Naidu and Nitish, Shadows of Their Past, Won’t Do Anything Radical to Upset the BJP

As it is now becoming clear that BJP would pick its own party MP to be the Lok Sabha Speaker and its decision to keep all plum ministerial posts with itself, the prospect of TDP and JD(U) extracting their pound of flesh from the BJP is becoming bleak by the day.

Now that the dust has settled, it has become clear that the Speaker candidate of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) would be from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Many political observers dub this as the abject surrender of NDA allies, Janata Dal (United) (JD(U)) and Telugu Desam Party (TDP). What explains such a ‘surrender’?

Not to speak about important portfolios even the demand of Special Category Status raised by both the chief ministers in the past had not been made a pre-condition for lending support to Narendra Modi.

When the Lok Sabha election result was out on June 4, it was expected that they would seek their own pound of flesh, that is, demand important portfolios and even the post of Speaker, as in 1999 when they both were constituents of the NDA. But they agreed on much less.

Naidu and Nitish are shadows of their past

There is no denying the fact that the BJP has grown weak after the recent Lok Sabha poll, yet it is also a fact that both Chandrababu Naidu and Nitish Kumar are just shadows of their past. The two parties may have won 16 and 12 seats respectively in the Lok Sabha election, but that is not too much for them to take bold decisions. They also know that they got so many seats because of their alliance with the BJP and other parties such as Jan Sena in Andhra Pradesh and Lok Janashakti Party in Bihar.

Naidu and Nitish are in their mid-70s and not in the best of health, especially the latter. So, to expect some radical decisions from them at this point would be demanding too much.

Besides, there are some other factors which prevent them from immediately jumping to the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) camp. In the 1999 Lok Sabha election, the BJP alone won only 182 seats, which was 90 short of the majority. This time the figure is 240, just 32 less than the halfway mark.

Thus, the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government was more dependent on TDP and JD(U). TDP won 29 seats and its partner BJP seven in the undivided Andhra Pradesh, which used to send 42 MPs in the Lok Sabha. The TDP got the post of Speaker as well as important ministerial berths.

Also read: Naidu, Nitish Back Modi Ignoring the Pain of All Those Who Have Suffered During His 10-Year Tenure

Bihar scenario

In undivided Bihar, which then had 54 seats, the NDA won 41 seats – 18 by JD(U) and 23 by BJP.

Here it needs to be understood that what we now call JD(U) was actually Samata Party and other breakaway factions which later came to be known by this name. It then had stalwarts like George Fernandes, Nitish Kumar, Sharad Yadav and Ram Vilas Paswan and all got important portfolios in the Vajpayee cabinet between 1999 and 2004.

Today neither Naidu, whose party won 16 Lok Sabha seats, nor Nitish, whose JD(U) bagged 12 seats, wanted any of their party MPs to get important portfolios. Unlike in the past, they lack a grip on their respective parties which they once enjoyed. They fear that once the stature of these Union ministers grows, they will emerge more powerful within the respective parties.

So, when R.C.P Singh was made Union steel minister by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in July 2021, Nitish became very uncomfortable. He first got him removed from the post of national president of Janata Dal (United), then refused to renominate him for Rajya Sabha when his term expired in July 2022. A humiliated Singh, once Nitish’s Man Friday, was compelled to resign.

Bifurcation of Andhra

If Nitish is feeling insecure from within, Naidu too does not have the same political clout as earlier. He is not the lone master of rump Andhra Pradesh. The BJP won three Lok Sabha seats, while the Jana Sena emerged victorious in two seats. The 2024 election has also made it clear that Pawan Kalyan of Jana Sena has the potential to emerge more influential leader in the years to come than Nara Lokesh, son of Chandrababu Naidu, whom he is grooming.

Janasena chief Pawan Kalyan after meeting former chief minister N. Chandrababu Naidu at Rajamahendravaram central jail on Thursday, September 14. TDP leaders Nara Lokesh and Balakrishna are also seen. Photo: Screengrab via YouTube video.

Lokesh lacks the quality of Tejashwi Prasad Yadav of Bihar. Not only that Pawan Kalyan has a film background, which often plays a significant role in South Indian politics. The examples of N.T. Rama Rao (Lokesh’s maternal grandfather), M.G. Ramachandran and J. Jayalalithaa are very vivid in the minds of the people.

Apart from that, it cannot be ignored that percentage-wise YSR Congress is still the single largest party, as it got 39.61 % of votes though it won only four Lok Sabha seats.

The NDA got more than half of the votes polled in the state because three parties jointly fought the election. The BJP got 11.28% while the TDP 37. 79%.

In the Assembly election, TDP got 45.6% of the votes against 39.4% by YSR Congress. The combined vote share of NDA was 56%. TDP won 135, Jan Sena 21, BJP eight and YSR Congress 11 seats.

Almost the same was the scenario in Bihar where RJD with 22.14% emerged as the biggest party,  against BJP’s 20.50%, JD(U)’s 18.52% and LJP’s 6.5%. The Congress and Left parties could not muster as many votes as the RJD because they contested fewer seats. The INDIA bloc managed to reduce the gap with NDA to 9% from 27% in 2019.

Against the sentiment

Finally, TDP still wants to maintain a safe distance from Congress in Andhra Pradesh though in the Telangana Assembly election of 2018, it did not have any problem in allying with the Grand Old Party. This is simply because many people in Andhra Pradesh still hold Congress responsible for what they say was ‘unjust’ bifurcation of the state. In contrast, the voters of Telangana were actually thankful to it for conceding the demand of a separate state. That is why TDP joined hands with the Congress in Telangana and is not so keen in Andhra Pradesh.

Though the Congress had in 2014 and even in the recently held election promised Special Category Status for the state, it could not do so because it had not been voted to power. The people of Andhra may forgive Congress if it offers the Special Category Status once it comes to power. As the BJP has not fulfilled this promise in the last decade and may not do so in the coming days, the Congress can still hope – maybe against hope – of winning over the TDP in future.

Muslim Reservation Not Appeasement But Social Justice, Says Key BJP Ally TDP

Nara Lokesh, Telugu Desam Party (TDP) general secretary and son of Andhra Pradesh chief minister designate Chandrababu Naidu said that reservations will continue to bring minorities out of poverty. 

New Delhi: Nara Lokesh, Telugu Desam Party (TDP) general secretary and son of Andhra Pradesh chief minister designate Chandrababu Naidu, has said that the reservations provided to Muslims is not appeasement but for “social justice” to bring them out of poverty and will continue in the state. Notably, the TDP is a key ally of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) as it is set to form the third Narendra Modi-led government at the Centre. 

“It (reservation for Muslims) has been going around for the last two decades and we stand by it. We intend to continue it,” said Lokesh in an interview with NDTV on Friday (June 7).

“It’s a fact that the minorities continue to suffer and that they have the lowest per capita income. As a government, it is my responsibility to bring them out of poverty. So whatever decisions I take are not for appeasement, but to bring them out of poverty. In my constituency I discussed this. We want to create a training centre, expose them to opportunities that the world has to offer so that they can come out of this poverty.

