Some Misguided Sikhs Abroad Are Glorifying Bhindranwale. They Are Wrong.

As a Sikh, I detest what he stood for – and a majority of Sikhs around the world think the same way.

First, a disclosure. I am a Sikh, though not a practising one. I cut my long hair and discarded my turban in my late 20s, much to the disappointment and sorrow of my parents.

Becoming a “cut surd”, as the lingo goes, is a big deal for a Sikh. My mother refused to speak to me for a long time, and my father, though also not a practising Sikh, had retained his turban and long hair and was just as upset. 

Now, let me turn to the main content of this article and its provocation.  

While recently in London, I received a picture from a friend who had gone to the largest gurudwara in Southall, the Sri Guru Singh Sabha. 

The image showed, at the entrance of the gurudwara, a large picture of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. And on the other side, a portrait of Guru Arjan Dev, the fifth Sikh Guru, and the compiler of the Sikh scripture, the Adi Granth, which later became the Guru Granth Sahib.

Photos of Guru Arjan Dev (L) and Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale (R) at the Southall gurdwara. Photo: Twitter/@realSukhiChahal. June 1, 2020.

Bhindranwale, the school dropout who had brought such misery and monumental suffering to the Sikh community, was sharing space with one of the most revered and learned Sikh gurus at the largest gurudwara in the UK! The very idea outraged me and I expressed my feelings in a Facebook post. I am glad to say that every single friend, including all Sikhs, agreed with me.

I was even more outraged when I learned that the Bhindranwale picture had defiled the gurdwara for the past two years or so. Why haven’t Sikhs in the UK protested and boycotted that gurudwara? And why did the gurudwara management allow the picture to be put up in the first place? Shame on them.

As immigrants, most Sikhs in the UK have prospered by dint of hard work and enterprise. I am sure they are grateful to their hosts, the British government, for having given them the opportunities denied to them in their home country. By praising Bhindranwale, they are abusing their hosts, since that same gurudwara was inaugurated by King Charles (when he was Prince Charles).

Only a tiny fringe of the Sikh community admires Bhindranwale. The vast majority of Sikhs detest what he stood for.

The ongoing polarisation between Hindus and minorities (primarily Muslims) in India is rightly being condemned. However, Bhindranwale and his goons were at the forefront of a far more pernicious polarisation four decades ago, between Hindus and Sikhs. Buses in Punjab would be stopped, the Hindu passengers separated from the rest, lined up and shot in cold blood.

Also Read: ‘Amritpal Justifies Demand of Sikh Nation Against the Backdrop of Demand for a Hindu Nation’

That was his way of trying to scare Hindus into leaving the state so that there would be fewer of them in Punjab, a diabolically divisive plot. 

Bhindranwale was actually a creation of the Congress party, more specifically of the Punjab chief minister Giani Zail Singh (who later became the president of the country). He convinced Indira Gandhi that by propping up Bhindranwale, the Akalis could be divided to benefit the Congress. The ploy succeeded, but the puppet turned into a Frankenstein’s monster.

Events then moved inexorably to Bhindranwale holing up in the Golden Temple, Sikhdom’s holiest shrine. There, with the assistance of General Shabeg Singh, who had trained the Mukti Bahini and was a master of guerrilla warfare, the Temple was converted into a formidable fortress, defended by hundreds of heavily-armed and fanatical militants, ready to fight to the death.

An arrogant army leadership told the prime minister that “Operation Bluestar” would be over in no time, with little loss of life.

It was a huge miscalculation. Bluestar lasted almost a whole day and night, killing hundreds of soldiers and militants, and tragically, even more innocent pilgrims caught in the crossfire. (Bluestar coincided with the martyrdom day of Guru Arjan Dev, when thousands of pilgrims were at the shrine.) Till now, the true number of casualties of the army’s botched operation is anybody’s guess. Definitely in the hundreds, perhaps even in the thousands.

Indira Gandhi probably knew in her heart that Bluestar had signed her death warrant. The aftermath of her assassination further fuelled Khalistan, as several thousand Sikhs were butchered, mainly in the capital, while the army looked on, the police were complicit and Rajiv Gandhi rationalised the pogrom with the inexcusable words, “When a big tree falls, the earth is bound to shake.”

Also Read: How Sabotage By Indira Gandhi’s Advisors Paved the Way for Operation Blue Star

A delighted Pakistan, eager to avenge Bangladesh, did their utmost to further the Khalistan cause. Except for Partition, the decade of the Khalistan movement was probably the most trying time since independence for the Sikh community. A community that had been completely trusted and praised was now looked at by most Indians with suspicion, as possible Khalistanis. Some 30,000 Sikhs – terrorists, members of security forces and innocents – died before Sikhs returned to the mainstream.

It took two decades to try and erase the horrors of Bhindranwale, Bluestar, the pogrom against the Sikhs and the Khalistan stain. Fortunately, the bonds that closely tied Sikhs to the country and to Hindus prevailed. That, and the famed resilience of the Sikhs. The defining moment came when Manmohan Singh, a turbaned and devout Sikh, became prime minister. The nightmare was finally behind the community.

However, among a tiny fringe of the community, especially those living abroad in the UK and Canada, the “martyrdom” of Bhindranwale still foolishly resonates. The vast number of Sikhs in these countries are diligent citizens and want to get on with their lives.

But perhaps this minuscule number of Sikhs living abroad feel guilty about having left their homeland and hence want to show how “Sikh” they are. But they must remember that Bhindranwale ushered in one of the darkest chapters in the history of Sikhism. Don’t glorify him. He belongs to the dustbin of history.

Footnote: For a fuller understanding of the issue, I recommend the following books: Turmoil in Punjab by Ramesh Inder Singh, Blood for Blood by Terry Milewski, and The Khalistan Conspiracy by G.B.S. Sidhu.

Rahul Singh has been editor of Reader’s Digest, Indian Express, Sunday Observer and Khaleej Times. He is at present a freelance columnist and writer.

Tableau on Indira Gandhi’s Killing: Jaishankar Slams Canada for ‘Giving Space’ to Khalistan Separatists

The external affairs minister said he was “perplexed” by the Canadian national security adviser’s comments that India is “among the top sources of foreign interference in Canada”.

New Delhi: Khalistan groups continue to be a thorn in Indo-Canadian relations, with Indian foreign minister S. Jaishankar criticising the North American country on Thursday, June 8, for continuing to give space for “separatists, extremists and people who advocate violence”.

Jaishankar said he was “perplexed” by the Canadian national security adviser Jody Thomas’ comments that India is “among the top sources of foreign interference in Canada”. The external affairs minister said after he heard the statement, he was reminded of the Hindi phrase “ulta chor kotwal ko daante“, which is a variation of the idiom, “the pot calling the kettle black”.

