Malwa

In Punjab’s Bhadaur, Can a Mobile Phone Repair Shop Owner Take on CM Channi?

While Channi claims to be a ‘gareeb ghar ka beta’, AAP candidate Labh Singh, who owns a mobile phone repair shop, tells the voters in his constituency of his real-life background when his only possession was a 2014 Hero Honda motorcycle.

Jalandhar: If there is one assembly constituency in Punjab that has suddenly caught everybody’s attention, it is the Bhadaur seat in the Barnala district of the state’s Malwa region – the seat from which chief minister Charanjit Singh Channi has been fielded by the Congress against the Aam Aadmi Party’s (AAP) Labh Singh.

While the nation is focusing on the seat because of the key contest between the two candidates, in Bhadaur, the focus is on historical and political sentiments, rooted in the first assembly elections of the erstwhile Patiala and East Punjab States Union (PEPSU), held in 1952.

“During the 1952 polls, the Bhadaur seat witnessed a contest between King Nirpal Singh and marginal farmer Arjun Singh from Communist Party of India (CPI). Nirpal Singh, being a king, owned palaces, cars and huge amounts of money. His campaign was lavish. On the other hand, Arjun Singh, who led PEPSU’s Muzara (literally, landless farmer) movement in 1952, came from a humble family and campaigned on bullock carts. Despite a massive show of strength, Nirpal Singh lost the elections and comrade Arjun Singh won with a thumping majority,” Labh Singh told The Wire.

When The Wire spoke to the AAP candidate during his visit to Jalandhar, he said that ever since the Congress announced that Channi would be contesting from Bhadaur, the voters in the constituency were determined to repeat the history of the 1952 PEPSU assembly election by defeating him.

An AAP poster mentioning the 1952 election. Photo: Kusum Arora/ The Wire.

While Channi (58) claims to be a “gareeb ghar ka beta (the son of a poor home)”, Labh Singh (35), who owns a mobile phone repair shop in Bhadaur’s Ugoke village, tells the voters of his humble background, when a 2014 Hero Honda motorcycle was his only asset; a fact that he mentioned on his election affidavit too.

Labh Singh pointed out that Nirpal Singh had spent Rs 1 lakh on his election campaign – a huge amount at that time – while Arjun Singh could only arrange Rs 1,000, but the latter still managed to win. “I am going to repeat this history in these elections. In fact, the voters have coined a slogan in Punjabi: ‘Dhuri to CM jitauna, Bhadaur to CM harana (Ensure victory for the CM from Dhuri and defeat for the CM from Bhadaur)’,” he said.

The slogan is a reference to Bhagwant Mann, AAP’s CM face who is contesting the assembly polls from the Dhuri constituency.

Also read: With Channi as Punjab CM Face, Will Congress Consolidate the Votes it Is Hoping For?

Labh Singh’s background is perhaps why voters in his constituency are not surprised when they meet him at a bus stand or see him boarding a bus to campaign for the upcoming elections, as opposed to Channi’s cavalcade of cars and security staff whenever he reaches Bhadaur.

“On an average, there are 50 passengers in the bus and this gives me a chance to interact with them personally. They, in turn, spread the word in different villages,” Labh Singh explained.

On a lighter note, he also said that he was thankful that the Election Commission of India banned campaign rallies in light of a spike in COVID-19 cases. “It has reduced my expenses. As I don’t have any bank balance, I am focussing on door-to-door campaigns,” Labh Singh said with a smile.

“People of Bhadaur have always stood against the feudal lords and these elections will be no different,” he said, taking a dig at the chief minister by calling him a “crorepati politician” as opposed to a “common man” like himself. Labh Singh, however, made no explicit reference to the recent Enforcement Directorate (ED) raids on Channi’s nephew in relation to his alleged involvement in illegal sand mining in the state.

Labh Singh told The Wire that he joined AAP in 2013 after the Anna Hazare-led ‘India Against Corruption’ movement. His father is a driver while his mother works as a sweeper in the government school in the village.

After passing Class 12, Labh Singh took up a diploma course in mobile phone repair and opened a shop in his village. However, his shop has been closed for the last three years now

Also read: From ‘Only Sikh Can Be CM’ to ‘Why Not a Hindu’: Is AAP Trying to Polarise Punjab Polls?

Labh Singh, speaking to The Wire while on a personal visit to Jalandhar. Photo: Kusum Arora/ The Wire.

Labh Singh’s elder brother, a retired soldier in the Indian Army, has also been campaigning for him. “Even I wanted to join the Indian Army but I was not selected. My elder brother served in the Army for 17 years and retired from the rank of Sepoy recently,” Labh Singh said, adding that, given his family’s financial status, he could not think of higher education and rather, decided to become an earning hand for the family.

When asked if the defection of sitting Bhadaur MLA Pirmal Singh Dhaula from AAP to the Congress was a setback for his party, Labh Singh responded by saying that the decision cost Dhaula dearly. “Pirmal left his home (AAP) and people were very angry with him. He was not even considered for a ticket by the Congress,” he said.

