Kerala Assembly Polls: Congress Pulls Out All the Stops for a ‘Do-or-Die’ Battle

Despite the fact that it faced a drubbing in last year’s local body polls, the Congress, instead of getting into factionalism this time around, regrouped itself and sharpened its campaign strategy.

Thiruvananthapuram and Kollam: When The Wire reached the election committee office of the United Democratic Front (UDF) in Poojappura of Nemom constituency in Thiruvananthapuram, the candidate K. Muraleedharan was addressing a small gathering of Youth Congress workers, briefing them of the tasks to be carried out as part of the campaign.

Nemom has been the cynosure of all eyes in this election, acquiring the attention from across the state and even in the national media, as the UDF has taken it as a do-or-die contest by fielding one of its senior leaders who is also a member of parliament.

It is the first and the only seat that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) have in this outgoing assembly. O. Rajagopal, a senior BJP leader and former union minister, had sprung a surprise last time by wresting the seat from the CPI (M) beating the incumbent MLA, V.Sivankutty, thanks to an unbelievably dismal show by the UDF.

Also read: Kerala: Welfarism Remains the Dominant Narrative, but There Is an Undercurrent of Phobia

The UDF candidate only managed to secure 13,860 votes and had to forfeit his deposit amount. The CPI(M) and the Left front had been making it a point that the UDF traded votes with the BJP for their first-ever electoral victory in the history of the Kerala assembly. In the 2011 elections also, the Congress candidate had polled a mere 20,248 votes, allowing the BJP candidate to finish second behind the CPI(M).

It was the Congress high command’s suggestion to field a senior leader from Nemom eyeing the optics – which could effectively counter the “canards” spread by the LDF that the BJP and Congress are playing a friendly match – changed the entire scenario. Former chief minister Oommen Chandy was the first name to be considered for Nemom as the Congress leadership believed that his candidature at Nemom would have an effect on the Muslim votes across the state.

Congress senior leaders Ramesh Chennithala, Oomen Chandy releasing the UDF manifesto. Photo: Twitter/ Ramesh Chennithala.

“Oommen Chandy was willing to contest from Nemom, but considering the risk of losing his sitting seat – where he is an MLA for the last five decades – in his absence, the party decided against it. I have been the MLA of the neighbouring Vattiyoorkkavu for eight years, and I am familiar with the territory which made me the natural choice,” says K. Muraleedharan.

It seemed like he is facing an uphill task, where the Congress party hardly has any organisational strength. Muraleedharan will have to build from the scratch and he knows it very well. “It’s quite natural that the workers getting dejected given the drubbing we got in the last two elections, but things are getting better now and we are already on track in no time. We have left the past behind and this time the UDF will be winning, no matter who ends up second,” he exudes confidence.

If Nemom is to be taken as a cue, it’s evident that both fronts think that championing the anti-BJP tirade is the key to victory in Kerala.

An all-important battle for Congress

After the totally unexpected drubbing in the local body elections, the leaders of the Congress-led UDF toiled it hard to get themselves back on track with some success. Unlike in the past, after an initial blame game, the group/faction managers inside the Congress party understood the danger of letting it go this time as this assembly elections could well be the ‘last bus’ for them.

The first thing they did after the election debacle was to regroup and constitute a high-level committee with former chief minister Oommen Chandy at its helm. The list of candidates also looked fresh as more than 50% of the ‘fighting seats’ were given to the youth and newcomers except for the sitting MLAs.

According to the party leadership, the seat distribution was quiet and eventless, barring the rebellion by Lathika Subhash, the president of the Women’s Congress, who tonsured her head at the KPCC office in protest against the poor representation of women in the Congress’ list.  She is contesting as a rebel candidate from the Ettumanoor constituency of Kottayam district where she also was denied a ticket.

Also read: Model Code of Conduct Is ‘Conveniently Violated’: Kerala CM Writes to EC Against ED Probe

“The way I was sidelined during the election is not an exception but the rule when it comes to women’s representation across the party lines,” says Lathika Subhash. “I was not an ordinary party worker. When I was denied the ticket, I was the state chief of the Mahila Congress. If the Student wing president K M. Abhijith and Youth Congress president Shafi Parambil get tickets naturally, why not the president of the women’s wing?”