“If anybody has a complaint, we have a complaint about Canada. What I said earlier, the space they are giving to Khalistanis and violent extremists,” he said.

He also criticised the tableau that was part of a parade in Brampton City of Ontario province which celebrated Indira Gandhi’s assassination. He said the “egregious incident” highlighted a larger issue, which was the space given in Canada to Khalistan groups, separatists, extremists and people who advocate violence.

“Frankly, we are at a loss to understand other than the requirements of vote bank politics why anybody would do this [give space to such groups],” the external affairs minister said.

“I think this is not good for the relationship [with India], it’s not good for Canada,” he added.

“If you look at their history, you would imagine that they would learn their history and they wouldn’t like to repeat that history,” Jaishankar said.

At a parade on June 4 in Brampton, a city in Ontario, the tableau depicted Indira Gandhi in a blood-stained white saree, while turban-clad men point guns at her. A poster reads: “Revenge for attack on Shri Darbar Sahib”, a reference to the storming of the Golden Temple in Amritsar by Indian security forces in 1982 at the former prime minister’s behest to kill Khalistani leader Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. She was assassinated by two Sikh bodyguards in 1984.

The Canadian high commissioner to India Cameron MacKay also criticised the tableau on Thursday. He said he was appalled by the event. “There is no place in Canada for hate or for the glorification of violence. I categorically condemn these activities,” he tweeted.

Canadian NSA’s statement

While India has long protested about the support for Khalistan – the demand for a separate state for the Sikhs – among diaspora groups in countries like Canada and the UK, the Canadian NSA recently accused India of interfering in her country’s internal matters.

“When I talk about foreign interference and economic security, I’m now talking about a number of state actors and non-state proxies,” Jody Thomas said on June 2, according to Toronto Star. “This includes Russia, Iran, India. That said, the actor that comes up most on these issues, and it’s no surprise to anybody, is China.”

According to the newspaper, the Canadian government has largely limited accusations of “foreign interference” to authoritarian states. University of British Columbia professor Vina Nadjibulla told Toronto Star it was “striking” that Thomas listed India along with the other three countries.

The report added that Canadian federal agencies “have indirectly warned in recent years of India exerting improper influence in Canada, but rarely by name and almost always in internal documents”.

In Life, Canadian Sikh Ripudaman Malik Was an Enigma; His Killing Has Only Added to the Mystery

He was charged with – but later acquitted of – the crime of placing a bomb aboard an Air India flight in 1985 that killed over 300 people, a crime whose full dimensions remain a puzzle in Canada and India.

Jalandhar: Ripudaman Singh Malik, the Sikh activist who was shot dead in Canada on July 14, was always embroiled in controversies and the Sikh diaspora in North America is deeply divided over his legacy.

The 75-year-old was accused of involvement in the terrorist bombing of  flight AI182 on June 23, 1985, which took the lives of 329 passengers and crew who were on board. However, he was acquitted by a Canadian court in 2005.

One of the deadliest attacks in the history of Canada, the Air India bombing took the lives of 268 Canadians, many of whom were of Indian origin, 24 Indian citizens and 27 British nationals. The flight was a Boeing 747 wide-bodied jumbo jet, christened Emperor Kanishka.

Malik and two others – Inderjit Singh Reyat and Ajaib Singh Bagri – were the main accused in the case. While Reyat was convicted – and released from jail in 2016 – Bagri was acquitted. All three were Canadian citizens.

A wealthy businessman, Ripudaman recently came to the limelight after he wrote a letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi on January 17, 2022, a month before the Punjab assembly elections, praising him for taking initiatives to redress pending demands of the Sikh.

In the letter, he thanked Modi for removing the names of some Sikhs from the blacklist which prevented them from visiting India. He also accused certain “anti-India members” of the Sikh community of running an “orchestrated campaign” against Modi.

Back in Surrey in British Columbia, his praise for Modi prompted a section of Sikhs to accuse Ripudaman of treachery towards the Sikh ‘qaum‘.

Air India bombings

On June 23, 1985, a bomb exploded aboard Air India 182 operating on the Montreal-London-Delhi-Bombay route. The bomb was placed in a suitcase – checked in by an unidentified man at Vancouver airport – and loaded on a Canadian Pacific flight to Toronto for transfer to AI 181, destined for Montreal. From there, it stayed on the aircraft, which was renumbered AI 182 for the flight to India.

Another bomb was checked in at Vancouver on a Canadian Pacific flight to Narita, Tokyo, which was meant to be transferred to Air India flight AI 310, destined for Bangkok and then India. This bomb exploded prematurely in the baggage handling room of Narita airport, killing two baggage handlers. Since the two bombings were related, they were known as the Kanishka bombings.

The bombings were carried out by the Sikh separatist group Babbar Khalsa in retaliation for Operation Blue Star, during which the Indian Army had stormed the Golden Temple in Amritsar in June 1984 to flush out militants led by Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale.

Ripudaman Singh Malik was closely associated with Talwinder Singh Parmar, who was the alleged mastermind of the Kanishka bombings. Parmar was killed by the Punjab Police in an encounter in 1992.

Surrey-based journalist Gurpreet Singh said that when he questioned Malik during an interview about giving funds to the Babbar Khalsa, he had said, “It wasn’t a banned organisation back then.”

Malik and Bagri were arrested in Vancouver in 2000. Reyat, who was a dual British-Canadian national, was arrested from Coventry in the UK. Reyat pleaded guilty to manslaughter and was sentenced to 15 years in jail for assembling the bombs which exploded on board AI 182 and at Narita airport.

Air India 182 memorial in Tornoto, Canada. Photo: Ali mjr/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 4.0

Malik’s killing

On July 14, 2022 at 9:26 am (local time), the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) responded to a report of a shooting in Surrey, British Columbia. By the time first responders attended the location, Malik was dead.

In its July 14 statement, Sergeant David Lee of the Surrey RCMP said the police are aware of Malik’s background and are working to determine the motive. “We can confirm that the shooting appears to be targeted and there is not believed to be any further risk to the public. Having occurred in a residential area, we are confident that witnesses exist who could help us further this investigation. We urge them to come forward immediately and without delay,” the statement said.

A burned vehicle was also located nearby, which is believed by investigators to be associated with the killing, the statement read.

Soon after the killing, Malik’s son, Jaspreet Singh Malik, said that although the media will always refer to him as someone charged with the Air India bombing, he was “wrongly charged and the court concluded there was no evidence against him”.