“If you want to make our nation a developed nation, we cannot leave anyone behind. We should do it together and there is a great opportunity to do it. It has been the trademark of the TDP, to take everyone together,” he added.

Also read: Modi’s Boast About ‘Giving 70 Muslim OBC Groups Reservation in Gujarat as CM’ Comes Back to Haunt Him

While canvassing for the elections, Prime Minister-designate Narendra Modi led an all-out communal campaign against Indian Muslims and accused the Opposition Congress of promising in its manifesto that the rights of SC/ST/OBCs will be snatched and given to Muslims. He also claimed that reservations on the basis of religion will never be provided in his lifetime. Modi also attacked Opposition ruled-states like Karnataka where Muslims are provided reservations on the basis of their socio-economic backwardness. 

A total of 14 states and union territories have provided reservations to Muslims under the central OBC list.

Now, with the BJP falling short of a majority, winning 240 seats, in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, it is having to rely on its allies from the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) to form the government where both the TDP and the Janata Dal (United) hold the key to government formation.

In Andhra Pradesh, the NDA has won a total of 21 of the 25 seats; the TDP has won 16 seats, the BJP three and the Jana Sena Party (JSP) two.

While speculations have been rife that the Naidu-led TDP has demanded significant ministries and the position of the Lok Sabha speaker, Lokesh said that his party is “not negotiating any posts”.

“TDP never negotiates when it comes for post, we only negotiate for funds for the state. We don’t ask for ministries. Our interest is the state’s interest,” he said.

“Strong states make strong nations. We want to be part of a five-trillion dollar economy dream. We believe that Andhra alone can be a one-trillion economy. Look forward to working with NDA.”

Behind TDP’s Spectacular Comeback, YSR Congress’s Complete Neglect of Development in AP

With TDP-Jana Sena-BJP alliance winning 164 out of 175 seats in the Andhra Pradesh assembly, YSR Congress is not in a position to even secure opposition status.

Hyderabad: The Telugu Desam Party-led National Democratic Alliance in Andhra Pradesh has registered a landslide victory, winning 164 out of 175 seats in the Andhra Pradesh legislative assembly. While TDP romped home with 135 seats, its alliance partners Jana Sena and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) secured 21 and eight seats respectively.

The tally of the ruling YSR Congress, headed by chief minister Jagan Mohan Reddy, came from 151 seats it had bagged in the 2019 elections to a mere 11 seats. The magnitude of the TDP-Jana Sena-BJP alliance meant Reddy would not be even in the position to get opposition status in the assembly.

All the parties in the fray reflected the same performance in Lok Sabha elections as well. While TDP secured 16 seats, its alliance partners Jana Sena and BJP secured two and three seats respectively. The YSR Congress bagged four seats.

Expressing shock at the results, an emotionally charged Jagan wondered at his maiden media conference in the last five years where the affection shown by beneficiaries of welfare programmes initiated by his government vanished.

He said he did not imagine this kind of result. He said he lost the election despite doing a lot for people.
Jagan also said god alone knew what went wrong and expressed his helplessness at the juncture. “I will rise up from here and take to struggles which is nothing new to me. I am ready for any challenge.”

Jana Sena chief Pawan Kalyan in his address to party supporters said he was at a loss for words. The results reflected the people’s ambition for change. This was not the time for taking revenge on political rivals, he added.

Telugu Desam Party president N. Chandrababu Naidu participated in a cake-cutting celebration at the Jana Sena office. He left for Delhi to take part in the NDA meeting on Wednesday called by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and other BJP bigwigs. His presence at the NDA meeting, more or less, end speculation about his speculation in the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA). But, the exit of Naidu from NDA during his previous term is a grim reminder of his blow-hot, blow-cold relationship with the BJP in the past. He decided to leave NDA protesting against the failure of the Centre to concede special category status to residuary Andhra Pradesh in the wake of the bifurcation of the erstwhile State.

The TDP and Jana Sena raced to lead in no time as soon as counting of votes began on Tuesday morning even as the ruling YSR Congress struggled to take off. As the trend continued, 23 out of 25 ministers in chief minister Jaganmohan Reddy’s Cabinet and Speaker Tammineni Sitaram trailed behind their TDP rivals.

It was obvious after a while that Jagan was set to exit and pave the way for Naidu to take the former’s seat in power again. Naidu was by then well on his way to winning his seventh Assembly election and with it becoming chief minister for the fourth time. Jagan conceded defeat later and sent his resignation letter to governor S. Abdul Nazeer.

A look at the reasons for the debacle of the YSR Congress shows that the welfare schemes of the party on which it banked heavily did not work with voters. The tall claims of the government that a sum of over Rs 2.75 lakh crore was spent on the welfare of the poor by direct benefit transfer (DBT) did not convince the public. Also, the ‘volunteer system’, initiated by the Jagan Reddy government, to take welfare to the doorsteps of people without having to go around government offices was ignored by people. The system had become hugely controversial as it was perceived as a parallel mechanism to village secretariats.

On the flip side, the YSR Congress is to blame itself for the defeat due to the lack of investments and development in the state. The three-capital model proposed by the government at Amaravati, Kurnool and Visakhapatnam representing the three regions of the state did not go down well with people. Finally, the state ended up without a clear capital. It was too late by the time he announced that he would run the government from Visakhapatnam in his second term.

The failure of the government to complete the Polavaram project citing faults in design and its firm resolve to implement the Andhra Pradesh Land Titling Act amidst serious concerns of the public on security for their lands were cited as reasons for YSR Congress’ defeat.

Naidu tore up land revenue records at public rallies, symbolically rejecting the government’s authority over private lands. All the Opposition parties highlighted that the Act would become another Dharani portal of the Telangana government lacking transparency and protection of land rights.

The TDP also promised ‘Super Six’ guarantees of Rs 4,000 pension per month, Rs 15,000 assistance to every school-going child, three free cooking gas cylinders for every household per annum, unemployment allowance of Rs 3,000 per month, free bus ride to women and Rs 1,500 per month to all women from 18 to 59 years. They seemed to steal a march over YSR Congress promises.

Jagan in the YSR Congress manifesto promised to continue all the welfare schemes of the past five years. He hiked social security pensions marginally from Rs 3,000 to 3,500 per month and assistance to school-going children from Rs15,000 to 17,000.

The arrest of Naidu and his imprisonment in Rajahmundry Central Jail for nearly 50 days in an alleged scam of skill development programme during his chief ministership from 2014 to 2019 earned him a lot of public sympathy, particularly women who took to road in Guntur.

A political analyst Pentapati Pulla Rao told The Wire that what worked in the victory of TDP and its allies was their unity. The public made it clear that freebies were not enough. Naidu promoted unity among allies by compromising on seats sought to be contested by TDP. The TDP gave 21 Assembly seats to the Jana Sena and 10 to BJP.

The TDP also conceded six parliament seats to BJP and two to Jana Sena. Pulla Rao highlighted that it was the severe oppression of Opposition parties by Prime Minister Modi which promoted their unity at the national level.

Another analyst Telakapalli Ravi said the fact that Jagan replaced 70 incumbent MLAs was a clear indication about the prospects of his party’s defeat. “Otherwise, why will any party change so many MLAs? It was a desperate attempt to save a sinking boat.”

