Meeran Chadha Borwankar

The Women Who Fought for Justice for Bilkis Bano

Behind the Supreme Court’s judgment against the Gujarat government’s premature release of the 11 convicts charged with gang-rape and mass murder are a group of women who came together for a cause they believed in.

For the petitioners who moved the Supreme Court against the Gujarat government’s premature release of the 11 convicts jailed for gang-rape and multiple murders in the Bilkis Bano case, it was Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Independence Day speech in 2022 that proved the last straw.

Celebrating 75 years of Independence, Modi invoked woman power or ‘nari shakti‘ from the Red Fort and called for an end to “every behaviour, culture that humiliates and demeans women.”

Just then, the convicts, who had been sentenced to life for gang-raping a pregnant Bilkis Bano, members of her family, and also murdering at least 14 of them in 2002 while the Gujarat riots were on, walked out of Godhra sub-jail.

“On August 15, when the prime minister was talking about women’s security and honouring women, the Gujarat government gave the remission order and released them (the convicts). I then heard that Bilkis made a statement saying ‘is this the end of justice?’ That really shook me and many like me who thought, ‘What is the use of us being around?’,” said CPI(M) leader and activist Subhashini Ali to The Wire.

Ali, former professor Roop Rekha Verma and journalist Revati Laul jointly filed a petition in the Supreme Court challenging the Gujarat government’s remission and release order.

“We were trying to think of what we could do and it was very fortunate that lawyers like Kapil Sibal and Aparna Bhatt and others came forward,” said Ali.

On January 8, the Supreme Court quashed the government’s release order, said that the Gujarat government did not have the power to grant such a release to the convicts and directed them to return to prison within two weeks. The court also said that the Gujarat government had “acted in complicity” with the convicts. The bench of Justices B.V. Nagarathna and Ujjwal Bhuyan also held that the judgement of May 13, 2022, by a bench of Justices Ajay Rastogi and Vikram Nath, which directed the Gujarat government to consider remission, “a nullity” as it was obtained by “playing fraud on the court”.

‘Cruel joke on the nation’

Roop Rekha Verma, former professor at Lucknow University who was in Delhi when the news of the remission orders came out said that the prime minister’s speech was “ a cruel joke on the nation”.

“The Prime Minister who was crying about violence on women in his Independence Day speech had already given permission for remission. That was a cruel joke on the nation,” she said to The Wire.

Verma said that she then discussed the developments with some of her friends and associates, and the “idea cropped up collectively” to explore legal options.

“Although by that time we had enough examples to not look at courts with much hope, but there was no other door to knock on, apart from a petition in the Supreme Court,” she said.

Journalist Revati Laul came onboard to become a petitioner in the case when she was told that they were looking for a third woman petitioner.

“They were looking for a third woman petitioner who had some locus standi in the matter. I was asked if I would like to be the third petitioner. I had written the book Anatomy of Hate which is based on the Gujarat riots and have been based in Gujarat for a while during and after the riots. I feel strongly about this case and I agreed,” she said to The Wire.

The petitioners said that after they filed their petition, they found out that another PIL had been filed by now expelled Trinamool Congress Lok Sabha MP Mahua Moitra through lawyer Indira Jaising. Subsequently another petition was filed by former IPS officer Meeran Chadha Borwankar in September 2022. Her group also included petitioners Jagdeep Chokhar and Madhu Bhandari.

Borwankar said that she decided to “step in” and file a case when she realised that Bano herself had not challenged the remission orders.

“I was following the case closely and decided to step in when I realised that Bilkis Bano had not challenged the remission orders. But she did so later,” she said.

‘Why should Bilkis have to come up?’

Bano moved the apex court against the remission orders only in November, 2022 following a petition filed by one of the convicts questioning the maintainability of these petitions saying the petitioners have no locus standi and are “complete strangers” in the matter.

Speaking to The Wire, her lawyer for the past two decades, Shobha Gupta said that Bano had to become a petitioner after the maintainability of these petitions were challenged in court.