Born in Pakistan and raised in the Ferozepur district of Punjab, Malik initially went to the UK but soon moved to Canada. While his financial clout and social standing in the Sikh community grew, he remained embroiled in various controversies.

Ex-British Columbia premier Ujjal Dosanjh, who hails from Dosanjh Kalan village in Jalandhar district, first met Ripudaman Singh Malik in the 1970s, when the local South Asian community in Vancouver was very small.

According to the Vancouver Sun, Dosanjh also did the legal work pro bono to help Ripudaman set up his first two charities, the Satnam Trust and the Satnam Education Society.

“He was a ganja-smoking hippie who had a ponytail and then he turned into an extremist warrior. It’s hard to explain”, Dosanjh said. “Something happened to him.”

The newspaper said Dosanjh believes Malik’s recent support of the Indian government which “he once reviled” could be the motive for the murder.

A ‘false hero’

Speaking to The Wire from Surrey, senior journalist Gurpreet Singh Sahota of Chardi Kala newspaper said that the Punjabi diaspora, particularly the Sikhs, were divided about Ripudaman Singh.

“While the moderate Sikhs feel that he had some role in the Kanishka Bombing, Sikh hardliner groups suspected he was ‘pro-India’ – or that he was planted by Central agencies right from day one. This is the reason why the diaspora would not like to comment much,” he said.

On Malik’s business ventures, Sahota said he was known as a shrewd businessman. He ran the import and export business of the designer clothing brand Papillon. He also owned the Khalsa Credit Union with assets over Canadia $110 million, a banking and investment venture aimed at serving the Sikh community of British Columbia. He ran Khalsa Schools in Surrey and Abottsford under his Satnam Educational Society and “set up a vast network”. “It was also an open secret how he chucked out the founding members of these ventures and took entire control in his hand”, Sahota said.

Sahota added that initially, when Ripudaman came to Canada in 1972, he used to sell Sikh religious literature and items at the Gurdwara Khalsa Diwan Society on Ross Street, Vancouver. Later in 1986, he set up the Khalsa Credit Union with various stakeholders from the Sikh community.

Though Malik claimed to be a devout Sikh, the Akal Takht – the highest seat of Sikh religious power – prevented him from printing saroops (physical copies) of the Guru Granth Sahib at his printing press in August 2020.

A team of the Canada-based British Columbia Gurdwara Council had issued a notice to Malik and Balwant Singh Pandher for violating the 1998 edict by the Akal Takht forbidding any institution other than the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee or the Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee from publishing the Guru Granth Sahib.

Insisting that Malik not be made a ‘false hero’, Gurpreet Singh, the Surrey-based journalist, wrote: “I had a chance to meet his (Ripudaman’s) aunt and his college mates in his hometown of Ferozepur in Punjab, where I was posted as a staff reporter with The Tribune, when he was arrested in Canada in 2000. From what they told me, he wasn’t a very religious man before the ugly events of 1984 and was a changed person after that, like any ordinary Sikh.”

Gurpreet Singh also said, “A book titled Soft Target: The Real Story Behind the Air India Disaster on the Kanishka bombings written by Zuhair Kashmeri and Brian McAndrew has mentioned how Ripudaman was given an interest free loan of 1 million Canadian dollars by the State Bank of India, Surrey branch, Canada in 1985. However, this incident has always remained shrouded in mystery.”

A view of Ripudaman Singh Malik’s store Papillon, situated in a shopping complex in Surrey, British Columbia, Canada, where he was shot dead on July 14 morning. Photo: By arrangement

Kanishka questions remain

Noted human rights lawyer, advocate Rajvinder Singh Bains from the Punjab Human Rights Organisation – who along with another lawyer Sarabjit Singh Verka had conducted an independent probe into the AI 182 case – told The Wire, “Despite our honest probe, trial papers, books, we presented as a witness a retired DSP of Punjab Police whom we took to Canada in 2007 to testify before the John Major Commission of Inquiry, and the confessional tape of kingpin Babbar Khalsa militant Talwinder Singh Parmar, the inquiry remained inconclusive. Neither the Indian Police nor the Canadian Police supported a fair investigation. We were disheartened.”

Bains said, “Talwinder certainly knew something crucial, that’s why he was killed. We met a large number of people, after which a murky picture emerged both at the official and unofficial level. While the DSP went missing in Canada, Talwinder Singh Parmar was killed in a police encounter in 1992.”

Bains says many suspect the Kanishka bomb was a multi-national ‘espionage game’ originally designed to undermine the influence of Sikh diaspora groups in Canada and the UK who were enraged post-Operation Blue Star.

SGPC Installs Sikh Militant Balwinder Jattana’s Portrait at Central Sikh Museum

Jattana’s assassination of two Sutlej Yamuna Link (SYL) canal officials resulted in the project work halting in July 1990. His name is in the limelight again because of a posthumous Sidhu Moosewala song.

Jalandhar: Brought back into the limelight by slain singer Sidhu Moosewala’s posthumous song ‘SYL’, the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) has decided to display the photo of militant Balwinder Singh Jattana at the Central Sikh Museum that is located in the Golden Temple (Harmandir Sahib) in Amritsar.

The SGPC is a body that is responsible for the maintenance of gurudwaras in Punjab, Haryana and Himachal Pradesh. Its president Harjinder Singh Dhami, who presided over a meeting of the body’s executive committee on July 6, announced said Balwinder Singh Jattana’s photo would be displayed at Central Sikh Museum because he was “a brave struggling Sikh who opposed the Satluj Yamuna Link (SYL) canal for the protection of waters of Punjab”.

The canal was designed to carry water from Punjab to Haryana and Rajasthan. Its construction was stopped in July 1990, after Jattana and other militants of the Babbar Khalsa – a pro-Khalistan group – shot dead the canal’s chief engineer M.S. Sikri and superintending engineer Avtar Aulakh. A year later, Jattana was killed in a police encounter on September 4, 1991.

Jattana was in the news nearly 31 years after his death when Moosewala’s song ‘SYL’, referenced him. In the song, Moosewala demands sovereignty and adds that if the government did not relent, “someone like Balwinder Jattana will return”.

The song, which was released on June 23, created a buzz across the region and garnered rave reviews. However, the Union government banned it within three days, on June 26.

Talking to The Wire, SGPC president Dhami said the body gets requests from families and independent groups to install photos of different Sikh personalities in the museum. “The decision to install photos is taken by the sub-committee of SGPC, which decided to put up Jattana’s photo.”