Bhadaur has 74 villages including two towns and was traditionally a Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) stronghold until AAP emerged on the political scene in 2017 and Dhaula won the seat. The Congress, on the other hand, has won the seat just twice; once in 1969 and again in 2012.

Bhadaur falls under the Sangrur Lok Sabha seat, an AAP stronghold from where Mann won consecutive Lok Sabha polls in 2014 and 2019. In the 2017 assembly polls, AAP won a total 20 seats out of which 18 were from the Malwa belt alone while the other two seats were from the Doaba region.

A group of supporters who accompanied Labh Singh to Jalandhar told The Wire that AAP’s announcement of Mann as the CM face has lifted the party’s graph.

Harpreet Singh Brar from the Balloke village in Bhadaur said that many SAD and Congress workers have joined AAP in the past few days. “Labh Singh and his father remained at forefront in the farmers’ protest too. Our entire village, rather, the entire Malwa region, was at the Tikri border supporting farmers,” he said.

Another one of Labh Singh’s supporters, Gurpreet Singh Dhillon from Dhilwan village said that in the coming days, Mann as well as AAP supremo Arvind Kejriwal will be coming to Bhadaur. “That would give further fillip to Labh Singh’s campaign,” he said.

Fight For Punjab’s Moga Seat Heats Up As Sonu Sood Campaigns for Sister Malvika

With Malvika Sood Sachar contesting the upcoming polls on a Congress ticket, all eyes are on the assembly segment and its multi-cornered fight.

Moga: Amidst the high stakes involved in the upcoming Punjab elections, the centrally-located Moga assembly seat in the Malwa belt is garnering a lot of attention for the star-studded campaign of Congress candidate Malvika Sachar Sood – the sister of Bollywood actor Sonu Sood.

Apart from Malvika, the many-cornered contest has Aam Aadmi Party’s (AAP) Dr Amandeep Kaur Arora, Shiromani Akali Dal’s (SAD) Barjinder Singh alias Makhan Brar and Sanyukt Samaj Morcha’s (SSM) Navdeep Singh Sangha as the other contenders.

Having joined the Congress officially on January 10, Malvika’s candidature from Moga was announced a week later. She replaced sitting Congress MLA Harjot Kamal, who joined the BJP the very next day. Kamal has been fielded by the BJP from Moga in the upcoming polls.

A strong Congress bastion, the quaint Moga assembly segment has been with the party since 2007. Prior to that, SAD leader Tota Singh had been the MLA for two successive terms.

Many voters were excited to see Sood – who has become a popular household name for many for his philanthropic work during the pandemic – on the campaign trail, whom they have otherwise only seen in hit Bollywood films. The actor also obliged several fans with selfies and autographs, both in Moga city and in neighbouring villages.

Apart from Sood, Punjabi actor-turned politician Baldev Khosa also stepped out to campaign for Malvika. The Congress politician from Dhudike village in Moga, who made the iconic 1983 Punjabi film Putt Jattan De, has won four terms as an MLA from Versova in Maharastra’s Mumbai. Sharing how it was actor Sunil Dutt who got him into politics, he said, “We all know how Sonu has served people, provided them jobs and served humanity when COVID-19 hit the nation hard. It’s our turn to support Malvika, Sonu Sood’s sister.”

Malvika Sood addressing a gathering at Daroli Bhai village in Moga. Photo: Kusum Arora

Sood bats for CM Channi as ‘CM face’

A day after Rahul Gandhi said that the Congress would announce the CM candidate after consulting party workers at a virtual rally in Jalandhar, Sood batted for chief minister Charanjit Singh Channi.

Talking to The Wire at Daroli Bhai village, Sood said that though he is an outsider, it would be good if Channi were to be given another chance. Terming it a personal call, the actor said, “Like cricket, even if a tea break takes place, the cricketer still gets a chance to play his innings. Similarly, CM Channi should also be given a chance to lead Punjab again.”

According to him, both Channi and Sidhu are strong contenders for the post.

Playing it safe, Malvika said, “Both CM Channi and Sidhu have performed well in their positions. CM Channi led the government for 111 days and people are appreciating his work. Meanwhile, Sidhu has strengthened the party. The Congress high command will announce the best CM candidate.”

Bollywood actor Sonu Sood, the brother of Malvika Sood addressing the gathering at Daroli Bhai village in Moga. Photo: Kusum Arora

Malvika’s campaign

During her speech at Daroli Bhai village, Malvika, an engineering graduate, introduced herself as ‘Moge di dhi’ (Moga’s daughter). Malvika, a social worker, has been running a secondary school and a coaching class for IELTS in the town.

Malvika addressed small gatherings in villages, where the duo emphasised how they were rooted in Moga. “I was born and brought up in Moga. I got married here. My father used to run ‘Bombay Cloth Store’, while my in-laws also own a cloth showroom in Moga.”

At Rattian, Khukhrana and Daroli Bhai villages, Malvika spoke about her philanthropic works during the pandemic. “We offered assistance to upgrade Civil Hospital, but our suggestion was brushed aside. After coming to power, our first priority would be to uplift the hospital,” she said.