“I was personally very clear, ‘Why should she alone have to come up?’ It was not an individual crime. It was a crime against humanity and a barbaric nature of crime. It is for the society to decide. That is why she did not take the plunge to begin with and I am glad she took her time to decide. In the meantime the right spirited persons challenged (the remission order) within no time and the court issued a notice in the PIL petitions on August 25 (2022).”

Gupta said that the remission orders had come as “rude shock” to Bano.

“Nobody could think this could happen so secretively. Suddenly you find that your rapists are roaming around being honoured and felicitated. The immediate reaction was that this was wrong. It has to be objected to but it is always tough to restart it (the fight) and how many times and for how long?”

‘Milestone on the road to justice’

With the 11 convicts now being directed by the court to return to jail, Jaising who represented Moitra said that the judgement was extraordinary as the Supreme Court “very rarely declares its own judgement as null and void.”

“It also gives you a roadmap to justice. I know they will apply to Maharashtra. We have to wait and see what happens in the future but the judgement is a milestone on the journey to justice,” she said.

According to Verma, the judgement comes at a time when faith in the Supreme Court has been low.

“This verdict is precious to me in many ways. When our faith in the Supreme Court and other courts was sagging low at that time such a judgement uplifts our faith in courts at least partially. It means to me not only individually but to the country as well that when judges are under a lot of pressure, a judgement can come that goes strictly by law but also puts some governments in the dock and says plainly that the state was hand in glove in complicity with the criminals.

Also read: The CJI Chandrachud Phenomenon: Creativity in the Courtroom, Stirring Rhetoric Outside it

“It shows that there are a few judges who don’t serve as the staff of the government but will do what is expected of them and this expectation being fulfilled means everything in a democracy that we have a door to knock on and we will get justice,” she said.

Laul said that the judgement comes as a “clear streak of light” in dark times.

“This (judgement) is a very clear streak of light. We must always use this streak of light to undo the dark and that requires a lot of work. We need to break the word Bilkis down and we as citizens need to ask ourselves – what is the institutional failure that allowed Bilkis’s rape to become a public performance? What have we done as citizens to allow this monstrosity? It is not the optics but it is about what you and I are doing everyday that enables or disables this. We should not stop asking ourselves this question because otherwise we will be reducing this very important day to a pantomime,” she said.

Ali said that the larger message behind this judgement is to look beyond this as a “women’s issue.”

“Please do not think of this as a woman’s fight. It is a fight to save this country from gross injustice and the Constitution being replaced by Manusmriti in every which way,” she said.

Borwankar said that while it took a group of largely women to bring justice to Bano, the judgement shows that the “state cannot be partisan in its conduct.”

‘Not a lone battle’

In her first public statement after the judgement issued through Gupta on Monday, Bano said that she can “breathe again”. She also thanked Gupta for never “allowing her to lose faith in the idea of justice.”

Gupta said that she had not charged a penny in the matter right from when she was brought in by the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) as a lawyer in the case following the riots in 2002.

“If you have the capacity as a lawyer why won’t you do this for society? I was just five years into the profession. I was told by the NHRC that we have enough funds to pay lawyers but I said no not in this matter not even for paperwork. You have a job in society. It is something for the society you have to do. We are all a part of the society. She was a victim who was a direct sufferer of the riots.

“But each one of us suffered through the case. Like in Nirbhaya each one of us suffered as we witnessed it. Now with her case we are all associated because we have all seen the case. I stood by her because we want to tell her and society that you are not alone and this is not a lone battle,” she said.

How Citizen-Police Relations Can Be Strengthened: A Former Top Cop’s Experience

An exceprt from Meeran Chadha Borwankar’s book ‘Madam Commissioner’.

‘A leader is best when people barely know he exists, when his work is done, his aim fulfilled, they will say: we did it ourselves.’ – Lao Tzu

The first time a woman became Commissioner of Police in Maharashtra was in the year 2010. As expected, there was great rejoicement among the public, especially women since another male bastion had been scaled. My first month at the job was therefore spent responding to enthusiastic felicitations from Punekars and giving them audience. I was relieved to have returned to work after a nearly year-long leave and did not mind the balance of life tilting more towards my chosen profession.

