In Polls Pell-Mell, Parties Rush To Offer Both Infra Projects and Green Governance

The manifestoes of major political parties in the fray in all five states promise both great infrastructure development and greater environmental safeguards.

Kochi: In February and March, people in Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Punjab, Goa and Manipur will vote to elect their next chief ministers and ruling parties. If not at any other time of the year, the public consciousness of environmental issues is heightened in these states today, as both the people and political leaders pay more attention to their troubles.

This is why most political parties in the fray have published poll manifestoes that mention the environment – either in passing or in some detail. However, and as a reflection of their fragmented attention to environmental issues when they were in power, some of the manifestoes are self-contradictory, promising both great infrastructure development and greater environmental safeguards.

In Goa, for example, one party is pushing for “sustainable and legal” mining. Another has promised more infrastructure development in Uttarakhand – where poorly designed infrastructure has already rendered the region more vulnerable to natural disasters.

Any big push for new infrastructure will come at the cost of the environment, and any big promise to protect a forest or a water body will be met with concerns about lost jobs.

The Wire Science went through the manifestoes of the major political parties in the fray in all five states.

Some couldn’t be accessed because they hadn’t been published in their entirety online. Of those The Wire Science could access, two – belonging to major political parties – seemed to be confused about their support for both infrastructure and the environment at the same time.

Elections and the environment

Crop burning in Punjab. Photo: CIAT/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 2.0

Voting in Uttar Pradesh began on February 10 and in Goa and Uttarakhand on February 14. Punjab will go to the polls on February 20 and Manipur on February 28.

All these states face grave environmental issues. Air and water pollution dominates in Uttar Pradesh as forest loss does in Goa. Uttarakhand, a mountainous state, has to decide between increasingly precarious hydroelectric power projects and the lives of many thousands of people.

Punjab is known for its farming, which in turn implies extreme groundwater extraction and contamination. Manipur, in the northeast, is in a region grappling with biodiversity protection, community forest rights and economic growth, all at once.

So environmental issues have found mention in the manifestoes of political parties in these states, but to different degrees. Those of the Aam Aadmi Party in Uttarakhand and the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party in Uttar Pradesh only make passing mention.

The Wire Science couldn’t find a manifesto for the Aam Aadmi Party in Punjab; the Bahujan Samaj Party in Uttar Pradesh has said it won’t publish a manifesto.

The combined manifesto of the Shiromani Akali Dal and the Bahujan Samaj Party in Punjab, on the other hand, clearly includes several environmental issues in its agenda, such as addressing the depletion of sub-soil water, pollution in rivers and implementing scientific waste management. It also promises to increase forest cover by 10%.

Punjab has the least forest cover among Indian states, with encroachment being a serious issue.

The manifesto of the Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh also writes in detail of numerous environmental issues the party will address once in power. These include several schemes to tackle water pollution in the state’s rivers and air pollution in urban centres, further wildlife conservation and ecotourism, and promote environmental education. Even a ‘Green Building Technology Research Institute’ is on the cards.

The BJP’s manifesto for Manipur says the party will implement a Rs-2,600-crore mega-tourism project on Loktak lake, the largest freshwater lake in the northeast. Locals and researchers have said the project will destroy the lake’s floating grasslands, the surrounding cropland and habitat of the brow-antlered deer, Manipur’s state animal.

On the other hand, the Congress has promised to protect and conserve the lake in its Manipur manifesto. It also proposes to implement initiatives to harvest rainwater in hill districts, introduce a “sustainable forest certification” to identify genuinely sustainable forest products, provide cooking stoves to decrease dependence on fire wood, and ban “environmentally hazardous” plantations.

The BJP’s manifesto for Uttarakhand also appears to be clear on its environmental goals. Its strategy is founded on “three important pillars” of “ethics, economy and ecology and environment,” Union road transport minister Nitin Gadkari had said when he released the manifesto on February 9.

Table showing treatment of environmental issues in select party manifestoes. They have been graded based on mention of these issues and how their agendas could impact the environment given the issues the states face. Green is ‘good’, yellow is ‘moderate’ and red is ‘bad’ (good/bad pertains to mentions, not the substance). Grey is manifestoes we couldn’t source and/or news reports of which don’t mention any pro-environment agenda. An asterisk indicates information obtained from news reports alone.

Here, the BJP lists 25 ‘visions’. One of them is ‘Mission Himavat’, to improve soil slope stability. Uttarakhand has had numerous landslides and flash floods in recent years. One flood, triggered by a rock and glacier avalanche in Chamoli, claimed around 200 lives in February 2021, destroyed the Rishiganga hydropower project and partly destroyed the Tapovan Vishnugad project.

