Tag: ravidassia

Punjab: A Look at Influential Deras and Their Roles in Elections

Ahead of the polls, Dera Sacha Sauda’s infamous chief Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh was released on furlough, while Prime Minister Narendra Modi met the head of another influential dera.

Jalandhar: As Punjab heads for assembly elections on February 20, two developments in the past fortnight have once again highlighted the influential role played by ‘deras’ or religious centres that are headed by a preacher, who generally teaches philosophy, religion and way of life.

The first development was the 21-day parole granted to Dera Sacha Sauda’s infamous chief Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh. The second was the head of the Dera Radha Soami Satsang Beas, Baba Gurinder Singh Dhillon, meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi on February 13. Both these deras enjoy considerable sway over people.

There are many more deras in Punjab, but some prominent ones always come into the picture whenever elections are around the corner. Since a large number of people follow deras, politicians from across parties also visit them to seek support, a testament to their clout. The Wire traces some influential deras in Punjab.

Dera Sacha Sauda

The Haryana-based Dera Sacha Sauda was thrown into the spotlight in August 2017, when its chief Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh was convicted of rape. His followers then went on the rampage in Punjab and Haryana, leading to the death of 38 people.

The dera’s political wing has a history of backing different parties. While its supporters include people from different sections of the society, their largest support base is from Dalits. Though the dera is based in Sirsa, Haryana, it wields influence in Punjab’s Malwa belt. This region of Punjab is the largest and accounts for 69 of the state’s 117 assembly seats.

Among the key districts where the dera enjoys a strong base are Bathinda, Ferozepur, Fazilka, Sangrur, Muktsar and Mansa.

Earlier, the SAD, the BJP and the Congress had taken support from the dera, but its alleged involvement in the 2015 sacrilege case – apart from Ram Rahim’s conviction – has meant that parties are treading cautiously ahead of this election. Even the dera is yet to announce its support for any party.

In the 2002 assembly polls, the dera supported Amarinder Singh, after which the Congress came to power. In 2007, the dera again supported the Congress but the party lost the polls. During the 2012 polls, the dera supported individual candidates instead of a party and threw its weight behind the SAD-BJP in 2017, but the alliance was voted out.

Ritin Khanna, the executive editor of Uttam Hindu, said if the dera decides to support the BJP, it could prove to be a gamechanger. “On average, it commands the support of at least 15,000 people in 30 seats of Malwa. As we have a multi-cornered contest in Punjab, these votes can play a crucial role. Moreover, the BJP’s surveys in Malwa have found that dera votes can boost its chances in other constituencies of Punjab too,” Khanna said.

However, the Dera Sacha Sauda’s political committee member Ram Singh Insan said, “We have not taken any decision on this issue. All politicians visit our dera, as they have every right to seek votes.”

A dera follower, Jyoti Joram (20) from Bathinda, said, “We will vote as per the directions of the dera authorities. It is our good luck to fulfil the guruji’s command.”

Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh.

Dera Radha Soami Satsang Beas, Amritsar

An ‘apolitical’ organisation, Dera Radha Saomi Satsang Beas in Amritsar suddenly made headlines after its chief Gurinder Singh Dhillon met Modi in Delhi on February 13, leading to speculations in the poll-bound state.

Dhillon also met Union home minister Amit Shah on February 16 at the dera headquarters in Beas. A photo of the meeting was tweeted by Shah.

Earlier, in December 2021, the dera chief met CM Charanjit Singh Channi at his house. The meeting led to speculation as it came a day after an FIR was lodged against SAD leader Bikram Singh Majithia. His wife Ganieve Kaur is a distant relative of the dera head.

As per a book published by the dera titled Equilibrium of Love, it has 5,000 branches across the country. It also has branches in 90 countries. A prominent dera, its followers come from all religions, castes and from all walks of life, including retired Army officers, bureaucrats, politicians, actors, singers, writers, NRIs, farmers and labourers. Even Bollywood actor Shahid Kapoor is a follower of the dera. His father Pankaj Kapur’s voiceovers have been used in many short films on social issues, which are played during satsangs.

A dera functionary, requesting anonymity, said, “The dera chief’s meeting with PM Modi has raised eyebrows because ideally, dignitaries visit the dera and attend the satsang, and take langar. But the meeting with the PM was outside the dera in Delhi. We have learnt that a senior official of the dera, who is reportedly close to Modi, was behind this meeting.”

The dera functionary said that Rahul Gandhi had visited the dera in early 2020 and stayed for two days on the premises. “Even during the 2017 assembly and 2019 parliamentary polls, a section of dera functionaries supported select candidates in the state. They do play an active role in elections but not overtly,” the official said.