The eighth-largest metropolis in India, Pune is the cultural capital of Maharashtra and also known as the ‘Queen of the Deccan’. It has a growing industrial hinterland, replete with information technology, engineering and automotive companies. The city is famous for cultural activities, classical music recitals, a vibrant theatre and literary scene. Besides being recognized as a seat of learning – some call it the ‘Oxford of the East’ – Pune has made a definitive mark on the world of sports too. During the Covid-19 pandemic, it gained further international recognition as the local Serum Institute of India produced and exported the much sought-after AstraZeneca ‘Covishield’ vaccine.

After completing the initial formalities of taking over as Commissioner, I started visiting all the police stations in Pune. Having lived there and worked at the local CID headquarters, I was well aware of the crime situation, but I thought it was important for me to be properly visible to the Pune police team. I believe that a leader has to be present and approachable to those she claims to lead. During my police station visits, we would hold regular meetings with the staff as well as local citizens in order to listen to their views on policing.

Meeran Chadha Borwankar
Madam Commissioner: The Extraordinary Life of an Indian Police Chief
Pan Macmillan India (October 2023)

Often, I felt disappointed by the quality of police investigation I observed during these visits. A few times I even left the police stations in anguish. While CBI and Mumbai crime branch officers had time to pursue cases assiduously and without interruptions, police officers in Pune were always running around in circles attending to multifarious duties.

There were too many VIP visits, festival celebrations, agitations, protests and so on and so forth. Lethargy and corruption too had seeped in. At the same time, I appreciated the cordial citizen–police relations in the city. As with most organizations, about 20 per cent of the staff were highly motivated and efficient, another 20 per cent were shirkers, while the remaining lot preferred to sit on the fence. Our team concentrated on bringing these fence-sitters over to the mainstream motivated workforce. But I must admit that we could probably rope in only 50 per cent of the fence-sitters.

Under these circumstances, I finalized the three projects that I would undertake during my tenure. The first community police project was named ‘Pune Police Vidyarathi Abhiyan’. As part of it, we offered unpaid internships to college students at all police stations. The basic aim was to familiarize students with police operations. While working on my doctorate, I had surveyed about a hundred college students and they had shown keen interest in learning how the police functioned. The additional commissoner Sanjay Lathkar and his team prepared a detailed syllabus that the student interns would have to complete. The internships were advertised on the city police website and publicized widely. Many local colleges including the management department of the University of Pune participated by sending their students to nearby police stations. The youngsters always responded enthusiastically. An intern in fact apprehended a chain snatcher in an area under the jurisdiction of the Hadapsar police station. The university’s female students insisted on accompanying the Chaturshringi police officers during night rounds. These student–police collaborations yielded many interesting experiences.

After about a year of these internships and upon consultation with Dr C. M. Chitale, the head of the management department at the university, we reviewed the usefulness of the programme. Questionnaires were drafted and presented to the interns. Students of New Law College, Shri Siddhivinayak College for Women and Maharshi Karve Stree Shikshan Samstha participated in the survey. Almost 94 per cent of the students said that mutual relations between the police and the common man improve through such initiatives; 95.6 per cent stated that they no longer felt afraid of the police after their internship; 94.7 per cent said they would recommend such internship programmes to their friends.

We called the second community police initiative ‘Chowki Sabalikaran’, through which we intended to improve the efficacy of police chowkies. Pune is probably the only city in Maharashtra where citizens approach their chowkis to lodge FIRs. Each police station supervises the work of two or three such chowkis. Since their jurisdictions are small, the citizens and chowki police staff know one another well.

As a part of this exercise, the IndSearch Institute of Management Studies & Research was entrusted the task of training the chowki personnel in conducting meetings with citizens. The institute’s faculty trained the police staff on how to draw agenda items in advance, take down meeting minutes and prepare reports of action taken. Professor Sham Wagh of the institute steered the project. After training sessions were conducted for all police chowkies in Pune, joint meetings were held to assess the implementation and impact of suggested improvements. The institute collected feedback from citizens and police officers on the usefulness of meetings and participation levels. They expressed their overall satisfaction with regards to the conduct and recording of the meetings post training sessions. Even though there were times when specified agenda items were not pursued, the faculty noted that the ‘participation of citizens is more important and an encouraging factor’.