Ravi also said TDP was expected to fight because of serious anti-government feelings among the masses. Also, the vengeance politics of Jagan to book Naidu in a criminal case and send him to jail and targeted violence by YSR Congress against TDP leaders and cadre spelt danger to the party. Jagan distanced himself from government employees by not looking into many of their demands.

Naidu, however, breathed life into the BJP by forging an alliance. It drastically changed the scenario at the national level. If he and BRS president K. Chandrasekhar had gone with the INDIA bloc, it would have made a vast difference to the results.

Pawan Kalyan was a game changer by consolidating the Kapu vote bank, Ravi added. YSR Congress replaced 70 out of its 153 incumbent MLAs with the experience of Bharat Rashtra Samiti in Telangana  Assembly elections. It was believed that the BRS lost polls because of its reluctance to change its MLAs after they had become unpopular.

On the other hand, the TDP retained all its 23 MLAs. The TDP also fielded runners-up on its behalf in 50 seats contested by the party in the last Assembly elections.

The TDP swept polls in Guntur, Krishna, Srikakulam, Vizianagaram, Kurnool and Nellore districts. Together with its ally Jana Sena, the party also made a clean sweep in East and West Godavari districts where the Kapu community held considerable sway. Pawan Kalyan who heads Jana Sena represents the community. The TDP also enjoyed the blessings of the Kamma community represented by Naidu.

TDP Scion Nara Lokesh Comes into His Own at a Tricky Time for Telugu Parties

The Wire followed him on his yatra, and finds the image of the shy son of N. Chandrababu Naidu transformed, keeps all options open about allying with the NDA.

In 2018, gigantic cardboard cut-outs of Nara Lokesh in Telugu Desam Party’s Mahanadu or annual conclave announced the birth of a new leader in Andhra Pradesh – one who inherited the political legacy of the hugely popular chief minister N.T. Rama Rao. 

Lokesh’s father and the then chief minister N. Chandrababu Naidu had recently created a political storm by walking out of the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance, in protest against Narendra Modi’s government reluctance to classify Andhra Pradesh as a Special Category Status (SCS) state. Naidu, who had played a significant role in bringing opposition parties together during the United Front government in the nineties, claimed that the Union government had reneged on its promise and moved swiftly – but eventually without much success – to conjure up a larger political front against the Modi government. 

Amidst all the hype and hoopla in the run-up to the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, Lokesh remained under the shadow of his father, although he had been a state minister in the Naidu government for over two years. His was a launch that never materialised as effectively as Naidu had imagined. Murmurs that the party’s senior leaders viewed Lokesh’s sudden arrival as a threat and a move that could backfire on the TDP became stronger by the day.

Then, the drubbing that Naidu and his party faced at the hands of the YSR Jagan Mohan Reddy-led YSR Congress in the 2019 assembly polls almost buried all hopes for the party’s rising star to emerge as a leader in the political proscenium. Lokesh lost his maiden election from Guntur’s Mangalagiri narrowly to the YSRCP candidate, even as his party was reduced to a paltry 23 seats in the 175-member assembly. 

Five years down the line, however, the state of Andhra Pradesh is witnessing a rebirthed Lokesh. The earlier shy and unsure Lokesh, acknowledged more as a dynast than anything else, has given way to a diligent and an energetic leader in the making.

The outskirts of Visakhapatnam on December 18, during the Yuvagalam rally. Photo: Ajoy Ashirwad Mahaprashastha/The Wire.

Perhaps, the current chief minister of Andhra Pradesh, Jagan Reddy, should get a little credit for his principal rival’s transformation. 

Over the last five years, Lokesh has braved one attack after another from Reddy, so typical of Telugu politics. A large number of his father’s plans like building a modern capital Amravati, or projects like Polavaram Dam have either been shelved or have descended into low priority jobs for the YSR Congress government. TDP leaders have faced one corruption charge after another. Naidu himself has not been in the best of his health, and just spent almost the whole election-bound year in prison in a case of corruption.  

Lokesh has led the party, meanwhile – steeling himself to lead a year-long padyatra called Yuvagalam (Voice of the Youth), raising concerns of the young like unemployment, vacancies, law and order and so on in the absence of his father. The foot rally began on January 27, 2023 from Bhimavaram, covered 3,132 kilometres over 226 days across the state, and ended on December 20, 2023, with intermittent breaks.

Over the last one year, Lokesh is said to have participated in around 200 public meetings, where he received around 4,300 grievance petitions from the public. Barring a two month break, when Lokesh was at his aggressive best in demanding a bail for his father who was lodged in prison, the 40-year old TDP leader has walked about 12-15 kilometres everyday, in his party’s biggest mass outreach ever. His speeches have been fiercely critical of the state government; he has often referred to the chief minister as “psycho,” a reference that also figures in the padyatra song, and has built an opposition narrative around over-centralisation during the Jagan Reddy government, democratic backsliding in the state, unemployment, allegedly illegal sand mining and liquor sale, and a supposed failing law and order condition. 

The outskirts of Visakhapatnam on December 18, during the Yuvagalam rally. Photo: Ajoy Ashirwad Mahaprashastha/The Wire.

The padyatra itself was a colourful affair, marked by larger-than-life cut-outs of Lokesh and Naidu, an enthusiastic and raucous crowd looking to get a glimpse of Lokesh and his family members who were often walking alongside. It was as much a mass outreach as much as it was an unprecedented effort in Naidu’s absence to consolidate party rank and file. More importantly, it was a visible instance of how a leader is born, through sheer hard work and persistence, and accepted by people as one of their own.

The Wire caught up with Lokesh on December 18, two days before it culminated in Visakhapatnam in the presence of Naidu and his ally Pawan Kalyan of the Jana Sena party. As the nation gears up for the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, Lokesh had clear answers about his party’s role, his own plan, rumours about the TDP joining the NDA ranks again, and why he thinks Naidu’s victory in the upcoming assembly polls is almost certain.

Here is an excerpt from the interview: 

One gets an impression that while TDP’s governance centred around infrastructure development, YSR Congress has a focussed approach towards welfare of the poor. How do you differentiate between your party and Jagan Reddy’s?

Our balance has always been between welfare and development. The development wheel in the cycle sort of loomed the welfare wheel. And if you look at our manifesto also, we have said that we will create 20 lakh jobs for the youth. So if you have to create 20 lakh jobs, and as and when we create 20 lakh jobs, Andhra’s economy will triple. So, based on the past, every six lakh jobs doubles the economic growth. That is the kind of work that we want to do.

If you look at the number of companies that have come to our state, the kind of development that has happened, our reforms, all that was done by Mr. Naidu. But we also believe that it needs to be balanced by welfare.

What this government has specifically done is the fact that they have done welfare on the back of debt and that has resulted in substantial increase in cost of living, current prices have gone up nine times, power prices up by nine times. Petrol, diesel prices are one of the highest in the country. Welfare based on debt money is a wrong approach.

Andhra is in that (debt) trap and people have recognised that. So that’s something that we will break, we will break that cycle. We’ll put the state back on the development platform.