Dera Sachkhand Ballan, Jalandhar

The Dera Sachkhand Ballan in Jalandhar is a revered place of the Addharmi or Ravidassia community of the Doaba region of Punjab, which covers Jalandhar, Hoshiarpur, Kapurthala and Nawanshahr districts.

The dera is headed by Sant Niranjan Dass and has followers across Punjab and even abroad. Such is the political prominence of this dera that before elections, all politicians come to pay obeisance.

It hogged the limelight when the then head of the dera, Sant Ramanand, was killed in Vienna, Austria in May 2009, leading to violence by agitated followers across Punjab, particularly in Doaba.

CM Channi, who hails from the Ramdasia Sikh community, stayed overnight at the dera in January. This was seen as an attempt to consolidate Dalit votes.

Charanjit Singh Channi with Satguru Swami Niranjan Dass Maharaj at Dera Sachkhand Ballan Jalandhar. Photo: Twitter

Not many people know that the Guru Ravidass temple in Benaras, Uttar Pradesh was constructed by the Dera Ballan in 1965.

Baldev Kumar, a dera follower from Nawanshahr district, said “The dera authorities have never told us whom to vote for. Neither have they interfered nor do they have any political interests. All they want is the upliftment and empowerment of Dalits.”

Jagdev Jassal, another follower from Sham Chaurasi in the Hoshiarpur district, said, “We have never been controlled by the dera on any issue.”

Dera spokesperson Sat Paul Virdi said, “We have never asked people to vote for any party. It is purely their decision.”

Divya Jyoti Jagran Sansthan, Nurmahal, Jalandhar

The Divya Jyoti Jagran Sansthan situated at Nurmahal in Jalandhar came to the limelight after its founder-head Ashutosh Maharaj was found dead under mysterious circumstances on the dera premises on January 30, 2014.

Following his death, its functionaries claimed that Ashutosh Maharaj had gone into “samadhi” and was not dead. The incident had led to major controversy but the sansthan authorities remained firm on their stand.

Until now, nobody has seen the body of Ashutosh Maharaj in ‘samadhi’, which is kept in a freezer. The dera authorities claim that Ashutosh will come out of samadhi soon. Post this incident, the then SAD-BJP government had named a village, ‘Divya Gram’, after the sect.

Despite a lot of pressure for investigation, the government has played safe and went in sync with the dera authorities’ claim. The dera is based on Hindu religion and philosophy and holds satsangs on Sundays and important days. It is usually flocked by politicians.

Swami Vishalanand, a functionary of the sansthan, said, “We have a neutral and non-political stand on elections. As per our head Ashutosh Maharaj, voting is the right of a voter and they are free to cast votes as per their liking.”

The Farm Law Protests Could Whitewash the Blatant Inequality of Rural Punjab

Punjab’s agricultural policies are remnants of a feudal system requiring creative destruction. The proposed farm laws could be contestable, but the fact that the agrarian economy needs a free market is undeniable.

The sight of a burly farmer bracing police water cannons on his chest during the ongoing protests against the farm law reinforces the archetype of Punjabi Übermensch.

He is the eternal baaghi or renegade ready to pit himself against injustice, invoking the remarkable guerrilla instincts instilled into him by centuries of martial folklore.

His is a subconscious allusion to the 17th century Sikh general Bidhi Chand Chhinna, the Robin Hood of Majha, upon whom the sixth Guru Hargobind bestowed the title of “Guru ka seena” – the Guru’s breastplate.

Yet, this image of the feisty farmer, the simpleton with no axe to grind except his own, may potentially whitewash the grim underbelly of rural Punjab.

In 2012, while running a social initiative for Dalits called Abroo, I started mapping villages where farm labourers were being boycotted by the landlords. To my utter surprise, within months, dozens of names popped up on the map like ugly zits.

Among all the Indian states, Punjab has the highest proportion of Dalits. Just like my family, they migrated from places as far as Maharashtra, Karnataka and Bengal to escape the ignominy of caste and carve a new identity under Sikhism, which offered remarkable promise. Undeniably, the Dalits did prosper and their relative socioeconomic situation is much better here in Punjab.

But the manacles of caste take generations to wear down. And many – in fact, a majority – of them are landless, relying on the mercy of landlords and perennial farm work of sowing and reaping.

In rural Punjab, the Dalit farm labourers are denoted as seeri, rather derisively. They form the heart of the agrarian workforce, but their condition remains fragile.