The Congress leaders, including A. K. Antony and Oommen Chandy, who had been her mentor for long years shrugged it off as she announced her candidature as an independent.

The subtle swing of the minority votes is the key factor that determines the win-loss equation in Kerala. In the recent local body polls, it is evident that the Christian community votes have been swayed in favour of the LDF, thanks to Kerala Congress (M) jumping the ship after the discord with the UDF over the chairmanship of Kottayam district panchayat.

A resurgent Congress

The erosion of votes in central Kerala, which had been a traditional UDF stronghold, did the undoing of the UDF. At the same time, in the Muslim dominated northern Kerala, the UDF did comparatively well, with the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), the second biggest constituent in the UDF, holding its forts in the Malappuram district in particular. But apart from the district, the anti-Citizenship Amendment Act/National Register of Citizens stance of the chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan has been attracting the Muslim voters too.

This was not the scenario before the local self-government (LSG) elections. The Pinarayi government was reeling under controversies after controversies looming over. The gold smuggling case and the arrest of M. Shivshankar, the principal secretary to the chief minister, have put it on the back foot, but Vijayan weathered it all riding on the popularity of the government, mainly because of the welfare measures and crisis management skills during the repeated disasters from flood to the pandemic.

Even after the LSG polls, there have been many issues for the opposition on which to design their campaign, ranging from the inconclusive gold smuggling case and the recent deep-sea fishing controversy to unemployment and nepotism of the ruling LDF government, but most of the senior UDF leaders seem to be sticking on to the Sabarimala controversy. All most all the leaders and candidates, with an exception of V.T. Balram of Thrithala, who has openly backed women’s entry into the temple, rake up the issue of the government ‘aiding’ women activists to enter the Sabarimala shrine.

“They tried to take women activists to the sanctum sanctorum of the Sabarimala shrine with a police escort to break the rituals. Keralites will never forget it nor forgive him. Pinarayi Vijayan will bear the consequences of it from voters of Kerala on 6 April,” says A. K. Antony, whose words pretty much sum up the campaign by the UDF, which has promised to bring in legislation to protect the tradition and rituals of Sabarimala in its election manifesto. Interestingly the NDA manifesto too makes the same promise.

Kerala Congress

Kerala Congress President Ramesh Chennithala addressing a campaign rally. Photo: Ramesh Chennithala

Even Bindu Krishna, the district Congress committee (DCC) president of Kollam and UDF candidate, who had backed the Supreme Court judgement allowing women’s entry to Sabarimala seems to have mellowed down.

“I am a devotee who has tremendous faith in Sabarimala Ayyappa. I am in favour of women’s entry in Sabarimala, only if it does not contravene the customs or tradition of the temple,” says Bindu when this author met her at Kollam during the lunch break on her campaign trail.

“Those women who entered Sabarimala were not devotees, but activists. Pinarayi Vijayan has hurt the feelings of genuine devotees like me by aiding them to get there with police protection. It is indeed an election issue here,” adds Bindu.

Also read: Is the Anti-CAA Rhetoric Enough for Pinarayi Vijayan to Garner Traditional Muslims’ Support?

No UDF candidates, inclusive of the IUML nominees, are refraining from raking up the Sabarimala issue.

Leader of Opposition Ramesh Chennithala’s petition to stop the Kerala government from distributing rice to school students, welfare pensions and Easter-Vishu food kits are some of the latest highlights from the UDF’s campaign.

Chief minister Pinarayi has cried foul as the decision was not taken after the model code of conduct came into effect. He asserted that UDF will have to pay dearly for derailing the pro-people measures during the festive season.

On the other hand, Chennithala in his tweet said, “Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan should answer to the people on why the rice disbursement was kept pending for last 8 months and why you want to disburse it just before elections. It’s not strange that LDF remembers people only at the eve of elections.”

As the welfare schemes, including the pension for the elderly, becoming the trump card of the Vijayan government, many inside the Congress also are wary about the Opposition Leader’s decision to approach the Election Commission to stall the rice distribution.

“I am not very sure that it was a wise move, at this point in time. Our leaders could have tread carefully on this matter, as the welfare pension and the food kit are very popular among the voters,” says an IUML worker on the condition of anonymity.

The UDF seems to have taken a double-pronged attack, taking on the CPI (M) alleging that it is hurting the feelings of both the Muslim and Hindu community, instead of criticising any governmental inaction and policies.

