With Ram Vilas Paswan’s Death, Only One Non-BJP Minister Left in Modi’s Cabinet

Paswan’s death and Harsimrat Kaur Badal’s resignation has left Ram Das Athawale of the Republican Party of India as the only representative of the NDA in the present Modi government, which has 54 ministers.

New Delhi: The death of Ram Vilas Paswan this past October 8 has left the Narendra Modi cabinet with only one minister from the National Democratic Alliance (NDA).

Paswan, the leader of the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), an NDA constituent, was the Modi government’s food and consumer affairs minister.

Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) leader Harsimrat Kaur Badal, the minister for food processing industries, not only quit the cabinet on September 18 but her party pulled out of the NDA too in opposition to the BJP-led Central government’s decision to enact three controversial farm bills.

Though the LJP is still a part of NDA, it has decided to not contest the Bihar elections unitedly with the BJP and the Janata Dal (United) as an arm of the NDA. Another NDA constituent, Mizo National Front (MNF), had also taken a similar decision in the run-up to the last state polls.

Paswan’s death and Kaur’s departure from the cabinet has left Ram Das Athawale of the Republican Party of India (RPI) as the only representative of the NDA in the Modi government.

Also read: India’s New Cabinet is Old and Wealthy, and Many Ministers Stand Accused of Violence

In 2019, NDA constituent Shiv Sena had withdrawn its central minister Arvind Savant following a bitter fight with the BJP in poll-bound Maharasthra, finally leading it to go with the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP).

Though there has been speculation about expansion of the Modi cabinet for some time now, the government is tight-lipped about it so far. A BJP source, on July 31, had told The Wire that the expansion might take place soon after the Bhoomi Pujan of the Ram Temple at Ayodhya. “The expansion has been due for some time but had been postponed because of the coronavirus pandemic,” he had said.

There has been speculation in media reports about the entry of Jyotiraditya Scindia into the Modi cabinet. On contacted, a close aide of Scindia had refused to talk more about it, adding, “Not now, but he (Scindia) will respond (to it) later for sure.”

The name of Assam finance minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has also been doing the rounds. However, Sarma had told The Wire that he would remain in the state till the assembly election, due in April 20121, are over.

Latest media reports have said that the government is unlikely to see an expansion before the Bihar polls. “With the BJP leadership preoccupied with Bihar polls, it may have to wait until mid-November,” an October 10 report in Times of India said.

The present Modi government has 54 ministers, 16 fewer than the earlier dispensation. The number can go up to 81.

On 202nd Anniversary, Koregaon Bhima War Memorial Draws Lakhs of People

Internet services in and around Koregaon Bhima remained suspended for the day.

Pune: Two years after caste clashes marred the Koregaon Bhima battle commemoration event in Pune district of Maharashtra, at least 8 lakh people on Wednesday visited the “Jaystambh” (victory pillar) in Perne village on the occasion of the 202nd anniversary of the historic battle in a peaceful manner amidst heavy security.

No untoward incident was reported throughout the day at the event which passed off peacefully, officials said.

As a precautionary measure, Internet services in and around Koregaon Bhima remained suspended for the day. Services were resumed in the evening.

“The entire program of commemoration took place as per our plans. We wanted this entire event to be free of any dispute or incident, and it happened as per the plans,” Pune district collector Naval Kishore Ram said.

Police officials put the number of people who have visited the victory pillar at 8 lakh.

Elaborate security was also maintained at historic Vadhu Budruk village, located near Perne.

The district administration and police officials held a string of meetings with villagers in the area over the last one month to put in place the confidence-building measures to ensure peaceful commemoration of the 202nd anniversary of the January 1, 1818 battle.

In the early morning, Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar, Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA) president Prakash Ambedkar, Union minister Ramdas Athawale and several other leaders visited the ‘Jay Stambh’.

Violent clashes had broken out in the area around Koregaon Bhima on the 200th anniversary of the historic battle on January 1, 2018, in which one person was killed and several others were injured.