When these labourers start demanding pay increments, the landlords rain down on them with majoritarian might. Any collective action is crushed with village-wide “boycotts.”

It is devastating for the labourers who are already clutching at straws. The Dalits are unable to procure sauda, the household supplies. Milk becomes out of reach, so does fodder for the precious livestock. They are barred from using the common shamlat land for grazing the paltry cows and goats which they own.

The boycotts are sometimes enforced in collusion with the rural administration as well as the local clergy.

In village Mahan Singh Wala, this rural apartheid was announced by the gurdwara. In places like Amirke, Faride Wala, Dhotian, Sardarpura, Gandav, Sakohan, Lehra Khana and Khiva Khurd, the labourers either faced violence or had to walk miles to procure the household supplies.

All these boycotts were recorded within a matter of few months in the year 2012.

In fact, over time, this has become a time-tested political strategy in rural Punjab and such boycotts could potentially last for years.

As recently as June 2020, dozens of panchayats of Southern Punjab issued a similar “diktat” to enforce a wage ceiling. Resistance was met with violence and threats.

Farmers protest at Singhu. Photo: PTI

The discrimination also acquires a more sinister hue when the Dalits are barred from entering the gurdwaras, performing seva and, in the case of village Sur Singh, even offered amrit from a separate utensil during the baptism ceremony (this act was recorded in the oldest Sikh seminary originally established by the sixth Guru and a petition with the National Commission for Scheduled Castes was filed by the writer on the same).

Resultingly, the Dalits have moved out of the Sikh fold in droves, “converting” to Ravidassia, Ad-dharmi and Christian faiths.

At the heart of it, the issue is purely socioeconomic but has become irreversibly political and religious now.

Punjab’s agriculture has been unsustainable for ages and only survives on state subsidies. Labour cost, succumbing to the caste dynamics, is the easiest thing to curtail, so the landlords run amok. The whole agrarian system requires a major shakeup.

Also Read: ‘You Can’t Forget Your Soil’: Why Punjabi Artists Are So Embedded in the Farmers’ Protest

This crisis has had major macroeconomic consequences for India and is directly contributing to the supply-side glut aggravating the ongoing technical recession.

Respected economic journalist Andy Mukherjee notes, “The push toward higher wages should have come from higher farm productivity, which would have raised the price of migrant labour coming to cities.”

In that sense, Punjab’s agricultural policies are a blackhole – the remnants of a feudal system requiring creative destruction. The proposed farm laws could be contestable, but the fact that the agrarian economy needs a free market is undeniable.

A healthy, hearty labourer ought to become the symbol of Punjab’s prosperity, just like that Übermensch who braved the water cannon.

Baba Nanak heavily invested his energies to enlighten the “boorish” farmers. Now, it is their time to payback the dues. It is their time to make sure that the Sikh verse “nimaneyaan da maan” – the honour of the meek – does not remain a mere incantation.

Pukhraj Singh is a cyber-warfare analyst, media observer and social activist.

Dera Ballan Sect Head Writes to Modi, Seeks Separate Ravidassia Dalit Identity

While some have praised the move, others have accused that it is an attempt to ‘divide’ Dalits in the state.

Jalandhar: A letter written by the head of the Dalit dominated Dera Sant Sarwan Dass Ji Sachkhand Ballan sect in Jalandhar to Prime Minister Narendra Modi to include a separate column of ‘Ravidassia’ in the 2021 Census for the Scheduled Castes (SC) community in Punjab has led to social and political debate.

Sant Niranjan Dass wrote to PM Modi:

“All the followers of Guru Ravidass Ji are called Ravidassia, as they follow Ravidassia religion. In the last population Census 2011, lakhs of Ravidassia had to write Ravidassia in the ‘Other’ column. Therefore, we humbly request your good-self to include a religion column and allocate unique code for Ravidassia religion in the upcoming population census of 2021 and in all future population census, so that the Ravidassia word may also be written in the column of list of SC as well as in the SC column of Census Form.” (sic)

In the letter, a copy of which is available with The Wire, the sect head asks PM Modi to take the “revolutionary step” to give Ravidassias their own identity.

Sant Niranjan Dass, the head of the Dera Sant Sarwan Dass Ji Sachkhand Ballan sect.

The decision behind this move dates back to May 2009, when the deputy head of the Dera, Sant Ramanand, was killed in a gurdwara in Vienna, Austria by Sikh hardliners who were opposed to the Dera’s practice of touching the feet of their ‘guru’ in the presence of Guru Granth Sahib. His killing led to widespread violence in Punjab, especially Jalandhar.