Asked if such a decision could be interpreted as the SGPC encouraging extremism, Dhami said, “The SGPC is a Sikh body constituted to represent the Sikhs. We have earlier installed the photos of Beant Singh and Satwant Singh (assassins of former prime minister Indira Gandhi), Sukhdev Singh Sukha and Harjinder Singh Jinda (assassins of former Army Chief Gen A.S. Vaidya) and many others.”

Dhami further added that the SGPC honours Sikhs who fought for their community, sacrificed their lives or brought laurels in the fields of religion, politics, Sikh issues, Punjab affairs or exceptional government service.

Last month, the SGPC installed the photo of Dilawar Singh, one of the assassins of former Punjab chief minister Beant Singh ahead of the Sangrur by-poll held on June 23. Because the affairs of the SGPC and the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) are inextricably linked, the move was seen as an attempt to gain the Panthic (Sikh religious) vote. The SAD’s candidate for the election was Kamaldeep Kaur, the sister of Balwant Singh Rajoana, who assassinated Beant Singh.

Hardliner’s role in the move

Kanwar Pal Singh, the leader of the Sikh Hardliner group Dal Khalsa, told The Wire that he had submitted a memorandum to the SGPC on July 4 to install Jattana’s photo.

“The SGPC did not take this decision on their own. We have been late to honour Jattana. It was because of his actions that the SYL canal construction was stopped,” he said.

Kanwar Pal Singh admitted that Moosewala’s song ‘SYL’ was hugely popular, people had come to know about Jattana. “We felt that it was the right time to approach the SGPC with this demand,” he said.

A screenshot from Sidhu Moosewala’s song ‘Jatt Da Muqabala’.

“He sacrificed his life for the sake of Punjab’s river waters and richly deserves a place in the Central Sikh Museum,” Singh said.

The Dal Khalsa leader said that those who are rattled by this move should understand that “one man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter.” Bhagat Singh was also labelled a terrorist and killed by the British, he said as justification.

‘Exposes SAD’s double standards’

Malvinder Singh Mali, a former advisor to Punjab Congress leader Navjot Singh Sidhu, said that ideally the Central Sikh Museum was meant to project the glorious history of Sikhism.

Mali, who has worked with two previous Punjab governments, said that this approach witnessed a shift after the 1984 anti-Sikh riots. “The SGPC displayed the photos of Sikhs who were mercilessly killed in the 1984 riots at the Central Sikh Museum,” he said.

The move to display Jattana’s photo exposes the “double standards” of the SAD leadership, he said. “When they were in power, they never raised their voice for the extrajudicial killings of Sikhs during the militancy period in Punjab despite promising justice to the families. Now, when they are out of power, a desperate SAD leadership is trying to cling to anything that may help them regain the lost ground,” he said.

Mali pointed out that if the SAD was serious in its approach to Sikh issues, they should have supported the Anandpur Sahib resolution instead of signing in the Rajiv-Longowal accord. “Rather in July 1985, the SAD agreed to construct the SYL canal. At that time, the SAD was headed by Harchand Singh Longowal, who too was killed by Sikh militants on August 20, 1985. Basically, a section of Sikh leadership sided with the Sikh radicals and the SAD merely focused on forming governments,” he said.

The people will not be convinced about the party’s sincerity towards Sikh issues through actions such as putting up Jattana’s photo at the museum, Mali added.

Victims of Indira Gandhi’s policy: Sikh historian

Former Panjab University history professor Gurdarshan Singh Dhillon supported the SGPC’s decision to install Jattana’s photo at the museum. He said he condemns violence of any form, adding that the slain SYL canal officials, Sikri and Avtar Aulakh, were “victims” of Indira Gandhi’s politics.

“The construction of SYL was illegal. Indira Gandhi forcibly went ahead with the construction of the SYL canal. River water is a state subject but Indira Gandhi trampled upon Punjab’s river water rights through Sections 78, 79 and 80 of the Punjab Reorganisation Act, 1966. Till 1966, Punjab had direct control over its river waters. Gandhi ignored all peaceful means of redressing the demands of Sikhs, leading to one disaster after the other,” he said.

Dhillon, who has penned many important books on Sikh history and Punjab’s affairs, said that in this context, there is nothing wrong with putting up the photo of Balwinder Jattana at the Central Sikh Museum. “Sikhs have the right to project their heroes,” he added.

File photos of Central Sikh Museum, Amritsar. Photo: By arrangement

About the Central Sikh Museum

The Central Sikh Museum was established in 1958 at Amritsar. The museum has been divided into different eras of Sikh history. Apart from the life and historical developments of Sikh Gurus, Hindu and Muslim saints, the museum also contains rare paintings, pencil sketches, portraits and rare handwritten ancient holy books.

The museum also displays the history of the travels of the first Sikh master, Guru Nanak Dev and a detailed account of the Sikh struggle after 1708.

This is followed by portraits and paintings of the Sikh Empire and contemporary history, including the independence movement of Punjabi-speaking states, the Sikh-Nirankari clash, Operation Blue Star period, Sikh scholars, religious, social and political figures.

The museum also displays portraits of Sikh war heroes. Among those who are honoured are Lt Gen Harbaksh Singh, the hero of 1965 Indo-Pak war; Lt Gen Jagjit Singh Arora, the poster boy of 1971 Bangladesh war; Major General Shabeg Singh, who participated in the 1971 and later joined the Khalistan movement; IAF Marshal Arjan Singh; Flying Officer Nirmaljit Singh Sekhon, the only IAF officer to have been honoured with the Param Vir Chakra.

Interestingly, the portraits of these war heroes are displayed alongside Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, the 14th head of the Damdami Taksal, a Sikh seminary. He emerged on the national scene during Operation Blue Star in 1984. Bhindranwale was declared a ‘martyr’ of the Sikh community by the Akal Takht, the highest temporal seat of Sikhism in 2003 and his photograph was put on display at the museum though many consider him a terrorist.

On Operation Blue Star’s 38th Anniversary, Khalistan Slogans Chanted Near Golden Temple

The Akal Takht jathedar Giani Harpreet Singh also called for Sikh youngsters to be trained in using traditional and modern arms.

New Delhi: Controversy reigned on the 38th anniversary of Operation Blue Star as members of the Shiromani Akali Dal (Amritsar) raised pro-Khalistan slogans near the Golden Temple on Monday while the Akal Takht jathedar called for Sikh youngsters to be trained in using traditional and modern arms.

According to news agency PTI, several people present at the Golden Temple in Amritsar held banners and placards with ‘Khalistan Zindabad’ written on them and wore T-shirts with pictures of the slain separatist leader Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale printed on them.

Pro-Khalistan slogans were also raised by activists of the Shiromani Akali Dal (Amritsar) outfit led by former MP Simranjit Singh Mann, who was also present at the spot.