Also read: Bhima Koregaon: Amid Demands For Fresh Probe, A Hard Look at the Case’s Discrepancies

Pune Superintendent of Police Sandip Patil said local residents cooperated with officials to ensure that the event passes off peacefully.

Smarter by the previous experience, police had made elaborate security arrangements in the area.

“Apart from a large number of police personnel, companies of State Reserve Police Force (SRPF), teams of Bomb Detection and Disposal Squad (BDDS) were deployed in the area,” a police official said, adding that drone cameras were also used to monitor the crowd.

As part of preparations, ample space was provided for installing stalls where various souvenirs and other items were sold, he said.

Talking to reporters after visiting the victory pillar, Ajit Pawar said he offered tributes on behalf of the people of Maharashtra.

“This pillar has history and every year lakhs of people come here. Some untoward incidents took place two years ago, but the government is taking utmost care and elaborate police bandobast has been made here to ensure that no untoward incident takes place,” he said.

Pawar urged people visiting the site to maintain peace.

“I appeal to people to come here and offer their tributes, but also maintain peace and do not believe in rumours,” the senior NCP leader said.

As per the Dalit narrative, around 500 soldiers from the Dalit Mahar caste, who were part of the British Army, defeated forces of Peshwas (who were Brahmins), in the 1818 battle.

Every year, lakhs of people, especially Dalits and those from Ambedkarite movement, visit the Jaystambh on January 1 to pay their respects.

Pawar said Maharashtra has a tradition of maintaining peace and harmony.

“This particular area has history of valour and bravery. Similarly, Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj also had a connection with this land and the youth should take inspiration from the valour showcased by those who sacrificed their lives in the battle and go ahead in their life,” he said.

Also read: Bhima Koregaon: NCP Leaders Ask Thackeray to Withdraw Cases Against Activists

Meanwhile, Prakash Ambedkar claimed that some people had tried to spark trouble during the ongoing congregation, but the new government has foiled their intentions.

He expressed satisfaction over the security arrangements around Koregaon Bhima.

When asked about the 2017 Elgaar Parishad case and NCP chief Sharad Pawar’s recent demand to withdraw cases against activists in connection with the 2018 Koregaon Bhima incident, Ambedkar said the stand of all the three ruling constituents- Shiv Sena, NCP and Congress- in the state government is of cooperation, which is welcoming.

Union minister and RPI (A) chief Athawale also praised the district administration for making “good arrangements”.

Addressing a meeting in Perne village, Athwale demanded the implementation of the Koregaon Bhima development plan.

“As lots of people visit the memorial, there is a need of facilities to the visiting people in and around Koregaon Bhima and that is why there is a need of implementation of development plan of the village,” he said.

He also said that some people are inciting Muslims on the issue of CAA and NRC by distorting facts.

Last week, Pune Police had issued notices to several people, including right-wing leaders Milind Ekbote and Sambhaji Bhide, and members of Kabir Kala Manch, barring them from entering the district for four days from December 29.

The notices, as part of preventive action, were issued to all those against whom cases were registered in connection with the violence two years ago.

Ekbote was arrested in March 2018 for allegedly instigating and orchestrating the violence around Koregaon Bhima.

Also read: A Year Later, Rights Activists Accused in Bhima Koregaon Case Struggle for Bail

Bhide was also booked and named in the FIR, but never arrested.

The police attributed the 2018 violence to the Elgaar Parishad conclave held in Pune on December 31, 2017, where provocative speeches were allegedly made.

Police are also probing the alleged “Maoist link” of some activists who had attended the conclave.

The Plight of Mohan Bhagwat’s Lonesome Lion

Might one conclude that the lonely Hindu lion is, after all, the Brahmin, and may be a smattering of some adjacent high castes? Importantly, who is to be held responsible for the loneliness of this lion?

Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) supremo Mohan Bhagwat recently lamented at the sorry state of the lonely Hindu lion. This at a venue in Chicago where Swami Vivekananda had triumphantly brought home to the Christian and Pagan world the glories of the Hindu Vedanta tradition at the World Parliament of Religions.