Our third project was the creation of ‘Study Circles’ in each police station by inviting local experts to discuss diverse topics. Many inspectors took keen interest in these sessions and reported that eminent Punekars were more than willing to share their knowledge with police officers. In my profession, people tend to get sucked into routine police work and thereby start stagnating. Study circles can help broaden our perspective and enrich us as individuals. Our endeavour therefore received a very positive response and has since been adopted by many officers.

We also revived the ‘Mahila Dakshata Samitees’ at all police stations in Pune. This stems from my belief that the police alone are insufficient to handle the ubiquitous issue of crimes against women and that collaboration with civil society, academicians and NGOs can improve our services.

The Mahila Dakshata Samitees in Maharashtra were constituted in the early 1980s, with local women being nominated to lead these groups and cooperate with police stations to help women victims. There were hardly any females in the police force in those days. Later on, the Maharashtra government introduced a 33 per cent reservation for women in all government departments, leading to more women joining the police. While reactivating these committees we weeded out those who were not interested in the work these groups did – many had been appointed simply on the basis of their political allegiance.

A two-day state-level conference was held to mark and celebrate twenty-five years of the ‘Mahila Dakshata Samitees’. Women from far-flung corners of the state came to attend it, even though they had to fund the trips on their own as the Pune police could only make arrangements for their stay. Their sessions were highly interactive and their awareness about the latest legal amendments impressive.

I was completely focused on ensuring the conference’s success until a phone call from a young woman took me by surprise. ‘Madam Commissioner,’ she began, ‘is it a crime to have coffee in Pune late in the evening?’ Feeling a bit baffled, I asked her to elaborate. Instead, she asked to see me. So, I invited her to visit my office between 4 and 5 p.m., during the one hour I used to reserve for citizen walk-ins.

The woman came along with a friend and began recounting her story. A few days back, the two of them were having coffee at a cafe near the airport when a group of boys at the adjoining table started teasing them. Initially they ignored it but when their obnoxious behaviour became unbearable, they dialled police control room, seeking help. The police operator responded promptly but asked them why they were out so late in the evening. Could they not have had coffee at home? He was arrogant and rude. The young girls were livid and decided to approach me.

Pune’s police control room was on the same floor of the building as my office chamber. We had recently installed new technology that allowed us to record all our phone conversations with citizens. Since the girls had provided the exact date and time of the incident, I asked the control room officers to locate the conversation. When the recorded conversation was played to me, it became immediately clear that the police constable who had taken the call was indeed very rude. He was arguing with the girls instead of directing a nearby police vehicle to go to their aid. Without wasting any time, I transferred him out and initiated disciplinary action. Had these young women not taken the initiative to bring the control room operator’s unjustified conduct to my notice, he would have continued in the same vein. Two-way communication between citizens and police is only of mutual benefit.

Though I was introducing various measures to strengthen citizen–police relations, this incident exposed the underbelly of the police as an organization. I realized that we still had miles to go.

This excerpt from Meeran Chadha Borwankar’s Madam Commission was republished with permission from Pan Macmillan India.

‘Encounter Specialists’ Were Seen as a Bitter Yet Necessary Medicine: Retired IPS Officer

In an interview to The Wire, Meeran Chadha Borwankar says political interference in the Mumbai police’s affairs is rampant and that ‘hafta’ collection often goes up the hierarchy.

Nothing has eroded the image of the police in recent times or brought to the forefront the unholy police-politician nexus than the events of the last few weeks in Mumbai, triggered off by an explosive-laden SUV found near billionaire Mukesh Ambani’s residence Antilia, exactly a month ago. Since then, a sequence of events – transfer of the police commissioner Param Bir Singh, Singh’s letter trading grave charges against the state home minister, the suspension and arrest of Sachin Waze – the case has only got murkier.

Even as a new report pointing to political interference in police transfers further threatened to deepen the malaise, the author of the report Rashmi Shukla is now suddenly in the line of fire too. No one knows from where will the next salvo be fired, even as the original issue – the Antilia case – continues to mystify and defy explanation.

Retired IPS officer Meeran Chadha Borwankar who worked in Mumbai, where she was a former director general of police (DGP) and also former joint commissioner of police, crime branch, Mumbai, where she became known to severely curtail ‘encounters’ and attempts of extortion.