Operation Blue Star was a military operation in which the Golden Temple was stormed by security forces to take on separatist militants. The temple was severely damaged during the operation.

The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC), the apex religious body of the Sikhs, displayed the bullet-ridden holy ‘Saroop’ (volume) of the Guru Granth Sahib. The ‘Saroop’, which was installed in the sanctum sanctorum at that time, was hit by bullets during the military action in 1984.

Elaborate security arrangements were put in place in Amritsar to ensure that the event passed off smoothly.

Akal Takht Jathedar Giani Harpreet Singh and others mark the 38th anniversary of Operation Blue Star in Amritsar, June 6, 2022. Photo: PTI

PTI also reported that Giani Harpreet Singh, the Akal Takht jathedar, expressed “concern over the spread of Christianity” in Punjab the presence of “churches and mosques” in rural parts of the state. The Akal Takht is the highest Sikh temporal seat.

Delivering his customary address to the Sikh community from the Akal Takht’s podium to mark the anniversary of Operation Blue Star, Singh also said that the Sikh community should make arrangements for the training of Sikh youth in martial arts and using weapons.

“Today, we are confronting several challenges that are weakening us on the religious, social and economic fronts. To weaken us on the religious front, strong publicity of Christianity is being carried on in Punjab,” he said.

The Jathedar of the Akal Takht said “churches and mosques” are being built in numbers in Punjab’s villages and noted “it’s a matter of concern and worry for us”.

This should be tackled by the Sikh institutions and jathebandis (organisations) by coming forward to preach the Sikh faith, like the old Sikhs and saints did, he said.

He appealed to all the eminent associated with the Sikh religion to visit villages, especially the border villages, of the state and strengthen the Sikh religion.

The Jathedar pointed out that the time has come to step out of air-conditioned rooms and said Sikh preachers and scholars need to visit the border areas to promote Sikhism and apprise the youth about the rich Sikh tenets and history.

“We need to understand that if we are weak on the religious front, we will not be strong on economic and social fronts and then politically also, we will be weakened,” he said.

The jathedar said that the Sikhs have been blessed with the determination of Raj (sovereignty) from the time of Gurus (masters), which Sikhs still reiterate in their daily ardas’ as ‘Raj Karega Khalsa’.

“And to move in this direction, the Sikh youth will have to move forward in the world by getting high quality education. At the same time, it is imperative for the Sikh community to be proficient in the Sikh martial art received as inheritance,” he said.

He said the Sikh community should make arrangements for the training of youth in Sikh martial art (Gatka) and other heritage weapons and also set up the shooting ranges for training of modern weapons as required. The Jathedar also expressed concern over drug menace afflicting many youths and talked about the need to fight the scourge.

Saying that the “ghallughara (massacre) of June 1984″ is a painful saga of atrocities perpetrated on the Sikh community, the Jathedar questioned the heavy deployment of forces by the government in Amritsar city during that time.

On the occasion, the family members of several former terrorists were honoured with ‘Siropaos’ (robes of honour) by Head Granthi Giani Jagtar Singh, Giani Harpreet Singh and SGPC chief Harjinder Singh Dhami.

After Resigning as Punjab CM, What Options Lie Before Amarinder Singh?

While some believe his political career is finished, other speculate that he may bounce back with the BJP or launch a new front.

Chandigarh: Has Captain Amarinder Singh’s unceremonious exit on Saturday from the Punjab chief ministership brought the curtain down on his over half a century long career in politics? Or can he still bounce back?

Amarinder has already ruled out quitting politics. In every media interview he gave after his resignation, he said that all options are open to him and that he would exercise them at the appropriate time.

But what are the possible options that lie before the politician now, considering that it was his own party, the Congress – with which he kickstarted his political career in the 1970s – that created the adverse circumstances leading to his exit?

Open doors

Despite the humiliation, many believe that he will stick with the Congress and attempt to revive himself within the party. This could be accomplished by possibly convincing the Gandhi family to let him have his say in the appointment of his successor, or by bargaining for some control over who gets tickets to contest the upcoming Punjab assembly polls.

The Congress leadership also knows all too well that despite this recent episode, Amarinder still has deep roots and influence within the party and outside. More so, by calling his bete noire Navjot Singh Sidhu an “anti-national” and invoking his links with Pakistan Prime Minister Imran, Amarinder made a clear attempt to block Sidhu’s possible elevation to the post of the CM.

It is no secret that without the Gandhi family’s intervention, a heavyweight politician like Amarinder could not have been forced to resign. The fact that he did not make even a single adverse comment against the Gandhis after his resignation makes it amply clear that he wants to keep the negotiation door open with the party high command. Whether he is successful in doing so remains to be seen.

A new front?

In case staying with the Congress becomes tenable, his political survival would then hinge on bagging a leadership role in another party.

More so, he could gather a sizable chunk of his supporters and split the Congress in Punjab to float a new ftont with the hope of making it relevant in post electoral arithmetics – especially considering poll pundits predict that the upcoming elections in Punjab may throw up a hung house

Amarinder, whose initiation into politics happened when he joined the Congress under Rajiv Gandhi (his friend from school days), has a history of forming a splinter group once in the 1990s, although it was not very effective move.

In 1984, Singh resigned from the Congress and joined Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) in resistance against Operation Blue Star at the Golden Temple.

Breaking away from the SAD in 1992, Singh formed a splinter group called the SAD (Panthic) that later merged with the Congress in 1997.

Also read: Punjab: ‘Humiliated’ Amarinder Singh Resigns, Sonia Gandhi Authorised To Choose Next CM

But poll pundits believe that floating a party is not an easy task. Political analyst Khalid Mahmood said that the experiment of a splinter group did not work in Punjab in the past.

He said, “We have an example of Manpreet Singh Badal before us who could not survive after breaking away from the Badal family and ultimately had to join Congress for his political career to survive. Plus, the fact is that Amarinder has lost support of considerable Congress MLAs he once enjoyed in his heydays. Had it been the case, he would not have had to resign.”

This could be deciphered from the fact that only 12 MLAs turned up when he called a meeting of MLAs before the Congress Legislature Party (CLP) meeting on Saturday evening. Later, as many as 78 out of 80 party MLAs were present at the CLP meeting in which it was unanimously decided to authorise party high command to choose Amarinder’s replacement.

On the question of Amarinder joining another party, poll analysts say that joining SAD is next to impossible given his long public bitterness with the Badal family. As far as AAP is concerned, it also may not be interested in giving him space considering that Kejriwal and his party have been criticising Amarinder ever since they made inroads in Punjab.