Also read: TDP Sets Up Website to Counter Skill Development Scheme Charges, Highlights Praise

This (padyatra) song that I was just listening to named the chief minister as ‘the psycho.’

A chief minister, once he comes into power, would always like to start work on a development and welfare platform. But what he started on was the destruction of prajavedika and subsequently all the issues that he has taken on have just ruined the state. So if you look at our economy, power sector, agri-sector, mining, sand, every sector is ruined. So, people have started to call him a psycho. So this kind of psychotic behaviour will lead to him being called psycho.

You know, he says he has no money to make even one capital (city), but he has money to do three capitals. How is it going to work? 

How do you measure the success of your padayatra?

Well, if I say it’s a success, you will say, obviously Lokesh will claim it’s a success, right.

No, but I will listen to you.

I will not claim anything. I think it is for you to judge whether Yuvagalam is a success or not.

From my perspective, the entire reason why I started the padayatra is to give a platform for youth to talk about their problems. But then in a month, 45 days into the padayatra, you know, I realised that it’s not just youth, but every section of society has been troubled and this Yuvagalam has become Andhra’s galam (voice).

It manifested into the farmers talking about their problems, women talking about their problems, youngsters talking about their problems, students talking about their problems.

At the end, you know, we realised that, you know, this person is just all talk but no work and that’s something that’s come out now.

If you look at the padayatra, women, in the middle of the day, have come out, volunteered and they stood there, received us, explained their problems and, you know, sort of also made it clear what they expect from our government.

In terms of social outreach, how successful has it been? Because the last time the results showed that the TDP had lost a large chunk of its traditional voters to this YSRCP. 

In the 2019 elections, in terms of the number of seats, YSRCP won 151 and we won 23. But the fact is that we got 40% of the vote share and YSRCP got 50% of the vote share. So, I need to convince 6 in 100 to vote for TDP to win with a simple majority.

What has happened is Jagan, psycho Jagan as we fondly call him, came on a promise of one chance. He said he will change people’s lives, that he is his father’s son. But what people have realised is that their lives have become worse off and he has done nothing but ruin their lives. All the promises that he made for various communities, caste-wise, it’s not fructified.

But he has five deputy chief ministers from different communities.

But what power do they have? You know, the home minister is Dalit. But she cannot protect Dalits in her own constituency from YSRCP leaders. Giving posts does not change things sir, empowering people changes things.

They’re all dummies. My question to Jagan is that why have you cancelled 27 welfare programmes of Dalits?

You allege that deputy chief ministers don’t have any power?

As I said, even the Dalit home minister is not allowed into the Dalit area of a village. She is a home minister. What can she do tomorrow then? See, that’s what’s happening in the state no, all the ministers are dummies. All the deputy CMs are dummies.

The outskirts of Visakhapatnam on December 18, during the Yuvagalam rally. Photo: Ajoy Ashirwad Mahaprashastha/The Wire.

Many of your father’s pet projects are stuck now – Polavaram, capital, all of them are stuck. 

Stuck, I think, is a very soft word. Ruined is the right word. See, it’s easy to ruin things. It’s very difficult to build. 

Their minister, Mr. Anil Yadav, said in 2021 that they’ll finish Polavaram. It’s already 2024. Mr. Naidu finished the work up to 72%. I think these guys have done another 4% in four years. Amaravati stands in ruins. They have done nothing to Visakhapatnam which they claim is an executive capital. In the Judiciary capital, Kurnool, they have not even done any land acquisition for the high court to be built. They have not even sent a request to CJI to shift the high court. The chief justice of Andhra Pradesh has not received any request. So there’s nothing but playing with people’s lives.

Your party faced the worst drubbing in the Rayalseema area. How do you assess your situation this time?

In fact, last time in Rayalaseema, we won only three seats. Don’t be surprised this time if we win 80% of the seats.

Because you started your padyatra from the region?

I spent most of my time in Rayalaseema. The entire summer. 

Access to water was a huge problem and it’s been like a problem there since ever.

Absolutely. And that is what, Polavaram would have been completed. Water could have come, you know, there’s a project called Pattiseema. Pattiseema was a temporary project, but it’s an expensive project. 1700 crores was spent, it’s an expensive project. The idea is we will take water from Godavari, give it to Krishna Delta, from where it will be sent to Rayalaseema. That’s the whole idea. And Mr. Naidu worked on it for three years.

This chief minister, simply because he opposed Pattiseema for whatever reason, refused to turn on the motors of Pattiseema. And he dried Rayalseema and dried Krishna delta. That’s the challenge.

So in Rayalaseema, you know, despite the presence of a large number of ministers, water continues to be a problem. Lack of industrialization continues to be a problem. And when I walked in, the maximum number of my selfies came from Rayalaseema. That’s an acknowledgement of the fact that we got industries in Rayalaseema. So we are proud of it. 

So are you still calling for some kind of special category status for AP?

Yes, we will continue to ask for it. We didn’t stop, right. And it’s not just about the (special) category status, we continue to ask for the demands, the promises made in the bifurcation to be met.

The YSRCP has 22 MPs, they don’t even talk, they have 9 Rajya Sabha MPs, they never raise their voice for Andhra Pradesh.

But, politically, you will have to stitch a social coalition to win.

TDP does not believe in talks based on caste, creed, religion. We believe that we need to develop the state, we need to eliminate poverty. And TDP is known for it. We will continue to balance both welfare and development.

But social outreach?

That continues to be a cornerstone. If you look at our promises, it’s quite clear.

There’s always a Kamma (caste) party tag to shed though.

I disagree. I’m sorry but if you look at it, even before TDP was founded, there were close to 67 Kamma MLAs in 294 assembly seats of combined Andhra Pradesh. This is the pre-TDP era. Post TDP era, that number of seats have come down. The Telugu Desam Party’s success was because of the role that the BCs (backward communities) played in its emergence.

Who was our finance minister? Who was our revenue minister? Who was our I&B minister? All the major key portfolios were held by BC leaders. I mean, if you look at the deputy chairperson of our council, he was a BC. Deputy speakers were BCs.

Jagan has been lying about our party. He lied to the president of India. He lied to the governor. He lied to the Prime Minister and I’ll tell you why. He is a pathological liar. It’s very unfair that even media makes such a claim. Please look at the data. Please look at our leadership. Please look at our Politburo.

Please look at every body in Telugu Desam since its foundation, since its inception and it has (the BC representation) been extremely strong. This time, we plan to send more BCs to Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha and the assembly. 

Still, the larger question is whether Jagan’s ministers have any independence or not? They don’t even have a clue what fly is moving in their own department. Absolutely autocratic. You ask any minister, he’ll tell you. 

The outskirts of Visakhapatnam on December 18, during the Yuvagalam rally. Photo: Ajoy Ashirwad Mahaprashastha/The Wire.

TDP, there were new reports – of course, many of them unsubstantiated – that the TDP is back in talks with BJP.

So far we have not had any discussions (with the BJP).

But it is a very awkward situation for you. You are in alliance with the Jana Sena Party. Jana Sena is a part of NDA. TDP is not.

In Telangana, yes, they’re a part of NDA. But Andhra, no? Of course, Jana Sena and TDP have agreed to come together and fight against the psycho government. That much is quite clear. It is for the BJP to decide whether they would like to be part of this alliance or not.