In an interview to Sunanda Mehta, Borwankar talks about her experience with the band of ‘encounter specialists’, her experience while heading the volatile Mumbai crime branch and the rampant corruption and political interference that is reducing the police force to a farce.

Also read: Criminal Justice System Being Perverted, Requires Reform: Former Civil Servants

Given the startling events of the last few days, to begin with, tell us about this strange world of encounter specialists. How did this group emerge and then flourish?

They were just a few officers who would dare to challenge gangsters, enter their dens, search and arrest them. They were quick and fast in action, courageous but not an undisciplined lot.

Let me share with you that the class of 1983, known for having produced the maximum ‘encounter specialists’, trained with me for three months at the Nashik Police Training College (PTC). Other IPS officers from my batch of 1981 had already completed the three-month training. The principal of the training college asked me to lead trainee sub-inspectors in outdoor activities including the daily morning run of about 4 km. These 1983-batch youngsters would keep requesting me to run fast, but would not overtake me, respecting my rank. They were young, disciplined and a motivated batch with ‘we will change the world for good’ kind of enthusiasm.

What is the typical profile of an encounter specialist – you have commented that it’s very different from the perceived one?

The ‘encounter specialists’, as they came to be known later, were a simple lot, most of them physically fit, all respecting the uniform, loyal, full of enthusiasm and positive energy.

When I worked with them at the crime branch, I noticed they were not high-handed or arrogant and were respected by other officers. They had successfully created an aura about themselves. Meticulous in planning, they always had officers who were good at paperwork, to ensure there would be minimum legal loopholes in their operations. I did not find them gung-ho, gun-happy kind of irresponsible officers. Not that I am defending what they did or do, but the traits of loyalty towards their teams, their superiors who handled them and even their informants is extraordinary.

Retired IPS officer Meeran Chadha Borwankar. Photo: Author provided.

Isn’t there any mechanism to keep a check on what seems to be an unnecessary evil – but one that is not going away? Do we need counter-encounter specialists?

No, we do not need ‘counter encounter specialists’ or even encounter specialists for that matter, but we do need brave and courageous officers. And it is not difficult to keep them under check. As I said earlier, they are generally very loyal to the police leadership. Due to a very slow and tardy trial judicial process for criminal cases where most of the dreaded criminals may well be acquitted, they [encounter specialists] were ‘created’ by police leaders to counter lethal organised crime in Mumbai. In fact, one of the senior officers during the late 90s used to say, “I know this is the wrong medicine, but what to do it is the only one working!”

Then somewhere down the line, the ‘encounter specialists’ who were uniformed sub-inspectors/inspectors, were romanticised and glorified, became aware of their powers and a few took to extortion and protection. Politicians, police leaders, builders and the rich started using them for settling civil disputes, personal enmity and to make money. A cult thus born can be demolished by substituting it with prompt and speedy trial of court cases.

You have said that Sachin Waze should not have been reinstated or at least not posted in the criminal investigation unit. What about Param Bir Singh’s transfer – was that correct?

Transferring the commissioner of police for the criminal acts of an assistant police inspector is very strange. Because there are five ranks in between and police being a uniformed service is very conscious of ranks. However, I have seen this kind of blurring of hierarchy when the junior officer directly collects money, or ‘hafta‘, for the senior, a widely prevalent practice in the state. The other day I was talking to an IPS officer of Delhi and he said it is known as ‘monthly’ in Delhi!

Also read: Extrajudicial Killings, Political Clout, Suspension: Tracing Mumbai Cop Sachin Waze’s Career

How was your experience of heading the crime branch in Mumbai and handling the larger-than-life cops?

I was posted in the crime branch in 2004-2007 after a lot of discussions at the home minister level. I was sounded about the proposal but received my orders about two months later. In the meanwhile, I had talked to a few experienced officers, brushed up my knowledge of law and also followed the crime branch and its activities closely. I was earlier DCP in Mumbai for five years which included a stint at the crime branch too.