On the ground, the Congress workers and the IUML leaders are desperately trying anything and everything to hit hard at the government, as they all know this is a do-or-die situation for them.

Rajeev Ramachandran is an independent journalist based in Kochi.

Kerala: No Paradigm Shift but a Warning Sign for the Congress

The victory of the Left Democratic Front represents the usual swing but the declining share of the Congress within the UDF and the debut of the BJP in the assembly are warning signs that the Congress could end up as a relic of history in the state.

The victory of the Left Democratic Front represents the usual swing but the declining share of the Congress within the UDF and the debut of the BJP in the assembly are warning signs that the Congress could end up as a relic of history in the state.

LDF candidate actor Mukesh celebrates with supporters after his win in the Kerala assembly elections in Kollam on Thursday. CreditL PTI

LDF candidate actor Mukesh celebrates with supporters after his win in the Kerala assembly elections in Kollam on Thursday. Credit: PTI

Sticking to the tradition established after a two-front system emerged three and a half decades ago, Kerala’s voters threw out the ruling coalition and voted in the rival alliance, firmly rejecting the former’s plea for a second successive term and the newly formed third front’s call to dump both and plump for it.

Since the Congress-led United Democratic Front won the elections of 2011, it was now the turn of the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Democratic Front to win, and it comes back to power after a gap of five years with an impressive 91-47 victory.

While the voters rebuffed the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance’s bid for recognition as a third force, the BJP was able to win a seat. This is the first time that the Hindutva party has made it to the state assembly.

Bucking the trend of rejecting unattached independents, voters in Poonjar constituency re-elected P.C. George, a veteran legislator who had won in previous elections as part of either the UDF or the LDF but did not have the support of any front this time.

In the early days of the two-front system, the difference between the vote shares of the UDF and LDF was small. So was the difference in their strength in the assembly. In 1982, for instance, less than 100,000 votes separated them: the UDF polled 4,617,498 votes and the LDF 4,523,228. In the assembly the UDF had 77 seats and the LDF 63.  About 50,000 voters could have altered the fate of the contenders for power.

The parties which lead the two fronts and their major partners have committed voters who stick to them through thick and thin. The change of government in every election has been made possible by voters who keep switching from one front to the other. Their number gradually grew until 2001 when the UDF registered a 100-40 victory. In 2006, the LDF won with an identical margin.  Studies have shown that it is the southern districts that swing from one front to the other.

In 2011, there was a slight reversal of the trend. The UDF, led by Oommen Chandy, registered a narrow 72-68 victory over the LDF, led by outgoing chief minister V.S. Achuthanandan. The LDF lost a few seats by small margins. Many observers believe that what brought the LDF close to a second successive term was the expectation that if it was voted back to power Achuthanandan would remain the chief minister.

Factions in the Left

CPI(M) leader V.S. Achuthanandan. Credit: PTI

CPI(M) leader V.S. Achuthanandan. Credit: PTI

The state CPI (M) had denied a party ticket to Achuthanandan, who was involved in a bitter squabble with the then party secretary Pinarayi Vijayan, in 2006 and 2011. On both occasions, street protests forced the politburo to overrule the state committee and permit him to contest. Since Vijayan, 72, who had led the state party ably from 1998 to 2015, stepped down he has been a hot favourite for the chief minister’s post. But there is nothing to indicate that Achuthanandan is ready to call it a day. At general secretary Sitaram Yechury’s instance, the Politburo intervened early and announced that both Achuthanandan and Vijayan would contest the elections and jointly lead the LDF campaign.

Recognising the 92-year-old Achuthanadan’s immense personal popularity, all LDF candidates, including Vijayan, flaunted his picture in their posters and banners. With both contenders elected to the assembly, the party could no longer postpone the question  of who will head the government.  The party has opted for Vijayan. Yechury, who has a better equation with Achuthanandan than his predecessor, Prakash Karat, will now have the onerous task of ensuring the veteran takes this decision in his stride and that whatever discord which follows in not allowed to spill into the streets.

One formula that was being talked about was to compensate within the party hierarchy. Achuthanandan – who was removed from the politburo in 2009 in the wake of his conflict with the state leadership and downgraded from a member of the central committee to a mere ‘special invitee’ last year – may be mollified by being accorded a better status in the party hierarchy. So far, however, there is no word on this.