So many, many people say that Jagan check-mated the TDP by preventing it from aligning itself with BJP. The BJP will now have to answer a lot of questions if it allies with Naidu who is facing corruption charges.

Isn’t it ironic that we are having this conversation? Jagan has 38 cases against him – 11 CBI, 7 ED. Rs 43,000 crores of public money was swindled by him.

I was saying that Jagan was kind of trying to put BJP in a spot, not TDP.

Show me one national leader who believes Mr. Naidu is corrupt. Just because if a madman falsely accused Mr. Naidu, manages all the institutions, sends him to judicial remand for 53 days, that doesn’t make him a corrupt politician. I mean, where is the proof?

You know, what did they say? 3000 crores scam in skill development, then they said 370 crore. Now they’re saying 27 crore. I said, prove but they’re unable to prove.

You’re telling me a man who was the chief minister for 15 years, spent 15 years as leader of opposition has indulged in a corruption scam worth only Rs 27 crores. We still say that the skill development programme in our government helped train 2,15,000 kids and get 85,000 people jobs.

The irony is that after Mr. Naidu came out, I restarted my padayatra in East Godavari where I received about six representations to intensify our skill development programme. I told them this is the reason Mr. Naidu was sent to jail. 

Simply, I’ll tell you, if Mr. Naidu wanted to make money, he knew Cyberabad was coming up. He knew the value of land in Hyderabad would go up. Back then, the value per acre was not more than a lakh of rupees. Mr. Naidu could have purchased a minimum 1,000 acres. No one could have questioned that. He would have been worth nothing less than $ 10-12 billion dollars today, if he did that.

Also read: By Appointing Purandeswari as Andhra Chief, Is BJP Trying to Grow at TDP’s Expense?

Similar charges were filed against him in Amaravati? 

You know, on one side, they say I don’t have a house in Amaravati. On the other side, they say that I had insider information and my company bought land which is 90 kilometres away or X kilometres away from the core capital. Absolutely rubbish charges.

Will your party or your father play a role in the INDIA alliance? He was a part of that opposition in 2019.  

Historically, TDP has been an anti-Congress platform, because we believe the leadership of Congress did not do justice to Andhra Pradesh. Mr. Naidu was a part of the United Front government, and subsequently was the NDA convenor also under Vajpayee ji’s tenure. Vajpayee ji was very kind enough to do a lot of good work for Andhra and the nation, as a matter of fact. 

So, our stand continues to be the same as of now. We’re equidistant from both alliances and our support is purely issue-based.

So, will TDP not compromise its secular fundamentals in case it supports the Modi-led BJP.  Continue its inclusive secular politics in Andhra Pradesh.

TDP’s fundamentals, foundation is based on secularism. The first Dalit speaker in Lok Sabha is a person from TDP, (G.M.C) Balayogi ji, right? The first woman Dalit speaker in the assembly is a TDPian. (K.) Pratibha Bharati ji. First minority person that went to Lok Sabha from Andhra Pradesh was (S.M) Laljan Basha ji from Guntur. So, TDP believes that India should not be divided along religious lines. We are a union of states. Together, we need to move forward.

At the same time, secularism doesn’t mean we are anti-Hinduism. I think that’s the fine line. When this (state) government got formed, attacks on temples increased. And in Ram Tirtham, which is a very historical temple in North Andhra Pradesh, the idol was defaced and Mr. Naidu went there. And people questioned me and I asked a straight question to everyone that if this had happened to a mosque, wouldn’t any political party respond? The same thing happened to a church and we responded. TDP is a secular party. We stand by Hindus.

How do you weigh your chances in these elections? Both in parliament and assembly?

Our victory is a virtual certainty. We will sweep all regions, just wait and watch. I sensed anti-incumbency against Jagan’s government as early as October 2021. That is when, in my own constituency, I started doing a door-to-door programme and I reported back to Mr. Naidu that there’s severe anti-incumbency and that’s when we did this programme on price rise and so on and so forth. And then we did a programme on the, you know, what is the sorry state of this Andhra Pradesh? And now we are doing a programme on welfare. We’re going to do a programme on hope.

So you’ve been active all these five years?

Well, you should ask the public.

Since January, I know that you’ve been doing this padayatra.

I have 22 cases against me. I have an attempt to murder case against me, I have an SC-ST atrocity case against me. If I was an inactive politician or a part-time politician, do you think so many cases would be there? And by the way, quite a few people sitting here have cases against them also.

But that’s a very Andhra feature.

No, no, that is a very psycho Jagan feature. When Mr. Naidu was in power, he did not harass Jagan. In fact, Jagan was postponing his cases. You know, I’m led to believe Raghuram Krishnam Raju filed a petition in the Supreme Court. He’s YSRCP’s own MP; he claims Jagan has asked for adjournment in his cases 4,000 times. And Mr. Naidu, when he was in the government, never fast-tracked his cases. Mr. Naidu never practised vendetta politics either on Jagan or even his father, YSR. He ever did.

In fact, when YSR had a life threat, you know, from some elements, it was Mr. Naidu who gave him security. This was pre-2004. That is what Mr Naidu stands for. In the five years of our administration, it was all about development and welfare. Otherwise why would so many companies come to Andhra? Why would Kia come, Foxconn come, TCL come, and then HCL, Zoho, Asian Paints, Berger Paints, Apollo Tyres, Hero Motors?

My vision is also the same. Since January 27, last year, I haven’t taken a break even on Saturdays and Sundays. The only breaks in this yatra were during festivals because our leaders asked me to do so. I didn’t take a break except when Mr. Naidu was in judicial remand.

Organisationally, are you appearing to be deep rooted now? You have been credited with increasing party membership by quite a few times through your digital outreach too. 

TDP has always been an organisationally strong party, but TDP is also like an elephant. If it sits, it doesn’t stand. If it stands, it doesn’t run. Once it runs, anyone who comes opposite to it, it will just stomp him and go and that’s the kind of momentum now. 

What are your challenges ahead of elections?

I think the biggest challenge we will face is misuse of official missionary. But we are trying to reach every household and we are giving them a bond in terms of what we are going to do once Telugu Desam Party comes back to power. So we have a very strong grassroots organisation, in that sense.

TDP’s Nara Lokesh Meets Amit Shah, Says Father Chandrababu Naidu’s Life Under Threat

Before this, Lokesh had met President Droupadi Murmu and sought her intervention in the matter related to Naidu’s arrest.

New Delhi: Telugu Desam Party general secretary and N. Chandrababu Naidu’s son Nara Lokesh met Union home minister Amit Shah on Wednesday, and said that he fears for his father’s life in prison.

Former Andhra Pradesh chief minister Naidu was arrested on September 9 in connection with the skill development scam. His judicial remand has been extended till October 19.

Talking about the meeting on X, Nara Lokesh said Naidu is living in an “appalling condition” in jail.

Before this, Lokesh had met President Droupadi Murmu and sought her intervention in the matter related to Naidu’s arrest, Deccan Herald reported.