Ashutosh Kumar, professor with the political science department of Panjab University, is of the opinion that his best bet could be the BJP – but subject to the condition that the farmers’ issue is resolved in timely manner.

According to Kumar, the Captain has a moderate image and is an acceptable leader among Hindus as well. More so, his military background and views on national security could work well with the BJP’s line of action.

During his interview with India Today, when Amarinder was asked whether he was thinking of aligning with BJP and the Centre in some way, he said, “I can’t give any clear answer right now until I consult with my colleagues about my future course of action.”

Also read: With Latest Revolt in Punjab Congress, the Infighting Has Reached a Point of No Return

Amarinder’s words indicate that he has not ruled out any option at the moment. In an interview, he said that he has made a lot of friends over the past 50 years.  “All options remain open in politics all the time since politics is ever changing game,” he remarked.

A long political career

Born on March 10, 1942, Captain Amarinder Singh is the son of the last king of the erstwhile princely state of Patiala.

Having completed his schooling from Doon School, Singh completed his military training at the National Defense Academy and the Indian Military Academy. He joined the Indian Army in 1963 and took part in the Indo-Pakistan war of 1965 with the Sikh regiment.

However, senior journalist and author Jagtar Singh told The Wire that no matter what he tries, his long political career has been eclipsed with his resignation on Saturday.

According to Singh, Amarinder is a liability now because he simply did not function as CM. “I use the word non-functioning for his tenure during his second stint as CM,” said Jagtar, explaining that Amarinder’s biggest blunder was outsourcing governance to his principal secretary Suresh Kumar and an internal coterie.

“During his first stint as CM between 2002-2007, Amarinder was more effective and bold. But that was not the case this time and he responsible for the present situation,” said Singh.

According to Singh, the present situation surrounding his political career clearly reflects that the curtains are coming down on his career.

Talking about the possible options that lie before Amarinder, Singh said he can’t go to AAP, SAD or BJP. “To me, floating a new party is the only option left if he leaves Congress,” he added. “But the problem with Amarinder is that age is not on his side. He is 79. At this age, to float a new party and work hard is next to impossible. And, had he been working hard, he would not have been forced out of the CM’s post by the Congress high command.”

Pegasus Used Against Punjab Lawyer Documenting Police Brutality, Forensic Test of Phone Shows

Jaspal Singh Manjhpur, another advocate who pursues cases under UAPA was also selected as a possible candidate for surveillance, The Wire can confirm.

Mohali: The mobile phone of a human rights lawyer from Punjab was compromised by Pegasus spyware in mid-2019, according to a forensic test of the device conducted by Amnesty International’s Security Lab and shared with The Wire.

Jagdeep Singh Randhawa, a Tarn Taran-based advocate, works with Khalra Mission Organisation – a group of human rights lawyers and activists pursuing cases of human rights abuse and forced disappearances in the aftermath of Operation Blue Star.

His number is on the leaked list of thousands of numbers analysed by the Pegasus Project, The Wire can confirm, and Amnesty’s analysis of his iPhone data says that there was evidence of Pegasus-related infection for most of July 2019 and five days in August 2019.

The forensic analysis, however, does not reveal who ordered the hacking of Randhawa’s phone or what the infiltrator did after compromising the device.

Tests conducted since the Pegasus Project began publishing its findings have found traces of Pegasus-related activity on three Indian phones, including Randhawa’s, taking the total number of such phones in India to 12 out of the 24-25 examined.

Pegasus, made by the Israeli company NSO Group, is military-grade surveillance spyware that the company says is licensed only for use by governments to fight terrorism and serious and organised crime. It can steal and even delete the contents of a mobile phone – or turn on the microphone or camera covertly to act as a surveillance device.

India has never formally denied or confirmed that any of its agencies is a client of Pegasus.

Randhawa is a core committee member of the Khalra Mission Organisation. In the early 90s, its founder Jaswant Singh Khalra set up the organisation to investigate and pursue cases of alleged fake encounters, secret cremations and police brutality in Punjab.

In a cruel twist of fate, he too met with the same fate in 1995. Khalra was kidnapped by the Punjab police, murdered and cremated secretly just a few years after he set up the Mission. But his killing and disappearance did not deter the organisation or his family.

His wife Paramjit Kaur Khalra, a human rights defender herself, highlighted the issue. Her campaign was responsible for bringing six policemen from the Punjab police to the dock. They were convicted in 2005 by a Patiala court and in 2011, the Supreme Court upheld the verdict.

A portrait of Jaswant Singh Khalra. Photo: Preetika Nanda

According to information sourced by the Pegasus Project – an international investigative journalism project coordinated by French media non-profit Forbidden Stories – Randhawa was put on the list of potential targets in mid 2019.

The move may have been connected to an appeal eight individuals from the Khalra Mission, including Randhawa, sent to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in Hague in June 2019 to seriously look into the violations of human rights by the then Congress government and the military in Punjab during Operation Blue Star.

Their aim, they say, was to bring international attention to the military operation on the Golden Temple.

The operation, aimed at capturing the militant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale – led to extreme damage to the holy site and the killing of hundreds of innocent women and children trapped inside the premises besides. Bluestar is commemorated each year in the month of June by Sikh activists and human rights defenders across the world.

In the same vein, the Khalra Mission Organisation in June 2019 drafted its letter to the ICJ. Randhawa told The Wire that the application is “currently pending in the Hague” but the organisation’s work to “serve humanity” remains ongoing.

Though Randhawa’s move was misguided – the ICJ does not accept complaints from individuals – it is possible the letter prompted an Indian official agency to subject him to surveillance.

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A couple of months before his name featured on the list of potential targets, Randhawa was also working as an election agent, campaigning for Paramjeet Kaur Khalra, who contested the 2019 Lok Sabha polls on the Punjab Ekta Party’s ticket from the Khadoor Sahib constituency – once an epicentre of militancy in Punjab.

Paranjeet Kaur’s campaign brought the issue of extrajudicial killings and genocide of Sikhs back into the mainstream during the 2019 polls. The impact of their campaign was such that Kaur got over 2 lakh votes from the constituency, even though she lost to the Congress’s Jasbir Singh Gill.

As election agent of Kaur, Randhawa told The Wire that he would meet district officials, police commissioners and devise campaign policies.

Also Read: Days After Accusing CJI Gogoi of Sexual Harassment, Staffer Put on List of Potential Snoop Targets

Another lawyer on list too

Another prominent human rights advocate from Ludhiana, Jaspal Singh Manjhpur, known widely for pursuing cases under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) in Punjab was selected as a possible candidate for surveillance in mid-2018.