Warning signs for Congress

The Congress has suffered a big rout which is not immediately apparent. Its share of the UDF’s bag of 47 seats is just 22. Three-fourths of the 87 candidates it put up lost. Actually, its decline is not a new development. Last time, too, it had fared poorly, winning only 38 of the 81 seats it contested but the UDF’s victory, made possible by the good performance of its major allies, especially the Indian Union Muslim League (which won 20 of the 23 seats it contested)  helped to hide its dismal performance.

Unless the Congress urgently addresses the issue of its continuous decline under the diarchy of ‘A’ group leader Oommen Chandy and ‘I’ group leader Ramesh Chennithala, it is bound to end up as a relic of history, as has happened in several other states already. Two years ago, the party’s central leadership appointed V.M. Sudheeran as the state Congress chief in a bold bid to break the hold of the group leaders. Chandy and Chennithala joined hands and scuttled his initiatives to end factionalism.

BJP: Debut and beyond

The Congress leaders apparently imagined that any gains the BJP makes will be at the expense of the LDF, especially the CPI (M). The BJP’s main ally in the NDA was the Bharat Dharma Jana Sena (BDJS), floated by the leadership of the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam, a social organisation of the Ezhavas, an OBC community. Although the BJDS was projected as a common platform of Hindus, from Namboodiri to Nayadi, it was viewed by many as an Ezhava outfit.

Ezhavas constitute the largest Hindu caste group. A study of the voting pattern in previous elections has shown that 65% of the members of the community traditionally vote for the Left.  The BJP allotted the BDJS 36 seats, thinking it will be able to attract the support of the community. But its calculation did not work out. The BDJS polled 3.9% of the popular vote, but could not win even one seat. Apparently it could not extend much help to the BJP also. The presence of BDJS candidates did more damage to the UDF than the LDF.

The BJP can pat itself on the back on its entry into the state assembly, which both the LDF and the UDF had vowed to block. The successful candidate, O. Rajagopal, is a former Union minister. The party had got him into the Rajya Sabha from Madhya Pradesh to facilitate his appointment as minister of state for railways in Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s NDA-1 government. He is regarded highly in the state for the services he rendered as minister of state. The comparatively poor performance of the UDF candidate in his constituency suggests that there was large scale defection from the UDF to BJP there.

The BJP was in the second place in seven constituencies. In one of them, its candidate lost by a small margin of 89 votes. Viewed in the light of the caste complexion of the constituencies there is reason to believe that its limited success was made possible by the support it received from the Hindu “upper caste” rather than the ‘backward’ communities which it specifically targeted.  Though it secured 10.5% of the votes polled across the state (and if we include the BJDS, the NDA’s vote share stands at 15.4%), the paradigm shift the BJP was hoping for is not in sight yet.

B.R.P. Bhaskar is a senior journalist.

Note: The article has been updated to take into account the CPI(M)’s decision, taken Friday morning, to appoint Pinarayi Vijayan as chief minister of Kerala.

Note: The correct expansion of the BDJS is Bharat Dharma Jana Sena and not Bharat Jana Dharma Sabha, as was stated in an initial version of this article.

Left Front Wins Comfortably, BJP Opens Account for the First Time in Kerala

The LDF, as predicted by most of the pre-poll and exit poll surveys, won 91 out of the 139 seats declared in the 140-strong assembly.

Even as Kerala voted against the United Democratic Front (UDF) in favour of the Left, the surge of the BJP and its allies points towards a slow Hindu consolidation under the Hindutva umbrella – a tectonic shift in a state known for its secular credentials.

 

LDF supporters celebrating their victory in Assembly polls in Thrissur. Credit: PTI

LDF supporters in Thrissur celebrate their victory. Credit: PTI

Kozhikode: Sticking to convention, Kerala voted out the Congress-led UDF government, with the CPI(M)-led Left Democratic Front (LDF) making a comeback with a thumping majority. The LDF, as predicted by most of the pre-poll and exit poll surveys, won 91 out of the 139 seats declared in the 140-strong assembly. The UDF won 47 seats. One seat each was won by NDA and an independent.