The extent of the unfortunate ‘fall’ of which Bhagwat has spoken is best gauged from the contents of the September 1983 issue of the journal of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Vishwa Hindu, encapsulated by the late H.K. Vyas of the Communist Party of India in a CPI publication (No. 13, November 1983 – C 403, untitled monograph).

That issue of the Vishwa Hindu speaks of the global spread of the Hindus in bygone times. Some of the stunning pieces of information published there may be reproduced here:

  • Jerusalem was actually Yedushalyam, temple of the lord of the Yadavas;
  • The Al-Aqsa mosque was originally a Krishna temple;
  • The St.Paul’s cathedral was likewise a Gopal Krishna temple;
  • The Notre Dame church was initially a temple dedicated to Devi Bhagwati/Parvati/Bhawani;
  • Paris was at first Parimeshwariyam, later Parisorium under the Romans and finally Paris;
  • The river Seine was actually the Sindhu; and
  • Nearer home, as is well known, Taj Mahal was Tejo Mahalay, a Shiva temple.

And so on and so forth. The journal then makes a sweeping encapsulation that should tell us how Hindus have suffered unimaginable regression and defeat: “In pre-Christian times all people, everywhere, in the entire world were Hindus.”

Reading this makes one wonder which ‘fall’ was more telling – that of Adam and Eve from paradise or of Hindus from universal hegemony.

These sad facts must put Bhagwat’s lament in a deeply distressing context: from the presumed pride of lions millions strong, we the Hindus have by some conspiratorial declension been reduced to a lonely lion always at bay from “wild dogs”.

Yet, Bhagwat’s analogy of the lonely Hindu lion confronts us with a profound grammatical conundrum: if it is agreed that some 80% Indians are Hindu, how can so many people be likened just to one lonely lion? And then there are the many affluent ones who burnish the fortunes of the western world as proud NRI Hindus.

Clearly, there is a catch in the loneliness of the lonesome lion and indeed in the subsequent reference to ‘wild dogs’ from whom the lonely Hindu lion, according to Bhagwat, is at mortal danger. Who, then, is Bhagwat calling for unity and who are his proverbial ‘wild dogs’?

The reality here seems complicated. Given the diversity within the Hindu fold – of cults, sub-cults, gods and deities, forms of worship, cultural-religious mix, food habits, things and material articles which are either profane or sacred and such like – is likely to remain intractable, who is to unite with whom, and to what purpose?

If one were to scan the discrete caste formations, from the Brahmin to the Shudra, one is guaranteed to run into a skein of irreconcilables and contradictions not just between castes but within castes, which makes ‘unity’ a distant prospect. Among Brahmins, for example, there are those like the present writer who are Shaivite and make non-vegetarian offerings to Shankar and Parvati on Mahashivaratri – reason why when the Nehrus, then indeed just Kauls, and many other Kashmiri Pandits left the valley for the mainland in what is now Uttar Pradesh, were hard put to find social acceptance as proper Brahmins.

At the bottom of the ladder, even now, some Shudra caste groups do not inter-marry with some others. All this must make the task of unity quite tough.

Also read: By Pitting Wild Dogs Against Lions, Mohan Bhagwat Has Stirred a Forest of Metaphors

Then there is the rather more gruesome face of this diversity and discord. Just the other day, in Madhya Pradesh a Dalit Hindu was allegedly “scalped” for wearing a turban, a totem of upper-caste identity. Those who seek unity will not let some 20% among the Hindus to ride horses to marriage and walk upright on lanes where their social ‘betters’ live. Not to speak of daring to inter-marry among the unifier families.

Might one then conclude that the lonely Hindu lion is, after all, the Brahmin a smattering of some adjacent high castes? Importantly, who is to be held responsible for the loneliness of this lion?

Now to the ‘wild dogs’. Who may these be? The non-Hindus who lay claim to the nation and to the rights and privileges its secular and democratic constitution bestows upon them? If so, how does this square with the claims that everyone who lives in the land is Hindu and that the whole world is a family – vasudhaiva kutumbakam? Ergo, when are we all Hindus and when not Hindus?