When contacted by The Wire, Manjhpur was not surprised to hear about the potential snooping on him. “I know that I’m a person of interest for the Union government. I’ve always been,” he said.

Manjhpur’s phone was not available for a forensic test, so The Wire cannot confirm whether he was subjected to an attempted attack or if it was compromised by Pegasus.

From July 2018, and for over eight months after that, Manjhpur was pursuing the case of Jagtar Singh Johal, alias Jaggi, a British Sikh accused as a conspirator behind the killings of five members of the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak (RSS), two members of the Dera Sacha Sauda and one pastor in Punjab.

The killings and attempted murders took place between April 2016 and October 2017. The first killings began around the time the political alliance between the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) and the Bharatiya Janata Party was becoming less popular. The coalition was subsequently defeated in the 2017 assembly polls, held in February, and the Congress swept back to power.

The murders pointed towards the growing resentment among panthic Sikhs in Punjab against those who were accused of trying to ‘erase Sikhism’, by ‘subsuming’ it with Hinduism, carrying out missionary conversations and setting up parallel religious deras.

Among those who were killed were Shiv Sena leader Durga Prasad Gupta, RSS state vice-president Brigadier (retired) Jagdish Gagneja, Dera Sacha Sauda follower Satpal Sharma and his son Ramesh, district president of Shri Hindu Takht Amit Sharma, Pastor Sultan Masih, RSS shakha leader Ravinder Gosain and Vipin Sharma, district president of Hindu Sangharsh Sena.

The murder of the RSS Shakha leader from Ludhiana Ravinder Gosain is currently being investigated by the National Investigative Agency in New Delhi.

Also Read: Supreme Court Registrars, Lawyers of Key Clients, Justice Arun Mishra’s Old Number on Pegasus Radar

Among the eleven people who have been arrested so far in the killings, the 33-year-old British Sikh Jagtar Singh Johal is one. He is a Sikh activist who ran a UK-based website called ‘Never Forget 1984’.

He was arrested in Punjab in 2017, reportedly after the UK authorities gave a lead to the Punjab Police, saying that Johal, who had come to India for his wedding, is a potential suspect.

The evidence presented against him in court is a money transfer of £3,000 made in cash to Harminder Singh Mintoo, of the Khalistan Liberation Force, who was then in jail under terror charges. He later died of cardiac arrest in 2018 inside the Nabha maximum security prison.

Jaspal Singh Manjhpur. Photo: Twitter/@manjhpur

In August 2018, a little after Manjhpur’s name was added to the potential list of targets, and a year after Johal’s arrest, he travelled to the UK twice to meet Johal’s family in his capacity as Jaggi’s advocate.

Manjhpur’s selection as a possible candidate for surveillance raises troubling questions about possible violation of the sanctity of lawyer-client privileges. But Manjhpur told The Wire that in July 2018, around the time his number appears on the list, he was called to New Delhi for questioning by officials of the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW).

At the meeting, he claimed, some of his private conversations with his sources were available with the intelligence officers. It was then that he suspected he was being surveilled. “At the time, I didn’t know how they were doing it but I wasn’t taken aback at all,” he told The Wire.

Manjhpur also told The Wire that the crux of the questioning by the intelligence officers in Delhi was to intimidate him for doing his work. “They accused me of liaising with radical Sikh outfits and said they will arrest me,” he said.

When asked how he felt at the time, Manjhpur said, “A democratic process comes under threat with such snooping. The process of representing an accused in a court of law has definitely been compromised. Such snooping should be stopped.”

The Pegasus Project is a collaborative investigation that involves more than 80 journalists from 17 news organisations in 10 countries coordinated by Forbidden Stories with the technical support of Amnesty International’s Security Lab. Read all our coverage here.

CIC Allows Centre to Withhold List of Documents, Items Seized During Operation Blue Star

The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) has been demanding the return of the artefacts, allegedly taken by the Army in 1984.

New Delhi: The Central Information Commission (CIC) has allowed the Centre to withhold a list of documents and precious material seized by a central agency during the 1984 operation at the Golden Temple in Punjab in which 576 persons, including Army personnel, were killed.

An RTI applicant, Gurvinder Singh Chadha, had demanded from the Union Home Ministry list of all the material seized during the operation and its present status as well as all records related to the operation and list of all the persons who died during the operation conducted by the Army to flush out militants holed up inside the Golden Temple in Amritsar.

Without giving the list and the specific details of the seized material, the ministry had said in its RTI response to Chadha that “about 4000 documents/books/files and gold /gold ornaments, silver/silver ornaments, precious stones currency, coins etc. were recovered by a central agency during the Operation Blue Star. The articles and documents were handed over either to SGPC or to the Government of Punjab.

“As per records available with this office, 493 terrorists/civilians and 83 Army officials were killed in Golden Temple area in June 1984,” the home ministry further said.

Dissatisfied with the denial of specific information about the seized material, Chadha filed the first appeal within the ministry before a senior official who upheld the denial of information invoking Section 8 1(a) of the RTI Act.

Also read: 1984: Thirty-Five Years On, Sikh Survivors of India’s Deadliest Massacre Await Justice

The Section allows the government to withhold information, disclosure of which would prejudicially affect the sovereignty and integrity of India, the security, strategic, scientific or economic interests of the State, relation with foreign State or lead to incitement of an offence.

During the second appeal before the Central Information Commission, highest adjudication body in RTI matters, Chadha stated that a satisfactory response was not yet provided on points related to records of Operation Blue Star and a list of material seized during it.

The ministry said a pointwise response was provided to Chadha but the details sought pertained to confidential information, the disclosure of which could prejudicially affect the safety and security of the country.

Agreeing with the home ministry’s view, Information Commissioner Y.K. Sinha held Chadha has sought “vague, ambiguous and generic information” which cannot be disclosed in terms of the provisions of the RTI Act, 2005.

“Hence, no further intervention of the Commission is warranted in the matter,” Sinha said.

The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) has been demanding the return of the artefacts, allegedly taken away by the Army during Operation Blue Star in 1984.

Last year in June, SGPC chief secretary Roop Singh had said the holy scriptures, artefacts and historical books, which were part of the Sikh Reference Library, were taken away by the Army during the operation.

When asked that a section of media had reported that the Centre had returned the artefacts to the SGPC, Singh had claimed that only a few copies of historical books were returned.

He had said still a large quantity of material and handwritten copies of the Guru Granth Sahib Ji were with the Centre.

British Sikh MP Seeks Probe Into Thatcher Govt’s Involvement in Operation Blue Star

The demand for an inquiry arose a few years ago when it emerged that British military advice was given to Indian forces prior to the Operation Blue Star.