The leader of the opposition in Andhra Pradesh was arrested early on September 9, as an accused in the FIR registered by the AP CID in 2021 over an alleged multi-crore scam in relation to the Andhra Pradesh State Skill Development Corporation.

During Naidu’s term (2014-19), the state government and two companies initiated a project to create six centres of excellence (CoE) and 36 technical skill development institutes. The estimated cost was around Rs 3,281 crore, which the CID claims is an inflated amount.

The CID claims that Naidu and others allegedly routed hawala transactions through a network of shell companies, did not adhere to procedures and disregarded observations regarding the project’s viability. The TDP has set up a website to counter the allegations, highlighting that Andhra Pradesh established one of the highest numbers of clusters and trained the highest number of candidates among all the states that had similar schemes.

The Andhra Pradesh high court had dismissed Nadiu’s petition to quash the case while noting that the investigation is attaining finality and the court cannot interfere at this stage.

Jana Sena-TDP Alliance: Pawan Kalyan Makes it Official After Meeting Naidu in Jail

The tone of Jana Sena chief’s speech indicated that his decision was final, regardless of whether the BJP approved of it or not. It seemed like a message to the BJP to chart its course if it was unwilling to cooperate.

The arrest of former Andhra Pradesh chief minister N. Chandrababu Naidu in the skill development scam seems to have helped cement the much-awaited TDP-Jana Sena alliance – a development that could have a significant impact on the 2024 elections to the Assembly and the Lok Sabha in the state.

“Jana Sena and TDP will contest the elections together next year. I have faith in Chandrababu Naidu’s leadership and experience,” declared Jana Sena president Pawan Kalyan on Thursday, September 14.

The announcement came after a meeting the actor-politician had with Chandrababu Naidu, in the company of TDP leader and actor N. Balakrishna, and Naidu’s son and TDP general secretary Nara Lokesh, at the Rajamahendravaram Central Jail during “mulaqat” hour.

Pawan Kalyan announced the alliance after discussing the political climate in the state and the alleged vindictive politics of Andhra Pradesh chief minister Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy’s administration.

Emphasises need to oust YSRCP

Speaking to reporters, the Jana Sena chief emphasised the need to oust the YSRCP government at the hustings and expressed the hope that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) would join the effort. He stated that his primary goal was to put Andhra Pradesh back on the road to development.

He referred to Chandrababu Naidu as a seasoned politician and labelled Jagan Mohan Reddy as an economic offender.

Pawan Kalyan lamented the imprisonment of the “architect of Cyberabad” and expressed his intention to bring this issue to the attention of the prime minister and the Union home minister, highlighting Naidu’s “unfair treatment” by the Andhra government. He stressed the importance of providing proper security to Naidu.

Pawan Kalyan has long been advocating an alliance of all Opposition parties in Andhra Pradesh, including the BJP, to challenge the YSRCP regime.

However, the BJP has been reluctant to confirm its participation in this three-party alliance, despite its desire to have Pawan Kalyan on its side. The BJP and Jana Sena are in a formal alliance.

Following his meeting with Naidu, Pawan Kalyan made an unequivocal statement about the alliance with Naidu.

Makes stand clear

The tone of his speech indicated that his decision was final, regardless of whether the BJP approved of it or not. It seemed like a message to the BJP to chart its course if it was unwilling to cooperate.

While Pawan Kalyan has previously shown support for Chandrababu Naidu, he had never been this explicit about contesting elections in alliance with him.

This shift may have occurred because the BJP reportedly had reservations about Naidu and did not want Pawan Kalyan to associate with him. However, the actor-politician has now made his support clear, regardless of the BJP’s stance.

He stated: “My decision may not please some people. I was the first person from South India to support Narendra Modi because I believed the nation needed a strong leader. When I supported Modi, many people criticised my decision. However, I do not go back on my stand once I take a decision.”

The Jana Sena chief clarified that he had never met Narendra Modi on his own and that each meeting was at Modi’s invitation. He stated that he didn’t want to waste such leaders’ time.

Expresses confidence in Naidu

He said he had extended support for the BJP and Telugu Desam Party (TDP) alliance in 2014, as there was a need for experienced leadership in the newly-bifurcated state of Andhra Pradesh. He expressed his continued confidence in Chandrababu Naidu’s abilities, even if he disagreed with some of his policy initiatives.

N. Chandrababu Naidu during his arrest. Photo: X/@ncbn

Pawan Kalyan strongly disapproved of the YSRCP’s alleged fabrication of corruption charges against Chandrababu Naidu.

He questioned the fairness of blaming the chairman of a bank for an employee’s embezzlement of money and argued that the state had witnessed lawlessness for the past four years. He viewed Naidu’s arrest as part of this reign of chaos.

He cautioned police officials against blindly following Jagan Mohan Reddy’s directives and warned them that even the director general of police (DGP) and chief secretary could face inquiries into their actions.

He declared that they were ready to face any challenges if Jagan Mohan Reddy sought confrontation. He advised the officials to rectify their mistakes as they still had six months (before state Assembly elections).

This article first appeared on The South First.

Explainer: What Prompted Andhra Pradesh Govt to Repeal Laws on Three Capitals?

The YSR Congress government has made it clear that the repeal of laws does not necessarily mean moving away from its stated position of having multiple capitals.

New Delhi: Much like the surprise value attached to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s sudden decision to repeal three farm laws brought earlier by his government, the decision by the Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy government in Andhra Pradesh to withdraw laws enabling three capitals in the state has evoked a similar sense of surprise.

However, the YSR Congress government has made it clear that the repeal of laws does not necessarily mean moving away from its stated position of having multiple capitals – or what it calls “decentralised development”. It had earlier proposed that the state would have three capitals: Visakhapatnam (executive capital), Amaravati (legislative capital) and Kurnool (judicial capital).

This was in effect overriding the previous N. Chandrababu Naidu government’s decision to have the state capital in Amaravati, located between Vijayawada and Guntur. Several farmers had parted with their lands in the region and the previous government had made a substantial investment towards the development of infrastructure.

Dhyana Buddha statute in Amaravati of Andhra Pradesh. Photo: Twitter.

Explaining the reasons for its latest move to repeal three-capital legislations, the YSR Congress government said it will soon bring a more “comprehensive legislation” after factoring in views of various stakeholders through a consultative process and by plugging in loopholes that could invite legal challenges.

In effect, the proposal to have multiple capitals is still on the table. However, the state government has not fixed any timeline for the enactment of this ‘new’ legislation.

What exactly is at stake?

On Monday, November 22, Andhra Pradesh finance minister Buggana Rajendranath Reddy introduced the Andhra Pradesh Decentralisation and Inclusive Development of All Regions Repeal Bill, 2021 which was unanimously passed in the state legislative assembly.

With the enactment of the latest law, the AP Decentralisation and Inclusive Development of All Regions Act 2020 and the Andhra Pradesh Capital Region Development (Repeal) Act 2020 – which were passed earlier to pave way for three capitals – stand repealed.

The statement of objects and reasons pertaining to the latest Bill (now law) mentions that the state government will hold consultations with all the stakeholders to take into account the aspirations of various regions of the state to ensure “decentralised development”.

