The Remedy to the Agricultural Crisis That No One Is Talking About

If Modi wants to pull India out of the ‘Cereals Trap’, the path lies through the creation of infrastructure for agriculture.

Five weeks after the Farmers agitation began, and a day after the Supreme Court urged the government to put the three farm bills passed in September on hold, Prime Minister Modi has finally agreed to hold talks with their leaders.

But what will he hold talks about when neither he, nor anyone else in his government, has shown any understanding of what has driven the entire community of farmers from North India to the edge of despair?

Their ignorance is writ large on his party propagandists’ attempts to ascribe political, even traitorous, motives to the farm leaders. That is the reaction of schoolyard bullies who, when they find themselves losing an argument, start hitting their opponents.

Now that Modi has decided to talk to the farmers himself, he would do well to understand the predicament that has driven them to desperation. In a nutshell, it is this: India is now a chronically food surplus economy. So while opening up the foodgrains trade to traders from all over the country will benefit rich farmers – who have the maximum bargaining power and can contact, or be contacted by, buyers in other states and countries most easily – the entire price shock of the foodgrains surplus will be felt by the small landholders who make up four-fifths of the farming community.

The government’s recent decision not to abolish the Minimum Sale Price system will cushion this shock, but no one knows to what extent it will do so if the thriving mandis of Punjab, Haryana, Western UP and northern Rajasthan lose the bulk of their business to private buyers and start closing down.

Even if the Agricultural Produce Marketing Committees that manage these mandis survive no one can foretell how far their straitened finances will permit them to provide the small farmers with the host of ancillary services, such as advances to buy seed and fertiliser in time to sow the next crop, that they are doing today. In sum, these ‘reforms’ will plunge the largest, most vulnerable, segment of the country’s population into a sea of uncertainty, in which they presently have no idea, of how they will stay afloat.

Also read: The Protests Against the Farm Laws Present a Familiar Pattern

Liberal economists are treating this as the unavoidable price of economic development. The solution, they say, lies in product diversification. The cereals market will automatically come back into balance if farmers divert some of their land to horticulture, dairy and poultry farming. What they seem to be unaware of is that farmers have been doing this since the early 1990s. Those with small and marginal holdings were the first to attempt it.

But the world they entered was frighteningly different from the world they were leaving, for it was one in which near-complete market security was replaced by equally complete market insecurity. While cereals are not perishable and can easily be stored for six months or more (wheat) to several years ( lentils), fruit, vegetables (other than onions and potatoes),  milk and eggs perish in days. Horticulturalists have therefore found that, from the moment they harvest their crop, they are at the utter mercy of the trader.

Despite this more and more farmers have taken to growing vegetables, fruit and flowers because of the rapid and unexpected growth of exports. Since exporters offer contracted prices to ensure, and often pre-empt, supply, a degree of income stability has been given to horticulturists. As a result, the area under horticulture has more than doubled in the past twenty years to 25 million hectares, and exports have grown eightfold from Rs 8,000 crores in 2000-01 to Rs 63,700 crores in 2018-19.

Farmers protest against the farm bills at Singhu border near Delhi, India, December 4, 2020. Photo: Reuters/Anushree Fadnavis

But only traders, exporters and well-to-do farmers have benefited from this windfall.  To manage the growing volume of horticultural produce giant cold storages that can store up to 40,000 tonnes of produce, have sprung up all over India in the last two decades. In March 2019, there were an estimated 7,645 large cold storages with a refrigerated space of 150 million cubic metres, capable of storing  37 to 39 million tonnes of perishable produce.

But the small farmers, who have grown most of the fruits and vegetables, have been left out in the cold because, even today, almost three-quarters of a century after independence, there are no cold storages in the villages.

The following data from the agriculture ministry’s report, ‘Horticulture Statistics at a Glance 2018‘ shows how this single omission has chained the small farmers to poverty. In Punjab, one hectare under horticulture yields four tonnes of paddy and five tonnes of wheat, but close to 20 tonnes of vegetables.

