an RTI, and wrote a letter to the assembly and its IT cell, highlighting the discrepancies between the information on the website and in three affidavits the speaker had filed during the assembly elections.

Through an application filed under the Right to Information Act 2005, advocate Hemant Kumar had sought information from the state public information officer of Haryana assembly regarding Pal’s educational qualification.

Educational qualification of speaker ‘misrepresented’ on website

On the reason behind the RTI application, Kumar said that being a qualified advocate, he was aware that “no educational qualification was prescribed for being a speaker of a house and even an illiterate MLA can become so.” However, he said, what he wished to disseminate was how the educational qualification of a person holding an elite constitutional post – the speaker of Haryana Vidhan Sabha – was being “misrepresented on the official website of the assembly” vis-a-vis what he had submitted in three successive election affidavits.

“Moreover, there is discrepancy in two affidavits regarding the year of his highest qualification. He is an undergraduate having passed only upto BA II, even that year is questionable, but his CV on the assembly website shows him as a BA from a college, which too is different from one he mentioned in one of his election affidavits,” Kumar had observed.

Mismatch between website and election affidavit data

He had sought the information about the speaker saying that “on one hand his biodata/CV as uploaded on official website of Haryana assembly shows him to be a Bachelor of Arts (BA) and his college name as MLN College, Yamuna Nagar whereas on the other hand when one checks the duly sworn in election affidavits as filed by the Hon’ble Speaker along with his nomination papers as a candidate during Haryana general assembly elections pertaining to the years 2005, 2009 and 2014, it reveals that he happens to be a BA II.”

Kumar further stated in the RTI application that “in the 2009 affidavit, his college name has been mentioned as Maharaja Agrasen College, Jagadhri”

Recently, the educational qualifications of several prominent leaders including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, union minister Smriti Irani and former Delhi minister Jitender Singh Tomar had made headlines.

Letter to assembly fails to get response

Earlier, on May 20, Kumar had also forwarded a letter to the speaker’s office via e-mail and to the IT cell of the Haryana assembly, pointing out the “discrepancy” in the speaker’s biodata when compared to the election affidavits. However, he told The Wire that he did not receive any response.

This note was more detailed than the RTI application. It stated that when Kumar “checked his [speaker’s] election affidavit as submitted by him to the returning officer along with his nomination papers as a contesting candidate from Jagadhri constituency” during the 2014 Haryana general election, he found that “it was mentioned therein that his highest qualification is up to BA II from Kurukshetra University and the relevant year as mentioned therein is 1979-80.”

But the lawyer-activist said when he checked his previous election affidavit from 2009, he found that it mentioned that Pal had done his BA second year from Maharaja Agrasen College, Jagadhri and that too in the year 1981.

Noticing such a grave discrepancy, when Kumar checked another available election affidavit, it too mentioned his highest qualification as BA II from Kurukshetra University but without reference of any college or year. “Now amidst all this, one wonders which has been Hon ‘ble Speaker Kanwar Pal’s actual college name, either the one which is mentioned in his Sep/Oct, 2009 poll affidavit i.e. Maharaja Agrasen College, Jagadhri or else what is currently mentioned on official website of Haryana assembly in his biodata viz. MLN College, Yamuna Nagar?” Kumar demanded.

Secondly, Kumar asked “what was the actual year, 1979-80 or 1981, when he passed his BA II and finally if the speaker is only BA II, as substantiated by his three election affidavits, then how his biodata as uploaded on Vidhan Sabha website is showing his education as BA?”

Asking if this indeed was “an inadvertent omission or otherwise”, he had urged the assembly to rectify the situation.

Finally, a correction and a deletion on assembly website

It was only on May 30, Kumar said, that the Haryana assembly website made some changes to the biodata of the speaker by showing him as BA second year pass and by removing the name of his college altogether. However, questions remain about how and why the discrepancies arose.