But the manifesto is not all clear. Most of the ‘visions’ focus on developing more infrastructure for tourism, the backbone of the state’s economy. One goal is to triple tourists’ footfall in the state by developing 45 new tourism hotspots. Another aims to provide Uttarakhand with “truly world class infrastructure” by establishing ropeways as a means of transport.

A third mission has the party building infrastructure in Haridwar, a major site of pilgrimage for Hindus, to transform it into the “largest destination for spiritual tourism in the world”. A fourth proposes to expand physical infrastructure at and transportation access to all gurudwaras and temples within the Char Dham circuit, with a similar scheme in the Garhwal area of the state.

(Chamoli is located in the Garhwal Himalaya.)

The Char Dham project, to widen around 900 km of mountain roads to expand year-round connectivity to Hindu religious shrines has already come under severe criticism by scientists and environmentalists. Widening these roads could further destabilise these already fragile areas, they have said.

“Considering the vulnerability of the biological and physical features of the Himalayan ecosystems, we must think of how we can reduce the scale of human-induced disturbances at the community and local levels,” C.P. Rajendran, a geologist at the Jawaharlal Nehru Centre for Advanced Scientific Research, Bengaluru, wrote in The Wire Science.

“The Char Dham project goes against just such an environmental outlook and ethos.”

Wider roads, bad science

Mountainsides being blasted off and cleared to make way for the Char Dham highway. Photo: PTI

Uttarakhand definitely needs good roads because this is tied to the region’s socio-economic development, Soumya Prasad, a research associate at the Nature Science Initiative, Dehradun, said.

“But these roads have to be engineered in a scientific way,” she added. “Currently, the roads have been widened in many places unscientifically.”

This ‘unscientific way’ refers to the double laning with a paved shoulder, or DL-PS, configuration: in which a highway has two lanes (for two streams of traffic) and an additional paved strip on either side.

But a DL-PS road more than 8 m wide is not recommended for these areas, Prasad added – yet this is the design of the redone Char Dham highway. Her organisation is among many that have petitioned the Supreme Court over the resulting problems.

But in December, the Supreme Court dismissed these concerns and allowed the road transport ministry to build a 10-m-wide DL-PS highway for 674 km.

‘Problematic’ infra push

An aerial view of the Dhauliganga river flowing through Chamoli district, Uttarakhand, February 12, 2021. Photo: Reuters/Anushree Fadnavis

Against this background, adding more infrastructure – as the BJP has proposed to do in its manifesto – while also saying “ecology and the environment” are a pillar of its vision for the region sounds dubious.

In fact, Kavita Upadhayay, an independent water policy researcher and journalist in Uttarakhand, said the term “ecology and the environment” is missing from the manifesto in any place other than among the list of pillars.

“The focus clearly remains on infrastructure development, which is needed, of course, but not at the cost of [widespread] environmental impacts that may manifest in death and disasters,” she told The Wire Science.

Upadhyay called this focus “problematic”, because in spite of “a set of rules that must be followed for the projects to be built, on the ground many rules are flouted to expedite project work and save construction-related costs”.

She gave the example of the Char Dham road-widening project and several hydropower projects, which are illegally dumping muck in valleys and rivers.

“The muck that enters the river bed elevates it, leaving little room for accommodation of excess water when floods strike,” she explained. “Hence, it increases flood risk.”

This is in addition to the thousands of trees that have been cut and hill slopes left vulnerable to landslides.

“We are a fragile Himalayan state. We are already witnessing the impacts of climate change, and the current schemes and policies of the BJP don’t seem to pay heed to the issue and devise plans to build or enhance the state’s resilience,” Upadhyay said.

Indeed, the BJP’s manifesto doesn’t mention the terms ‘climate change’ or ‘global warming’, she added.

‘Sustainable’ mining

Representative image showing preparations being made to mine iron ore in Goa, 2020. Photo: Reuters

The Congress’s manifesto for Goa focuses on economy and employment, and also mentions the environment. It says the party will oppose planned linear projects in Mollem National Park – projects that already face considerable public opposition. It also declares that it will repeal the Coastal Regulation Zone notification of 2019 and reinstate the 2011 notification.

The former has come under criticism because it allows construction that will threaten the state’s fragile coastal ecology.

But though the manifesto says that it will not permit Goa to become a ‘coal hub’, it doesn’t take an open stand against mining.

Illegal mining and the unchecked transportation of ore are big environmental and health problems in Goa. Courts stopped mining twice in the state – in 2012 and in 2017-2018. This boded well for the environment and for the locals but also caused large-scale unemployment, affecting over 3 lakh people.

The Goan economy is erected on tourism and mining, and new jobs are hard to find.

According to Congress leader Rahul Gandhi, the party will allow “legal and sustainable mining” to restore those ‘lost’ jobs.