I was very clear that I would not favour any particular group or any kind of officer. It made sense to me to take all the 200+ officers with me than to depend upon a few. During 2004-2007, the Economic Offences Wing (EOW) was also with the joint commissioner of police crime.

I decided to depend on the Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act, 1999 (MCOCA) than on encounters as once booked under MCOCA, a gangster would be in custody till the end of the trial and thus unavailable to play havoc in the field. I must say that most officers supported me though I was aware that I was being called ‘bookish’ by some. I emphasised the need for good documentation, read case papers and frequently held consultations with investigating officers and prosecutors.

The ‘larger-than-life cops’ were very agitated about the delay in trials and had a valid point that most of the witnesses would not support us in courts, resulting in acquittals. It was a Catch 22-situation. Any acquittal of a case involving organised crime, would lead to ‘we told you….’ kind of looks all around.

I understood their viewpoint and worked harder on improving the quality of investigation and prosecution. I found the media was quite critical of me and said things like the ‘crime branch was losing its sheen’ with me as its chief, depending heavily on MCOCA instead of on encounters.

One remarkable trait of these larger-than-life cops was their information network. It was absolutely impressive. I also found them extremely protective of their informants. Once two of these cops got into a heated argument in my office, one accusing the other of poaching on his informants. Both had tears in their eyes. I had a tough time cooling them down!

I found these cops to be reserved, keeping their cards close to the chest and very possessive of their team of officers and informants.

And they look up to police leaders. And I must add that in our battle against organised crime, the additional commissioners of police and DCPs working in the crime branch fully supported me. The commissioner was of course a thorough professional.

Nevertheless, can there really be any justification for these encounter killings or vigilantism including the argument about instant delivery of justice as opposed to the tardiness of the system?

No, there is absolutely no justification for ‘fake’ encounters. An efficient and prompt criminal justice system is the only solution to the vigilante and ‘instant justice’ phenomena we see all over the country now. Citizens are sick and tired of cases taking 20+ years to conclude.

Once again political interference in the police department has been highlighted, thanks to the letter written by Param Bir Singh, where he talks of the home minister’s 100 crore demand. Just how rampant is this interference?

Oh, very rampant and more so if the officer is himself or herself corrupt. In case the senior officer is honest, the politicians generally stay away or get occasional work done from juniors and bide their time. But if the seniors too are in the ‘hafta’ racket, they get all kinds of irregular and illegal ‘tasks’ done from them and through them. That is when the force too becomes unprofessional and demoralised as in police department everyone knows what goes on at the top and take their cue from there. And thus, citizens get a raw deal during their visits to police stations and investigation becomes mediocre. Poor conviction rate of crime reflects this.

The blame for Waze in a way lay with the commissioner of police, who in turn put the spotlight on the minister – where does the buck stop?

The roles of both the ex-commissioner and the minister need a thorough enquiry. I hope it is not brushed under the carpet considering that public memory is notoriously short. Speedy enquiry by a high court judge can bring out the truth in the allegations levelled by the ex-commissioner.

Sachin Waze. Photo: Twitter/@ColonelAR

Why is that the transfer of top cops the first knee-jerk reaction to anything that goes wrong? Does it help do damage control?

Yes, it helps damage control as far as naïve, unaware, uninformed citizens are concerned. Those who understand administration and the media know that these are face-saving tactics and things would be ‘normal’ soon! The cynicism is tragic.

The report that Devendra Fadnavis talked about regarding political interference in police postings and the money and touts involved, wasn’t this an open secret anyway?

Yes, and it was so even when the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was in power in Maharashtra. But it is very difficult to prove, as generally both parties are happy with the transaction. It has been going on since the early 80s and has slowly become entrenched as police leadership too got corrupted during the last four decades. This is the sad state of affairs across the country and with all political parties, not in Maharashtra alone. It was flagged by the Vohra committee in its report during 1993 about the nexus among criminals, police, politicians and bureaucrats in India.

Also read: The Maharashtra Police Is Getting Dangerously Politicised and Partisan

Did you see anything changing after this report?

After the Telgi stamp paper scam of Maharashtra and Karnataka, electronic stamp papers were introduced and it changed the scenario for good. I hope something similar comes out after an enquiry of the current case.