But between 2013 and 2018, the wholesale price of onions, potatoes and tomatoes – the three principal horticulture crops – has averaged Rs 10,000 to Rs 12,000 per tonne in March and April at the end of the growing season, when the farmers have no option but to sell their produce.  Since farm-gate prices average at most half of the wholesale price, the vegetable growers earn at best Rs 6,000 per tonne for their produce,  and a gross income, therefore, of Rs 120,000 in the year.

Also read: Protesting ‘Agri Reform’: Why Do Farmers Feel the Deck Is Stacked Against Them?

But the procurement price fixed by the central government for both paddy and wheat is over Rs 18,000 per tonne. So four tonnes of paddy and five tonnes of wheat a year fetch the farmer a gross income of Rs 162,000, one-third more than vegetables fetch the marginal farmers. Vegetable farming is therefore not only less secure, but also pays less than cereal farming. That is the second reason why the farmers are not only insisting upon the retention of the MSP but the repeal of all the three farm bills. If the present marketing structure is weakened or destroyed, all of them, from the largest landholders to the smallest, have no place to go but down.

The bitter experience of vegetable growers has shown the farmers who are surrounding Delhi today that the ‘market’ upon whose mercy Modi wants to cast them is exploitative and merciless. That is why they are not only insisting upon the retention of the MSP but the repeal of all the three farm bills as a prelude to negotiation.

If Modi wants to pull India out of the ‘Cereals Trap’, the path lies through the creation of infrastructure for agriculture that India’s governments and intelligentsia had promised to farmers when the Congress party made land reform its first national policy initiative in 1948, but subsequently forgot.

Prem Shankar Jha is a Delhi based former journalist and editor. He is the author of Managed Chaos: The Fragility of the Chinese Miracle, and Crouching Dragon, Hidden Tiger—Can China and India Dominate the West.

Farm Bills and Labour Law Changes: Modi’s Big Gamble in the Middle of a Pandemic

This is not the time to create more paranoia and apprehension among farmers and industrial labour about their future incomes.

Last year, Amitabh Kant, the CEO of Niti Aayog, made a candid admission that big structural reforms such as demonetisation and GST had caused severe disruption in the economy and its growth trajectory, even though such reforms would be beneficial in the long run.

Even before the putative benefits of those disruptive reforms are in sight, the Modi government has chosen to create more disruption in the form of the new farm bills and the changes in the labour laws.

Quite apart from the merit or otherwise of these moves, what is more important is the timing of these new disruptive reforms.

They come in the middle of a pandemic-devastated economy which requires palliative care more than anything else. This is not the time to create more paranoia and apprehensions among farmers and industrial labour about their future incomes when the overall national income has already shrunk 24% and the economy faces massive demand compression.

Structural reforms, even if they are beneficial in the long run, must come at an opportune time when the economic agents are prepared for it mentally and psychologically. They cannot be thrust like the way the new farm laws and proposed labour legislations are being pushed down the throat of farmers and workers.

Also read: The Way Farm Bills Passed in Rajya Sabha Shows Decline in Culture of Legislative Scrutiny

In a democracy, the government must communicate with the people in earnest. Prime Minister Modi, as usual, has begun his communication exercise after committing the act, much like demonetisation.


He told the people of Bihar via video conferencing on Monday that those who are opposing the farm bills are the ones who sat on Swaminathan Committee report all these years. But it was Modi’s own government which told the Supreme Court that recommendations of Swaminathan Committee was not possible to implement.

So is the prime minister being sincere at all in his communication with farmers? No, he is not being honest at all. This is the sole reason why farmers do not believe a word of what this government says.

Members of various farmers organizations stage a protest against the central government over agriculture related ordinances, in Patiala, Monday, Sept. 21, 2020. Photo: PTI

Another example of this mixed messaging is the way farmers were misled these past few years by the government’s commitment to help increase the number of state-run and regulated mandis by 20,000 – simply by converting haats (periodic markets) into primary agriculture markets or small mandis.

Where does this exercise fit into the new farm law framework, one does not know.

This was the recommendation of the Ashok Dalwai committee set up by this government to look at ways of doubling farm income by 2022. The Dalwai Committee relies heavily on an increased mandi infrastructure run by states.