“We plan to restore sustainable mining. We have studied it,” he said in a press conference on February 11. “There is no problem in restarting it. We will restart it in a sustainable, manageable, legal way and we will do it as soon as we come to power.”

Similarly, the Trinamool Congress, which is contesting in the state, is also pushing for “environmentally sustainable mining” along with other supposedly pro-environment plans.

The Trinamool manifesto says it will erect a comprehensive waste management system, mobilise Compensatory Afforestation Fund Management and Planning Authority (CAMPA) funds to create community forests. Mahua Moitra, the party’s person in charge of the Goa campaign, also reportedly said it would cancel the three linear projects in Mollem National Park.

Noted local environmentalist Claude Alvares has endorsed the Trinamool Congress’s proposal – but others won’t have it.

According to Abhijit Prabhudesai, of the Federation of Rainbow Warriors, if mining resumes in Goa, it could neither be legal nor sustainable – contrary to what both Gandhi and Moitra have said.

This is because once miners get back to work, they will use the same leases they renewed in the 1990s – which were based on shoddy environment impact assessments and clearances, Prabhudesai said. So unless whichever party comes to power also forces mining companies to reapply for leases and conduct new and proper impact assessments, the term “sustainable” will live and die on paper.

“Many of these areas have perennial streams running through them. Others have forests, even tigers. None of these appear in the projects’ environment impact assessment reports,” according to Prabhudesai. “If they conduct authentic environmental studies, there is no way mining could be permitted to operate here. Mining leases are fraught with illegalities.”

In fact, he added, iron ore mining in the state shouldn’t be allowed to resume in Goa for at least two decades more to reverse the damage it has already wrought in the state. Mining activities have displaced villages and degraded many parts of the Goan Western Ghats. Mining for iron ore in particular has weakened the soil’s ability to hold water, triggering water shortage and drought in many villages for the first time.

In roughly the last decade, the Centre and many states have progressively weakened environmental safeguards, ignored the consequences of large-scale projects and privileged the interests of business-persons over native communities of flora, fauna and people.

It’s important for governments to shed these reckless habits. It matters less as to how they plan to compensate for their recklessness.

This is why it isn’t just confusing when a manifesto offers to resume mining while opposing linear projects in a national park – or to build more dams and highways while treating the environment as a “pillar” of development. It stokes suspicion that the manifestoes aren’t really about the environment at all.

This article was first published on The Wire Science.

Watch | Magical Mollem: Safeguarding Goa’s Green Heart

The Wire explores the impact of felling thousands of trees and a child’s voice is used to drive home concepts such as intergenerational equity and shared wealth.

With the approval of three new infrastructure projects, the Mollem forest – Goa’s only protected forest reserve – has come under threat. For months, locals have been raising their voices in protest.

In this video, which explores the impact of felling thousands of trees, a child’s voice is used to drive home concepts such as intergenerational equity and shared wealth.

India Needs to Notice How 3 Development Projects Could Alter Goa’s Forests Forever

As many as 30 projects which threaten India’s ecological fibre were discussed and cleared virtually, without an opportunity for proper scrutiny, assessment, appraisal and deliberation.

On the night of November 1, 2020, at least 5,000 Goans assembled near the level crossing at Chandor, a village in South Goa. From 10.30 pm to 4 am they demonstrated against the double tracking of the South Western Railway line. The night reverberated with chants and songs – an ode to the strong collective vision of Goa’s rich ecology.

The double tracking of the railway line is one of the three infrastructure projects that the government is determined to implement in an ecologically fragile Goa.

The three projects that threaten the forests in and around Bhagwan Mahaveer Wildlife Sanctuary and Mollem National Park in Goa are: the four laning of the NH4A, double tracking of the railway line and the laying of a 400kV transmission line. These projects will lead to the felling of around one lakh trees in Goa and Karnataka, of which a minimum of 59,000 trees will be felled in Goa.

The railway and highway projects were two of the 30 projects cleared by the Ministry for Environment, Forests and Climate Change (MoEF&CC) during the lockdown. The clearances were discussed and granted virtually, without an opportunity for proper scrutiny, assessment, appraisal and deliberation, in a clear violation of a meaningful engagement with the procedure established by law.

The process for granting environmental clearances in India is dependent upon the nature of the project, and accordingly referred to the National Board for Wildlife, the Forest Advisory Committee and the Expert Appraisal Committee. Further, there has been no cumulative impact assessment of all the three projects on the region. A fragmented assessment does not give the real picture of the impact that the region is going to take, and is mere lip service to the process of environmental impact assessment (EIA).

The government, and its concerned ministries have blatantly ignored the growing concerns regarding these projects passing through Goa’s sensitive protected regions, and the inevitable damage that will be caused by them. They have gone as far as alleging that the protestors are “outsiders” or being misled for political reasons.