What about the establishment board that is supposed to decide on postings of police officers – how has it been sidetracked, so effectively? What is its significance now?

The board is good on paper as it is in compliance with the Supreme Court-mandated police reforms of 2006 in Prakash Singh’s PIL. But I have seen how blatantly it is being breached. Politicians either ring up or send ‘unsigned paper chits’ advising transfer and postings to the board members. Officers are themselves at the mercy of these politicians for their own appointments and postings. Thus, they have to accede to these informal requests. However, wherever they feel strongly that an officer shall be a liability to a particular post, they take it up and most of the politicians respect such professional inputs and do not insist.

What do you make of Nationalist Congress Party (NCP)’s allegation that Rashmi Shukla’s report holds no significance as she’s known to be a BJP supporter?

I am surprised that an internal enquiry was not conducted after Rashmi submitted her report as the then home secretary was a thorough professional. He is the chief secretary of the state now. I would wait for his response.

Is she the same person that they talked about some months back when they said there is a lady official trying to topple the government?

Yes, the political parties at that time were referring to her but have brought out her name in open now.

File photo of Maharashtra home minister Anil Deshmukh. Photo: Video screengrab.

We still don’t know anything about the Antilia incident per se – why was the SUV outside it laden with gelatin sticks? Your comments

In fact, the investigation of Antilia and Mansukh Hiren cases have been sidelined. We must not lose sight of them and follow them carefully. I wonder if the current allegations about corruption are for the purpose of diverting attention from these very sensitive cases. But as aware and informed citizens we need to ensure that both cases are investigated thoroughly. Considering the gravity of the offences and the interlink, I would recommend a special court for their immediate trial. As discussed earlier, due to the delay in trial of criminal and civil cases, not only citizens but even police officers are losing faith in the criminal justice system.

Where do you see the case going from here?

I only hope it does not go the 2G way. The whole country was in turmoil due to corruption charges in allotment of spectrum, toppled the government but the case finally went down with a whimper. The judge famously said that he waited for evidence to be brought out by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), when the law gives enough power to a judge to call for any document or evidence.

In the current scenario, both the criminal cases need to be tried in a special court at the earliest and there should be a judicial enquiry into the allegations made by the ex-commissioner. I hope the judiciary would stand up and hold the guilty accountable. Citizens want result now; we have had too many discussions and exposes!

Also read: As Mumbai Police Drama Continues, Probe Into MP’s Suicide Delayed

Why do you think Julio Ribeiro refused to head the investigation?

Asking Ribeiro sir to investigate at the ripe age of 92 was to my mind an attempt to silence him.

So, is this unholy nexus between politicians and the police really the crux of the entire issue?

Yes, corruption and nexus between politicians and police officers is the crux of the issue. In a way, I am glad it has come out in the open. Vohra committee report of 1993 had highlighted it and yet the nexus continued to flourish as it is emerging during the investigation of both Antilia and Mansukh Hiren murder cases. So, the saga of 1993 continues and would do so if we as citizens do not hold police, politicians, bureaucrats accountable while convicting criminals.

I, therefore, suggest that we should pursue the Supreme Court mandated police reforms. And also insist that all political parties include overhauling of the criminal justice system in their electoral manifestos implementing it earnestly at the earliest.

Sunanda Mehta is a journalist and author.

Delhi Riots: Independent Probe Panel Extends Deadline for Submission of Information

People can now send in their submissions to the committee by February 10.

New Delhi: A Citizens’ Committee comprising former judges and civil servants which will independently investigate the Delhi riots has extended its deadline for persons who wish to submit information to it.

People can now send in their submissions to the committee by February 10.

The committee is headed by former Supreme Court judge Justice Madan B Lokur and was notified on October 25, 2020. The panel was set up by the Constitutional Conduct Group (CCG), a collective of former civil servants.

It also has Justice A.P. Shah, (former Chief Justice, Madras and Delhi high courts and former chairman of the Law Commission), Justice R.S. Sodhi (former judge of the Delhi high court), Justice Anjana Prakash, (former judge of the Patna high court), G.K. Pillai, (retired IAS officer and former home secretary, government of India) and Meeran Chadha Borwankar (retired IPS officer and Director-General, Bureau of Police Research and Development).