But more tragically, from Bhagwat’s point of view, the ‘wild dogs’ may not only be exogenous but endogenous as well – those Hindus-by-sufferance who insist on parities and dignities which Brahminical Hinduism may not allow them – all, of course, for the great glory of Hinduism.

Not to forget the womenfolk who have ‘fallen’ into the quagmire of modern ways, causing wickedness and dissension and breakdown of the patriarchal family, the bedrock of social harmony and spiritual and moral purity – all to be primarily ensured by the ‘good character’ of our women.

Alas, it seems that the lonely Chitpawan Brahmin lion has a tough task to handle, and primarily owing to its own pride (pun intended). How much nicer just to be good, conscientious, law-abiding, secular citizens of a democratic republic, which if allowed to be itself and true to its promise may generate more and better unity than what Bhagwat has in mind.

There is nonetheless a crasser and immediate cause to the call for unity, however couched it may be in imperial terms.

Beginning with the suicide – many claim it was abetted – of Hyderabad Central University Dalit scholar, Rohit Vemula, through a series of subsequent and unrelenting attacks on the Dalit community by upper-caste Hindus in BJP-ruled states, culminating in the quietus the Modi government sought at first to give to the Supreme Court intervention that diluted the terms of the SC/ST Atrocities Act, the BJP has been losing its hold among sections of the Dalit community. As it woke up to reverse the dilution of the Act by the Supreme Court in an obvious bid to placate rather than from conviction, its base among the upper castes has now sounded a contrary revolt, accusing it of ‘appeasing’ the Dalits.

Also read: In Chicago, Mohan Bhagwat Chose to Ignore the Enemy Within Hindu Society

The BJP is having to contend, on one hand, with its own Dalit ‘leadership’ within the party and cabinet who have said they will not stand for any messing with the Atrocities Act, demanding even that the real culprits of the Bhima Koregaon violence be apprehended, namely Milind Ekbote and Sambhaji Bhide (statement by Ram Das Athawale), and on the other with its longtime loyalists among the Brahmin, Thakur and Bania castes as also sections of the intermediate castes who in recent years have gone over to it, who feel that the Atrocities Act is like the sword of Damocles over their socially superior heads.

The RSS is aware that its political front, the BJP, could fall between two stools in the 2019 general elections unless a ‘unity’ is forged between the warring factions of the Hindus. The ‘wild dogs’ thus may have equal reference to fifth columnists who may not mind bringing down what is meant to be the everlasting citadel. BJP supremo Amit Shah has already pronounced a life of five decades or more for right-wing Hindu rule or of state power.

It remains to be seen how these warring factions read the roar of the lonesome lion in the months to come. As the National Geographic channel tells us, rival prides from within the leonine community routinely sideline old, tiresome lions. Lesser animals, too, drive the lion away, occupying the territory that the old lion can no longer hold.

A still more troublesome thought is that its loyalists are actually now at the receiving end of severe consequences wrought first by demonetisation and then by the wholly chaotic and deleterious Goods and Services Tax, and finding a social excuse to have at the ruling dispensation. If this is true to any considerable extent, the lion indeed has much to worry about.

Here the fact is, as becomes obvious with each passing day, that economic disasters like the sinking rupee, astronomical price of fuels and commodities, lack of job opportunities, social tensions, increasingly embarrassing allegations of corruption against various functionaries, and a total failure of the government of the day to live up to its promises, most of all the hollowness of the Sab ka saath, sab ka vikas slogan, has generated massive distrust and hardship even among wide sections of the BJP’s base populations. And the RSS lion is hard put to remedy the damage except through time-tested calls to ‘Hindu unity’ and invocation of the great alleged peril in which the Hindu lion finds itself.

After all, in what sense did Bhagwat find a predatory animal like the lion, which feeds on bovines among other animals, more useful a metaphor than, let’s say, a bumble bee or an ant which works hard and sustains a countless brood?

Badri Raina taught English literature at Delhi University.