As a result, a section of Dalits separated themselves from Sikhism and announced their religion as Ravidassia and began following the religious scripture Amritbani on January 30, 2010, the 633rd birth anniversary of Guru Ravidass at Seer Goverdhanpur in Varanasi. By the 2011 census, around 88,650 Dalits had registered themselves as ‘Ravidassia’.

However, 10 years down the lane, not only are the Dalits known as ‘Ad-dharmis’ or ‘Ravidassia’ in common parlance from Punjab’s Doaba belt (Jalandhar, Nawanshahr, Hoshiarpur and Kapurthala districts) divided over the issue of following Guru Granth Sahib or Amritbani, even political parties are maintaining silence.

As some elders from Jandu Singha village in Jalandhar pointed out, their village has two Ravidass gurdwaras now. “Some people wanted to replace Guru Granth Sahib with Amritbani but we stopped them from taking such a step. Later, they constructed a new Ravidass gurdwara to place Amritbani as their holy book.”

Interestingly, the Sri Guru Ravidass Sadhu Samperdaye Society of Punjab, a body which controls 300 Dalit Deras in the state, is strongly opposed to this move.

In its mouthpiece Adi-Dharm Patrika dated July 23, the society emphasised that the followers of Guru Ravidass should write ‘Adi-Dharm’ as their religion in the 2021 Census. A campaign on this issue by various Dalit factions was picking up pace on social media.

Also Read: Punjab: Dalit Village ‘Misled’ by Govt to Hand Over Panchayat Land for Industrial Park

How ‘Ad-Dharm’ started

Babu Mangu Ram who started and registered ‘Ad-Dharm’. Photo: Author provided

The Ad-Dharm Mandal was started by Mangu Ram Muggowalia, a Dalit person from Muggowal village in Hoshiarpur district in 1926. Dalits, who were then called ‘untouchables’, declared the founders of Ad-Dharm were Guru Ravidass, Valmiki, Namdev and Sant Kabir. The term ‘Ad-Dharm’ means ‘Original Religion/Ancient Religion’ of the indigenous inhabitants, the ‘Adi-Dharmi’ of India.

Talking to The Wire G.C. Koul, whose PhD was on the ‘Philosophical study of Guru Ravidass’, said that Babu Mangu Ram approached the government to register ‘Ad-Dharm’ as a separate religion in the census on October 10, 1929.

“At that time, a total of 4,18,789 lakh Dalits registered as Ad-Dharmis. The then chief minister Sikander Hayat Khan pioneered the move, which was followed in the 1941 census too,” said Koul, the former head of the department of Punjabi at the DAV College in Jalandhar.

Koul also said that even the first president of India, Dr Rajendra Prasad, had mentioned about the independent identity of ‘Ad-Dharm’ in his book India Divided. “At that time, Dalits were settled in Jullundur followed by Multan and Lahore divisions of the undivided Punjab,” he added.

He said that the Dera Ballan’s move represents its ‘vested interest’. “There are 37 sub-castes registered under the list of notified SCs in Punjab. Even if the government attempts to include Ravidassia as a sub-caste, it requires 2/3rd majority to bring an amendment in the Scheduled Castes & Scheduled Tribes Orders (Amendment) Act, 1976. Saints are meant to unite society, not divide it. But the Dera is weakening it,” Koul said.

The Dera’s viewpoint

Dera Sachkhand Ballan spokesperson Sat Paul Virdi defended the decision, saying there are already 6,000 SC communities across the country. “We are not changing our religion. All we want is a status, recognition and identity for the followers of Guru Ravidass, which should be Ravidassia. People should understand that ‘Ad-Dharmi’ is a caste and ‘Ravidassia’ is a religion. Dalits have been subject to injustice. The Dera management’s decision would make us count in the country,” he said.

However, when asked about the opposition from within the community, Virdi said that around 88,000 Dalits had registered themselves as Ravidassia within six months of the religion being announced in 2010. “After 10 years, the total number of Dalits who adopted the Ravidassia religion is approximately 10 crores across the world,” he claimed.

When questioned about allegations that the Dera’s decision was taken at the behest of the BJP-RSS, Sat Paul Virdi vehemently denied them. “This is not true. We are merely seeking justice and our rights. The reality is that we also wanted to become Sikh, but did they accept us? It is the Sikhs who will be affected. They ignored us and are responsible for this fallout,” he added.