The Committee had invited anyone with information or material pertaining to the Delhi riots to come forward with it in as much detail as possible.

Also read: Delhi Govt Flags Seven Videos of ‘Police Complicity’ in February Riots

Interested people can upload their your submission at https://www.citizenscommitteeondelhiriots.in/submission-form or email a note to citizenscommittee2020@gmail.com.

The following postal address has also been made available to those who wish to send submissions:

Constitutional Conduct Group (CCG), Common Cause House, 2nd Floor, Nelson Mandela Marg, Vasant Kunj, New Delhi – 110070

The committee in its press release has noted that all communication with it will remain confidential.

Investigation by Delhi Police into the February riots which killed 53 people, injured hundreds, and caused destruction of property has been controversial and openly partisan.

Also read: Muslims in Northeast Delhi Sell Homes Below Market Rate to Escape ‘Continuing Harassment’

In such a background, the purview of the committee, according to a public notice it had released, is:

To inquire into the events that transpired before and during the riots, including the response of the state machinery in dealing with the violence, restoring law and order, and related matters.

To analyse and assess the response of the police in investigating the riots.

To examine the role of the mainstream and social media in spreading information, both genuine and fake, before, during and after the riots, and its impact on events.

To assess the civic administration’s efforts at providing relief and extending reparations to the victims of riots.

Panel of Prominent Ex Judges, Senior IAS-IPS Officers to Independently Probe Delhi Riots

The committee has been set up in light of the serious questions raised about the Delhi Police’s actions and investigation, a group of former civil servants said.

New Delhi: The Constitutional Conduct Group (CCG), a collective of former civil servants who worked with the Central government as well as different state governments, has constituted a committee of six former public functionaries of high standing to create a “contemporary record of acts of omission and commission” around the Delhi riots of February 2020.

Three former SC-HC judges, three civil servants on panel

The committee, called ‘Citizens Committee on the Delhi Riots of February 2020: Context, Events and Aftermath’, will comprise former Supreme Court judge Justice Madan Lokur, former Chief Justice of the Madras and Delhi high courts and former chairman, Law Commission Justice A.P. Shah, former judge of the Delhi high court Justice R.S. Sodhi, former judge of the Patna high court Justice Anjana Prakash, former Union home secretary G.K. Pillai, and former director-general of the Bureau of Police Research and Development Meeran Chadha Borwankar.

Stating that this is a non-political group that is working towards fostering a civic culture bound by the ethos of the Constitution, the CCG said the horrific nature of the riots in North-East Delhi in February 2020, the scale of violence, the loss of lives and the resulting communal divide between communities highlighted the need for an expert body to conduct a thorough examination of what transpired before, during and after the riots.

Also read: Delhi Govt Flags Seven Videos of ‘Police Complicity’ in February Riots

`Delhi police investigation evoked critical commentary’

Noting that “the investigation carried out into the riots by the Delhi Police has evoked extensive critical commentary in recent times”, it said this has become even more necessary now.

It said, therefore a “Committee with credible reputations in the higher judiciary, the civil service and the police would be best suited to contribute to an objective and fair understanding of the riots and their aftermath.”

The Committee will be allowed to formulate its own procedure and will submit a final report within 12 weeks of starting its work.

Role of state, police, media to be probed

The CCG said the panel of prominent former public functionaries will inquire into the events that transpired before and during the riots, including the response of the state machinery in dealing with the violence, restoring law and order, and related matters.

Also read: ‘Do Mullo Ko Maara Bhai Ne’ Vs ‘Maintain Peace’: A Tale of Delhi Riots and Two WhatsApp Groups

It will also analyse and assess the response of the police in investigating the riots and examine the role of the mainstream and social media in spreading information, both genuine and fake, before, during and after the riots, and its impact on events.

The Committee will also assess the civic administration’s efforts at providing relief and extending reparations to the victims of the riots.

The CCG said while expecting the Committee to remain committed to independence, impartiality and transparency in its functioning, and to ensuring that it conducts itself with integrity, it would also expect that all persons who engage with the committee would be accorded dignity and respect, and that confidentiality of communications would be protected.