So one does not know what the real intention of the Modi government in suddenly bringing these farm bills in the name of freeing farm markets could be. If anything, farmers suffer the worst effects of free market in India.

Similarly the government has been pushing for radical labour law changes in the middle of the pandemic, again without much discussion with stakeholders. In April, some BJP ruled states pushed for radical changes in labor laws in the name of attracting American and Japanese companies wanting to shift supply chains from China.

Whether labour law changes alone will help achieve this is quite another debate. Quite aside from the merit or otherwise of such reforms, the question to ask is whether to implement them in the middle of the worst global recession in 90 years is advisable.

Also read: Here Are All the Issues that Remain Unresolved in the Draft Code on Wages Rules

Prime Minister Modi seems confident that far reaching changes to agriculture laws and industrial labour legislation can be made without much debate either in parliament or civil society. In the name of big structural reforms to boost the economy, announced along with the Rs 20 lakh crore package in the middle of the COVID-19 lockdown, all rules of democratic conduct are being thrown out of the window.

Agriculture is a state subject and regulation of agri-markets is very much in the domain of the states. Yet states have not been consulted on changes in agriculture laws which seek to bypass the jurisdiction of states in creating new contracts between farmers and corporates.

Some states are contemplating constitutionally challenging the new amendments being made in the name of offering farmers more choice to sell their produce outside some 7,000 odd designated mandis in the country.

Both the new farm laws and labour laws have major implications for the future incomes of farmers and organised industrial labour. The changes in industrial laws aim at allowing full freedom to factories of up to 300 employees to hire and fire workers without seeking any statutory permission.

Until now, this was possible only for factories with up to 100 workers. Some BJP ruled states like Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh have already implemented these harsh provisions to attract new investments.

As part of new labour law contracts, the government is proposing introduction of a standard collective agreement between employees and management which will lay down the rights and obligations of both parties. Under this, the employees can formally raise a collective dispute and negotiate with the management in a formal framework.

However, the rights of the trade union to go on a lightning strike is sought to be curtailed heavily. The standard document lays down terms of employment, termination, compensation, etc.

Representative image of labourers at a lockdown protest in Chennai. Photo: PTI

One common strand in the changes to both farm law and labour law is that they have been hugely welcomed by big business. Corporatisation of agriculture is the new mantra to improve farm productivity when everyone knows the real issues surrounding

Indian agriculture cannot be addressed by corporatisation or other wooly headed ideas around “freeing agri markets”.

Throughout the history of western capitalist development, agriculture has progressively got more support from governments. Businessmen have also talked about new labour law changes as some sort of magic bullet at a time when unemployment in India has touched a 45-year high even before COVID-19 hit the economy so badly.

Also read: ‘Intent Behind Farmer Bills is to Avoid Accountability for Ensuring Fair Price to Producers’

There are other globally driven structural issues, such as relative de-globalisation of trade and investment since 2008, which have caused deterioration in employment quality in different parts of the world. India is not immune.

The fact is that 95% plus of India’s workforce is still in the unorganised sector and one is not sure how the changes to new labour laws will touch them. Yes, it will provide flexibility to companies to freely hire and fire workers and make it easy to shut down businesses within the standard collective agreement that has been proposed between workers and managements of bigger companies.

Overall, the changes in law relating to farmers and industrial workers seem aimed at attracting big capital. There is little evidence that big capital and technology can solve India’s employment problem.

Modi and his advisors have been groping in the dark for six years without being able to address the serious decline in all economic parameters, from employment and income to savings and investment.

It seems Modi feels somewhat cornered and is taking a big gamble with these new reforms in the middle of a pandemic-led chaos. All of it is being done in the name of advancing the interests of farmers and workers.

Also read: No Dialogue with Trade Unions, India’s Labour Laws Are Now a Product of Unilateralism

There is already a wave of protest across India and this will only intensify in the absence of an open and transparent debate. BJP is about to lose an ally in Akali Dal because it has brought these changes by stealth.

One is not sure whether BJP has consulted national trade unions, including its own sister organisation Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, on the new labour law changes. PM Modi is taking a huge risk in pushing these unprecedented changes without proper discussion and debate.