The projects are touted as being in the best interest of Goa, while the naked reality is that neither are these projects by the government of Goa, nor are they for the residents of Goa. The projects are merely to facilitate vehicles of corporates to convert Goa into a coal transportation hub.

Boosting coal handling capacity

The Mormugao Port Trust (MPT) in Goa’s Vasco is one of India’s major ports connected to Maharashtra and Karnataka through the South Central Railway and the NH17A, NH17B and NH4A highways. Its berths are primarily used for coal and iron ore transfer and handling.

According to the Ministry of Shipping/Indian Port Associations Sagarmala master plan for MPT, the current coal handling capacity is 12 mtpa (million tonnes per annum). Of this, JSW transports 7.5 mtpa and Adani transports 4.5 mtpa.

The document states that MPT has to develop additional coal handling capacity to fulfil future coal demands in the region. The MPT railway system facilitates coal movement to parts of the hinterland. Currently, there is only one line that connects the port to the hinterland, limiting the coal movement capacity to 15 mtpa. JSW coal terminal and Adani coal terminal move 19 mtpa of coal and affiliated cargo.

The railway line has to be doubled to boost that figure.

The Adani terminal at MPT (berth number 7) moves coal from MPT to other parts of India through the existing South Western Railway, as well as the NH17B highway. The NH17-B highway connects to the NH4A highway which moves through the Mollem region.

This image shows how Adani moves coal. Photo: adaniports.com

On the November 5, 2020, the Adani Group tweeted refuting claims of it having business interests in the infrastructure projects in Goa.

Whose interests are the projects serving?

So whom are the projects really benefiting? Why were they granted clearance as “projects in public interest”?

The MPT expansion was first fought against by the Vasco fishermen in 2016.

Also read: Meet the Mega-Project That Goans Fighting ‘Dirty Coal’ Are up Against

MPT now stands as a gate of sorts for bringing in coal from Australia and Indonesia, and to transport it to the rest of the country. According to environmental activists, the cost of moving coal through Maharashtra and Karnataka would lead to an increase in the price of the coal, and Goa, therefore, is the convenient option.

The master plan also states that there are multiple coal power plants projected to come up in the near future in Bellary, Hospet, Belgaum, Hubli-Dharwad, Kudgi, Solapur, Bijapur, Gulbarga, Vijayanagara and Raichur. Both the public and private sectors have huge investment plans for these coal-based power plants. Currently, MPT witness a handling of around 12 million tonnes of coal and the master plan aspires to increase its capacity to 51 million tonnes by 2035.

Goa already meets more than enough of its power requirements from existing power sources, then why the need for a transmission line that has already led to the felling of 2670 trees?

Goa’s environment and power minister Nilesh Cabral has released a white paper on Goa’s electricity consumption, after a series of delays, which states that “historically, the load requirement for domestic consumers in Goa is more than double the load requirements of both commercial and industrial consumers put together.”

This statement contradicts the 19th Electric Power Survey wherein the electricity demand projections for Goa for the year 2021-2022 show that domestic consumptions is just 26.91%, whereas the commercial and industrial consumption is 65.63%. The remaining 7.46% accounts for public lighting, irrigation, and so on.

With the laying of the transmission line, Goa will have double the power that is its requirement.

It is clear that this is not for the people of Goa, it is for high tension industries. Moreover, if an EIA for the transmission line was conducted, it is not publicly available, which is a violation of the fundamental right to information under Article 19(1)(a) of the Indian constitution.

The forest clearance proposals for the two transmission lines and the approach road to substation, for which stage-1 forest clearance was granted on April 29, 2020, were on the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change’s web portal PARIVESH, but they have now disappeared.

Moreover, the felling of 2,670 trees for the substation for the transmission line at Sangod is in clear violation of the Supreme Court’s order in 2015 wherein it directed that “No Objection Certificate(s)” will not be issued in Goa for the conversion of any land of over 1 hectare that has natural vegetation with tree canopy density in excess of 0.1. The area of land cleared for the substation is 11.8 hectares and its canopy density is 0.7.

The clearances granted by the National Board for Wildlife to the railway and highway project are currently under challenge in the High Court of Bombay at Goa.

The fragmented implementation of the larger coal hub project is shrouded in secrecy at every stage, with the Major Ports Bill 2020 being the final curtain act.

Goa is a favoured holiday destination for most of India. However, the fact that its environmental framework is at great risk has been convenient to ignore for mainstream media.

(With inputs from the Amche Mollem Campaign and Gabriella D’Cruz, a conservation biologist based in Goa)

Veera Mahuli is a lawyer and artist based in Goa.