Dera Sachkhand Ballan in Jalandhar, a prominent religious place for Dalits of Punjab. Photo: Kusum Arora

Dalit votes and politics

The census 2011 reveals that 31.94% of Punjab’s population is comprised of SCs, the highest among all states in the country. Notably, the Dera Ballan got a temple constructed at the birthplace of Guru Ravidass at Seer Goverdhanpur in Varanasi, which is considered as the Mecca of Ad-Dharmis and other religions, sects and castes which follow the saint.

The significance of the Dera Ballan among Dalits could be gauged from the fact that politicians of all colours, from Congress leader Rahul Gandhi to Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejrwal, his Punjab counterpart Amarinder Singh, and ex-CM Parkash Singh Badal, have visited this religious place during elections, hoping to swing the polls in their favour.

While many politicians preferred not to speak on the issue, Bahujan Samaj Party’s Punjab general secretary Balwinder Kumar didn’t mince words. He said that if one interprets the sequence of events, it is a move by the BJP-RSS to fragment the Dalits for the purpose of ‘vote bank politics’.

He argued that when there is no unanimity on Amritbani among Dalits, how could the Dera decide about the entire community’s identity? “Moreover, a large number of Dalits who were working in the Gulf nations were forced to come back because of the COVID-19’s economic impact and consequent job losses. They are staring at joblessness, but the Dera’s management is busy thinking about religion, which shows their misplaced concerns,” he said.

Also Read: In Punjab’s Phagwara, Dalits Are Confronting a New Opponent – Aggressive Hindutva

Bahujan Front Punjab in-charge Sukhwinder Kotli also reiterated that after Sant Ramanand’s killing, Dalits realised that they were still not accepted in Sikhism. “We (Dalits) left the Hindu religion because of their orthodox practices and untouchability and adopted Sikhism. The Dalits are devoted to Guru Granth Sahib but did the Sikh preachers ever make any efforts to bring us together and bridge the social gap? The end losers will not only be Dalits but Sikhs too. And the solution lies in the unity of Dalits and Sikhs,” he said.

Two-time Congress MP from Jalandhar and Dalit leader, Santokh Singh Chaudhary, dodged the query. He said that it was Mangu Ram and his father Master Gurbanta Singh who got ‘Adi-Dharm’ included as a religion in the 1931 census.

“Ad-Dharmi, Ravidassia, Ramdasia castes were already included in the schedule of the SCs. This move is possible only if the Punjab government recommends it, state and Centre commissions verify it. Only then, it could be presented in parliament,” he added.

Sant Ravidas. Photo: Flickr/ravidassia CC BY 2.0

Similarly, a prominent Dalit leader of SAD and two-time MLA Pawan Kumar Tinu said that at a time when the nation is tackling the COVID-19 pandemic, the need of the hour is to ensure health and education and generate employment. “Religion is secondary,” he said.

However, another SAD leader, requesting anonymity, said that this move was clearly aimed at dividing the Dalits and pointed fingers at the BJP-RSS. “We know at whose behest this decision has been taken. It is an open secret that a large number of Dalits still follow Guru Granth Sahib, which indicates the ground reality,” he said.

But refuting such queries, the BJP vice-president Rajesh Bagha said that the party has never been against SC/ST reservation. “Rather we want a society free of casteism. Sanu Bhartiya banan di lod hai. Bhartiya Sanskriti de nal ek hon di lod hai (We need to become Indian. There is a need to become one with the Indian Culture). Such a movement is required. Since centuries, we remained the slaves of the Mughals and Britishers. We need dialogue to realise ‘Begampura’ as envisaged by Guru Ravidass. Casteism should come to an end.” Guru Ravidas envisaged Begampura as a city which is ‘casteless, classless and does not have untouchability’.

Even renowned Dalit writer Des Raj Kali said that Ad-Dharmi, Ravidassia, Ramdasia, Balmiki, Mazhbi already exists under the list of notified SCs in the census. “When these castes already exist, what are you (Dera authorities) trying to achieve? Shaheed Bhagat Singh had written an article ‘Achut Da Sawaal’ (The Question of Untouchables) in Kirti newspaper’ in 1925/26, where he emphasised that Dalits should not get into the game of ethnic politics. If this topic is being discussed even in 2020, then we are going 100 years back,” he said.

Another Dalit leader Darshan Lal Jethumajara justified the decision, saying that Ravidassia was registered as a religion in 2010. “Why is this demand causing an issue now? Either the government should not have registered [the religion] or accept the current demand,” he said. He added that the community is politically advanced and no division will occur.

Kusum Arora is an independent journalist.