Also read: Andhra Pradesh Assembly Moves to Repeal Three-Capital Law

It also notes that several complaints were made over the previous enactments (which have been repealed now), referring to over 100 petitions filed in the Andhra Pradesh high court over the YSR Congress government’s decision to stall capital development work in Amaravati, where the previous Telugu Desam Party (TDP) government had laid the foundation for the state capital.

The statement of objects and reasons relating to the Bill further notes that there are objections raised by certain members of the Andhra Pradesh State Legislative Council with respect to the referral to a Select Committee of the Bills which had earlier paved the way for the three-capital formula. Confusion prevails whether these earlier legislations have been approved by the Legislative Council or not.

The latest Bill (now law) therefore states:

“The Government intends to repeal the said Acts to enable further consultations with all the stakeholders once again and to present a suitable legislation in future addressing all the concerns of all the regions of the State favouring decentralisation. And whereas while the matters stood thus, to vividly explain all the good intentions of the Government in relation to decentralized development of all the regions including by providing multiple capitals, to improve the framework and provisions of law in this regard, to fulfil the aspirations of the people of all the regions of the State and to bring forward suitable legislations to achieve the above stated objectives of decentralized development, it has been decided to the repeal the said Enactments.”

During the discussion on the matter in the legislative assembly, chief minister Jagan Mohan Reddy said that his government was against making a “historic blunder” of building a super capital in Amaravati with scant regard to aspirations of people from other regions of the state.

He further added that the state would incur Rs 1 lakh crore just to create “basic infrastructure”, like roads, electricity and sewage system, in Amaravati if it were to go ahead with the plan to develop a megacity in Amaravati. He wondered how Andhra Pradesh with a massive fiscal deficit could afford such a costly project.

Instead, he said Visakhapatnam, which already has good infrastructure, can be developed into a vibrant executive capital with a little support from the state government and expect it to compete with other metros like Hyderabad, Chennai and Bengaluru in about a decade. Whereas in the case of Amaravati, he said, which is located neither in Vijayawada or Guntur, there are no infrastructure facilities and building a “world-class capital” would mean huge cost to the state exchequer.

The chief minister also pointed out that the previous TDP government by floating Amaravati as capital had paid no heed to the recommendations of the Srikrishna and Sivaramakrishnan Committees both of which vouched for “distributed development”.

He also clarified that the people of Amaravati would not be deprived of any development as his government had already decided to make it a legislative capital.

Legal and political challenges 

For over two years farmers from Amaravati (about 29 villages), who had parted with their lands, have been staging protests against the trifurcation of the state capital. The previous TDP government had procured 33,000 acres of land through land pooling for the development of Amaravati. The protests, which have the backing of opposition parties in the state, entered their 706th day on Monday, November 22.

Amaravati farmers protesting against three capitals proposal mooted by Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy government. Photo: Facebook.

Over 100 petitions have been filed against the YSR Congress government in the Andhra Pradesh high court challenging the three-capital proposal. Most of these petitions have been moved by protesting Amaravati farmers who came together under Amaravati Joint Action Committee.

The court had recently begun hearing the batch of petitions while announcing that it would take up the matter on a daily basis.

According to political observers in the state, the cautious YSR Congress government expecting headwinds in the court has decided to rescind the two laws, which allowed for trifurcation of the state capital, before it is too late. In the event of the high court ruling in the favour of farmers and the Supreme Court upholding it, it is perceived that the state government may not have many options but to fall in line with the directives from the court.

There are reasons why the YSR Congress government expects that the courts’ ruling could go against it.

First, there is confusion over whether or not the two Bills (which later became laws and now stand repealed) were referred to the Select Committee after they were introduced in the Andhra Pradesh Legislative Council in early 2020. While the chairman of the Council and TDP maintain that the Bills had been referred to the Select Committee for review, the ruling YSR Congress hold a view that the Bills were not referred to the Select Committee, and thereafter they had been approved by the Council. Confusion over this matter prevails to this date.

Although the court cannot dictate as to where the capital of Andhra Pradesh should be, for it is the prerogative of the state government, the court may well set aside the said two laws on grounds that due procedure has not been followed.

Also read: Andhra Pradesh: Dispelling Some Myths About Amaravati and the Three Capitals Project

According to legal experts, another reason that could possibly go against the YSR Congress government in the court is that it is violating the doctrine of legitimate expectations. This, in effect, means the current government is reneging on the promises made to Amaravati farmers by law by the previous TDP government when they had parted with their lands for capital development.

On the other hand, building a capital city for truncated Andhra Pradesh, after the formation of Telangana in 2014, has become a matter of political contestation between TDP and the YSR Congress. Although Jagan Mohan Reddy as opposition leader had promised that would continue to develop Amaravati as capital if he assumed power, he has changed his stance since he became chief minister in 2019. Consequently, YSR Congress has faced opposition from farmers in Amaravati, as farmers have been protesting for over two years.

At the heart of political contestation, according to political observers, is YSR Congress and Jagan Mohan Reddy do not want Naidu to take credit for building a capital city for the truncated state of Andhra Pradesh.

Meanwhile, the repeal of laws relating to three capitals has now given an opportunity to TDP to hit out at the Jagan Mohan Reddy government.

Claiming that the YSR Congress government is acting without any commitment or responsibility towards the state development, TDP leader and Chandrababu Naidu’s son Nara Lokesh alleged that Jagan’s government was “spreading lies” and “playing mind games” with the people of the state.

For its part, the state BJP said the YSR Congress government backed off from its three-capital proposal fearing adverse ruling from the high court. State BJP unit Somu Veerraju asked the government to reach out to all political parties and the public at large on the matter before arriving at any decision on the state capital.

In the Heir: Dynasty Politics in the TDP Seem Headed for a ‘Sonset’

Having faced one of the worst defeats in the last assembly elections, TDP chief Chandrababu Naidu is struggling to keep his son in power.

Vijayawada: The letter bomb dropped by 23 senior Congress leaders to target the leadership of the Gandhis just ahead of the Congress Working Committee (CWC) meeting this week has brought into the spotlight the role of dynasty politics across all political parties in the country.

The letter to Sonia Gandhi had demanded an overhaul of the Congress party’s leadership, implying that members of the Gandhi family need no longer be the sole leaders of the party. The storm raised by this letter ended in Sonia accepting party leadership for another four months, with chances that her son Rahul Gandhi will lead the Congress once more after this period.

Yet another party appears to be beset with a similar crisis. The ‘sonrise’ planned by Telugu Desam Party (TDP) leader and former Andhra Pradesh chief minister N. Chandrababu Naidu has been rather a ‘sonset’ so far.

Naidu’s strenuous efforts to make his son Nara Lokesh, the crown prince of the TDP, failed when his party lost badly in both the state and the Lok Sabha elections last year. Lokesh himself suffered a humiliating defeat in the Mangalagiri assembly constituency in the capital region.

Unsuccessful succession

While Rahul, as the president of his party, led the Congress to a humiliating defeat at the polls in 2019, Lokesh faced the elections as a backroom boy in Naidu’s camp. The scion of the Nara family was projected as a chief minister in waiting during the TDP’s 2014-19 term; he was powerful minister in the state cabinet who held the Panchayat Raj and IT portfolios. He was also made a member of the party’s highest decision-making body.