But the man of the moment is nobody from the winning team, but the BJP veteran O. Rajagopal who has created history by becoming the first elected member of his party to the legislative assembly. He won the Nemom constituency of the capital city Thiruvananthapuram by defeating V. Sivankutty of the CPI(M) who was also the sitting MLA. The UDF candidate in Nemom could secure only 13,860 votes out of a total of over 1.5 lakh votes. The NDA was able to triple its vote share across the state. Bharatiya Dharma Jana Sena (BDJS), the political party floated by the Ezhava community leader Vellappally Nateshan just before civic polls was the prominent partner of the BJP in the front. The NDA had roped in tribal leader C. K. Janu and Kerala Congress leader P. C. Thomas. In the 2011 assembly polls, the BJP contested 139 of the 140 seats and finished runners up in only three constituencies. All three candidates got more than 40,000 votes. In the rest the BJP finished a poor third.

The result of Wadakkanchery constituency where the Congress candidate is leading by a slender margin of three votes has been withheld after an electronic voting machine was found at fault.

As always the northern and southern parts of Kerala stood with the LDF. The front swept the districts of Kannur, Kozhikode, Palakkad and Thrissur from the north, and Thiruvananthapuram, Kollam, Alappuzha and Pathanamthitha in the south. The central Kerala, traditionally a UDF strong hold, also slightly favoured the Left this time. The LDF improved their tally in Ernakulam district where as Kottayam, a Christian-majority district, stood with the UDF.

Malappuram, the IUML citadel, also wavered a bit causing panic among the Muslim league leaders. They lost three of their sitting seats and managed to retain the rest of the seats by a thin majority.

The NDA factor

Apart from the seat they won, the NDA has come second in seven other constituencies. They have secured 60,000 plus votes in Nemom and 50,000 plus votes in two other constituencies. There are 86 constituencies where the NDA has 25,000 or more votes. This could well be a tectonic shift in Kerala politics. In majority of seats where the NDA fared well, Congress suffered very badly. In Thrissur district, where the UDF got a battering, the NDA went on to secure an average of 25,000 votes.

It was widely believed and reported in a section of the media that the BDJS was going to affect the LDF than the UDF given that a huge majority of the Ezhavas voted for the LDF traditionally. But to the embarrassment of the UDF the erosion was mostly from their kitty.

The BDJS effect took a toll on the LDF also but in comparatively fewer constituencies. They lost Kovalam, Changanassery and suffered serious erosion of votes in Udumbanchola, Thodupuzha and Idukky constituencies. Altogether the NDA has made an impact across the state for the first time in the history of Kerala, BJP lost their stronghold Manjeswaram for a wafer thin margin of 89 votes where their youth leader K. Surendran lost the battle to P B Abdul Razak of IUML.

C. K. Janu , the tribal leader of Adivasi Gotra Mahasabha who contested the Sulthanbathery seat as NDA candidate got 27,000 votes, but could not make it count this time .

The BJP vote share was 6.03% in the 2011 assembly polls which they bettered in the 2014 Lok Sabha polls touching 10.83%. This time it may even go up to 16-18%.

Minority consolidation

From the preliminary calculations of votes, it is pretty evident that the LDF received considerable support from religious minorities, especially the Muslim community. This shift in voting is visible across the state and the LDF candidates in the minority areas (other than the Muslim league strong holds) got this advantage. Even in the league dominated areas, LDF candidates got a sizeable amount of support and the league’s vote bank suffered considerable erosion. For example, the Kazhakkoottam constituency of Trivandrum district which has a sizeable Muslim population voted out its three time MLA, M. A. Wahid and elected CPI (M) leader Kadakampalli Surendran. Interestingly BJP’S former state president V. Muralidharan finished second here. In Malappuram district, the CPI (M) candidates put up a tough fight in Mankada and Perinthalmanna constituencies where they almost pulled up improbable victories.

This minority consolidation in favour of the LDF is a worrisome factor for the UDF which usually enjoys their support in Kerala. With the caste Hindu votes swiftly drifting away to the NDA, this could well seal the fate of the Congress and the UDF, unless they fail to do some damage control exercise.

The LDF will also have a do a lot of home work if it has to prevent the Hindutva bandwagon which is all set for a rollercoaster ride across the state, once known for its secular credentials.

Rajeev Ramachandran is the coordinating editor at Media One TV.