London: British Sikh Opposition Labour Party MP Tanmanjeet Singh Dhesi, on June 5, has called for an independent inquiry into the extent of the involvement of the then Margaret Thatcher led British government in the Operation Blue Star in June 1984.

The UK’s first turbaned Sikh member of Parliament, who raised the issue in the House of Commons on Thursday to mark 36 years since the Indian army’s operation at the Golden Temple in Amritsar, also called for a debate on the issue.

This week marks 36 years since the then Indian Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, ordered her abhorrent attack on the most revered Sikh shrine, the Golden Temple complex in Amritsar, Dhesi said.

Despite recent revelations and given the huge demand from within the British Sikh community and the support of the Labour party and other Opposition parties, an independent inquiry to establish the extent of the Thatcher government’s involvement in the attack has still not been held, he said.

Also read: UK Court Orders Cabinet Office to Declassify More Operation Blue Star Files

Leader of the Commons, Jacob Rees-Mogg, responded on behalf of the government to describe it as an important anniversary.

“I have every confidence that Margaret Thatcher, one of the greatest leaders this country has ever had, would always have behaved properly,” said Rees-Mogg.

The demand for an inquiry arose a few years ago when it emerged that British military advice was given to Indian forces prior to the Operation Blue Star.

The then British Prime Minister, David Cameron, had ordered an internal review into this discovery, which led to a statement in Parliament declaring that Britain’s role had been purely advisory and the Special Air Service (SAS) advice had limited impact on the Operation Blue Star in June 1984.

(PTI)

Book Review: Exploring Punjab’s Convoluted Past

Amandeep Sandhu weaves together data, personal history and narratives to recount Punjab’s turbulent history of militancy, economic growth, drug addiction and farmer suicides.

In Panjab: Journeys Through Fault Lines, Amandeep Sandhu provides us with a panoramic view of Punjab, taking us along in his journey of piecing together the land Ibn Battuta had named ‘Panj Ab’ – the land of five waters.

The author begins this non-fiction verse with a Punjabi couplet, ‘Je ho ji tu samjhe mahiya, oho ji main hain nahin (What you know of me, my dear, I am not that)’ by Aman Rozi. The couplet lays bare the idea that unravelling the geographical, political, economic and other facets of a place can always be an enigmatic experience.

The land in question has been fought over, won, ruled and divided many times and to understand it, one cannot only talk about the Indian side of Punjab that exists today but view it as a fragment of the huge land that existed decades ago.

Each facet of Punjab’s reality has been picked by the author and detailed in the sixteen chapters. The narrative flows from historical facts to the author’s personal history and merges with the reality experienced by him during his travels. The kind of data that has been collated and segregated by Sandhu into various chapters is staggering. We can read each chapter individually, but reality overlaps and similar issues fluidly emerge in other chapters also.

Watch | Punjab Has Always Said No to Hindutva Politics: Amandeep Sandhu

The thought of Punjab is evocative of yellow mustard fields and the Green Revolution that was a boon for many in its initial years. However, soon the greenery faded and the income from farming decreased. Sandhu compares his mother’s illness with Punjab and talks about the two ‘mis-revolutions’ that the state faced – Green Revolution and Khalistan. Green Revolution was promoted with new researches being practically implemented on the farms, but many failed.

The Indian government also tried to solve the issue of militancy and the demand for a separate land, Khalistan, in myriad ways. Instead of offering any solace, all the attempts made the wounds much more deep-seated.

These small ‘band-aid fixes’ that the government was providing for both these problems were not permanent solutions. Punjab was more than just its fields and the guns picked up by some but nobody saw the entire picture.

Amandeep Sandhu
Panjab: Journeys Through Fault Lines
Westland, 2019

The political scenario of the state is discussed after every few pages because no history is complete without mention of those who have been in power. Each of the parties that have aspired for power or have been in power has been talked about. Apart from the Akalis, Congress and BJP, Sandhu also looks at developments surrounding the Aam Aadmi Party.

He also touches upon the various gurus and deras that exist in Punjab who also regulate the vote bank. People blindly follow these cults and when urged to vote for a certain party, they do as asked. There have been moments in the book when one is terrified by how callous politicians have been and how they have trampled the truth and built their empires on the corpses of the farmers, the unemployed youth and the Dalits.

No book about Punjab is complete without talking about Operation Blue Star. The attack on the Darbar Sahib in 1984 shook the Sikhs around the world and remembering it brings back painful memories of the time when the state thought it was acceptable to attack a place of worship.

The attack, as has been mentioned in the book, was planned months in advance with a model of the Darbar Sahib prepared for the army to practice in. The narrative portrays the atrocities by the state and also gives an account of how Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale rose to prominence along with Harcharan Singh Longowal.

A recurring problem that has time and again risen and played with during election campaigns and in politicians’ rhetoric is Punjab’s drug addiction. The book details the history of how the problem took root and has now spread to all parts of the state engulfing its youth in a never-ending cycle of drug addiction.

The medical facilities available in the state are not sufficient. Apart from drugs, the lack of resources and a reliable state support system for the farmers has instigated farmer suicides for the past few decades. Punjab is no longer the land where five rivers flow intensely. The rivers are now home to sand mining activities, industrial waste and bodies of people who have died by suicide.

The chapter on Dalits is significant as it brings to the fore the irony of the word ‘Dalit’ in Sikhism. Around 55–60% of the state’s population comprises of Sikhs. Sikhism was initiated by Guru Nanak Dev with the spirit that no caste system would be prevalent in the religion like it had plagued Hinduism. It was supposed to be a humanitarian religion where anyone who embraced it would be considered equal.

Also read: Punjab’s History Explains its Support for the Rights of Kashmiris Today

However, the reality was considerably different from that. There are separate gurudwaras for the Dalits. The Jutts in Punjab have devised ways to subjugate them and would go to any extent to use them and the reservation the Dalits get for their own means. This has been substantiated in the book with reference to various instances that have taken place in the past and unearthed through the interviews taken by the author during his journey through the fault lines.

The book touches upon the disappearances, incidents of sacrilege that brought the state to a boil, the various farmer protests such as the ‘rail roko’ protest, the stories from various villages about the past and the present. Sandhu’s travel brings to life the various issues that political parties keep trying to bury from time and again.

The book offers both a historical and a contemporary perspective of Punjab tracing the journey of the state from centuries ago. In the epilogue, Sandhu mentions how the people of Punjab who have seen ‘one generation lost to militancy, the next to drugs, and the present to exodus—are looking for new directions, new voices and new leadership’.

Guneet Kaur Gulati is an editor at a publication house and is interested in literature and the South-Asian socio-political discourse.