In fact, Naidu had apparently prepared the ground for his heir-apparent as long ago as in the run up to the elections in 2009, giving the young leader the credit for “inventing” a novel populist poll plank, the Direct Cash Benefit Scheme for the poor.

Naidu had hoped that his son would succeed him in the state in the 2019 assembly elections so he could move into national politics. But his legacy plans went awry thanks to his party’s defeat by Jaganmohan Reddy’s YSR Congress.

Andhra Pradesh CM Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy. Photo: Facebook/Andhra Pradesh CM

Lokesh in the shade

Much like Rahul Gandhi, Lokesh failed to galvanise and inspire young voters in the last two elections in Andhra Pradesh, although he led the party’s campaigns from the front alongside his father. As a result, young voters drifted towards the more militant Jaganmohan Reddy and the theatrical Pawan Kalyan of the Jana Sena, said a senior leader in the TDP who wanted to remain anonymous.

The TDP has changed a great deal since it was founded by movie mogul N.T. Rama Rao nearly four decades ago. Naidu struggled hard to reinvent himself in the fast-changing political world after he succeeded his father-in-law in the August coup of 1995, recalls political analyst Raka Sudhakar. Meanwhile, Jaganmohan Reddy grew out of the shadow of his father, Y.S. Rajasekhar Reddy. Sudhakar believes that it is unlikely that Lokesh will succeed in the TDP’s dynasty politics if he fails to reinvent himself like his father did and become relevant to politics as they are today.

YSR, as Rajasekhar Reddy was popularly known, was killed in a helicopter crash in 2009 soon after he drove his party to power for a second term. His son Jagan Reddy subsequently floated the YSR Congress and went to the polls in 2014 as Rajasekhar Reddy’s heir. He was defeated at the polls but later emerged as a self-made leader in 2017 when he began a gruelling 3,648 km padayatra (foot march) over 341 days through all the districts of Andhra Pradesh. This brought him a landslide victory in the 2019 assembly elections in the state.

Also read: Will the NEP Throw a Spanner in Jagan Reddy’s Plans for English-Medium Education?

Political analysts believe that Lokesh needs to be as innovative as Jagan Reddy and discover narratives alternative to Jagan’s party if he wants to make his way in succession politics.

For instance, Chandrababu Naidu had promised to produce a world class capital in Amaravati after Hyderabad went to Telangana when Andhra Pradesh was bifurcated. But Jagan’s story was that the focus on Amaravati triggered regional imbalances, with the backward Rayalaseema and Uttarandhra areas at the receiving end.

When Jagan came to power, he recommended distributed development in the form of three capitals – the legislative capital at Amaravati, the executive capital in Visakhapatnam and the judicial capital in Kurnool – as a counter to Naidu’s Amaravati-centric development paradigm.

“It is still beyond our imagination to invent an alternative narrative to Jagan’s distributed capitals,” said another senior TDP leader.

Lokesh Rises in ‘Sonshine’ State but ‘Cash for Vote’ Scandal Tars Naidu

Opinion poll shows continuing public support for ruling TDP-BJP combine but Chandrababu Naidu may come under pressure because of ‘cash for votes’ scandal.

File photo of Nara Lokesh and his wife. PTI.

File photo of Nara Lokesh and his wife. PTI.

Hyderabad: In a country where so many parties have embraced dynastic politics, none found it unusual when Nara Lokesh began slowly stepping into the shoes of his father, Telugu Desam president N. Chandrababu Naidu. What is noteworthy, however, is the support the son seems to enjoy, if a recent opinion poll is anything to go by.

As many as fifty two per cent of the 37,284 respondents surveyed by Express TV endorsed the emerging leadership of Lokesh, 32, within the TDP. Thirty-eight per cent did not share this perception about the management graduate from Stanford University.

Lokesh holds the rather odd portfolio of head of TDP Workers’ Welfare Fund, whose aim is to retain followers in the party’s fold by covering them with insurance. However, the clout he wields in the party is much greater, as evidenced by his role in the selection of Legislative Council candidates and the way he was sought after by party leaders at the recent Mahanadu, TDP’s annual conclave.

The TV channel survey focused on the performance of the TDP Government in Andhra Pradesh ahead of its first anniversary on June 8. The opinion poll did not spring many surprises as 58% of people expressed satisfaction with the government’s performance, a figure largely in tune with the mandate they gave in the 2014 elections.

Survey done before the cash-for-vote scandal

When it came to rating Naidu’s performance as Chief Minister, the result was almost similar – 56% said they were satisfied and 44% not satisfied. If elections were held today, 53% said they would vote for the TDP-BJP combine and 40% for YSR Congress, leaving Congress way behind with just 5 %. Nearly three-fourths of them did not foresee the prospect of the Congress party emerging as a strong force.

These numbers might have been different had the survey been conducted later than it was — between May 21 and June 2. Chandrababu Naidu’s image has taken a beating the past few days after the arrest of TDP MLA from Telangana A. Revanth Reddy by the Anti-Corruption Bureau in the cash-for-vote scandal on May 31. Reddy is charged with trying to bribe an Anglo-Indian MLA, Elvis Stevenson, to vote for the TDP candidate in the Legislative Council elections.

What has given a unique dimension to the scandal is the videotaped evidence of the rendezvous between Reddy and Stevenson in Hyderabad, when the TDP MLA allegedly paid Rs. 50 lakhs in cash towards a total bribe of Rs. 5 crore. Fifty per cent of the amount (Rs. 2.5 crore) would be taken care of by the `boss’, he allegedly said.

TRS, YSR seek to embarrass Naidu

Whether the sting operation will stand scrutiny in a court of law remains to be seen, but the TRS is milking the issue to the last drop with Telangana Home Minister N. Narasima Reddy accusing Mr. Naidu of being the ‘boss’. “We have tapes of telephonic conversations to prove it”, he said, hinting at implicating the Andhra CM in the bribery case.

It is also a moot question if this scam will cause reverberations in Andhra Pradesh since people of the state have moved on from the pain of bifurcation. But YSR Congress president Jaganmohan Reddy is no mood to let TDP off the hook. He has hitched his bandwagon to Telangana Chief Minister K. Chandrasekhara Rao, his bitter rival till last year, by supporting the TRS candidate in the LC elections.

Power stood first in the TDP government’s achievements followed by pensions to the poor and underprivileged, besides the farm loan waiver. This is quite a revelation as the YSR Congress and the Left parties have hauled Naidu over the coals for fudging figures and reducing the loan amount to be waived to Rs. 20,000 crore from the promised sum of Rs. 1 lakh crore.

The survey, interestingly, shows that only 16% of respondents gave top priority to the issue of securing special category status for AP. The TDP is under attack for not doing enough to bring pressure on the Modi government over this issue.

What should cause worry to the TDP, however, is the ‘poor’ rating given by respondents about the plight of farmers in AP. This stands out in contrast to the confidence expressed by 57 % of people that Naidu can fulfill poll promises in the remainder of his four year term. Paradoxically, Naidu himself is veering round to the view that it is next to impossible for his cash-starved Government to implement the promises he made.