Also read: As AAP Celebrates Phone Campaign to Choose CM Face, Other Parties Raise Questions

Speaking about how he helped people during the lockdown, Sood said, “When I was helping people, I never saw who was Hindu, Muslim or Sikh. My concern was to serve humanity and then things just happened. Similarly, in Moga, we just want to work for you (voters).”

AAP and SAD candidates speak

Commenting on Malvika’s campaign, AAP candidate Dr Amandeep Kaur Arora said that while Malvika’s identity is that of being Sonu Sood’s sister, her identity is that of a doctor.

“I am a physician, who served in Ex-Serviceman Contributory Health Scheme (ECHS) Poly clinic at Moga. I resigned from my job to contest the polls. I have been serving ex-servicemen and their families who spent their lives guarding the nation. I am a soldier’s daughter,” she said.

Arora said that there’s no doubt that Sood is a good actor and has worked for the people, but she said she too was attending patients when the pandemic was at its peak. “Despite my pregnancy last year, I remained at the forefront to work for the public. I was awarded by the deputy commissioner of Moga for my services. My people and AAP’s Delhi development model are my strength. This time, voters are not even looking at candidates – they just want to vote for AAP,” she said.

AAP candidate Dr Amandeep Kaur Arora addressing a gathering at Moga. Photo: Kusum Arora

On Sood’s announcement about developing Moga, Arora said he is a big name and could have done something for his hometown any time over the years. “What was stopping the Sood family from working earlier?” she questioned.

SAD candidate Makhan Brar, a lawyer by profession, said, “People of Moga know the contribution of our family in developing this constituency. My father remained an MLA from Moga twice and the development he brought about is appreciated till date. On the other hand, people are in no mood to either support AAP or Sonu Sood, who is spending money gathered through his philanthropic works to campaign for his sister. Also, Sonu Sood has always played the role of a villain in Bollywood films, which is not much to the liking of the voters. It is not films but SAD’s development agenda which will ensure our victory.”

Also read: Punjab Polls: What’s at Stake As Parties Woo the Young With Promises of Foreign Education?

Moga assembly constituency comes under Faridkot (reserve) Lok Sabha seat, an erstwhile princely state. Interestingly, Moga also holds a special place for SAD, from where the Akalis scripted history in Punjab politics. SAD considers Moga its lucky charm and assumes that whenever they hold a conference in Moga, they have come to power. The party held yet another conference in December 2021 on its 100th anniversary to kickstart the 2022 poll campaign.

Notably, it was at the historic Moga conclave of 1996 when SAD announced its alliance with BJP, ensuring Sikh-Hindu unity in the state. However, SAD and BJP parted ways in 2020 over the now repealed three farm laws.

The constituency comprises of Hindu, Jatt Sikh and Dalit voters and is famous for Nestle Plant, tractor market and the once flourishing farm equipment market of Threshers.

Watch | How Dalit Landless Farmers Are Reclaiming Their Share of Land in Punjab

A mass movement for land rights called the Zameen Prapti Sangharsh Committee is gaining momentum across Punjab.

Sangrur, Punjab: With 31.9% Dalits, Punjab has the highest proportion of SCs to its total population. However, their representation in landholdings in the state is far from proportional. To agitate against this inequality, a mass movement for land rights called the Zameen Prapti Sangharsh Committee (ZPSC) is gaining momentum across various villages in Punjab.

According to the Punjab Village Common Lands Regulation Act, 1961, one-third of the common village land managed by the panchayats are reserved for Dalits. Most of this land, however, has been occupied by upper-caste landowners who allegedly field dummy Dalit candidates in yearly auctions and bid at a higher price than most Dalit farmers can afford. ZPSC is trying to ensure fair bidding through constant vigilance and assertive protest demonstrations.

Starting from the Malwa region, it has now spread to other parts of the state as well. The promise of a dignified livelihood is kindling hope in the hearts of many people from the oppressed scheduled castes who don’t own any land.

This video report explores how land ownership is intricately linked to identity and how the ZPSC is mobilising the Dalit community to assert themselves and reclaim the village common land.

How RSS Turned the Wind in Favour of BJP Four Months After Losing MP Assembly Polls

The RSS leadership drew up a strategy that was independent of BJP’s campaign – it made a list of seats where BJP seemed on a weak footing and concentrated all energies there.

Bhopal: When V.D. Sharma, a little-known BJP leader in Bundelkhand, made a belated entry in the electoral fray, party leaders of the region were surprised. His candidature was opposed widely in Khajuraho, effigies were burnt, and BJP leaders and workers shouted “V.D. Sharma vapas jao”.

In neighbouring Tikamgarh, Virendra Khatik’s candidature was also opposed by local leaders, including all MLAs. Former MLA R.D. Prajapati even resigned and contested as a Samajwadi Party candidate.

In tribal dominated Balaghat, the BJP replaced the sitting MP Bhodh Singh Bhagat with little known Dhal Singh Bisen. Annoyed with the denial, Bhagat contested as an independent candidate.

In Bhopal, though no one openly opposed Pragya Thakur’s candidature, local BJP leaders campaigned rather halfheartedly. The absence of many the BJP leaders from her campaign trail was conspicuous.

Also read: Upsurge in Voter Turnout in 10 Reserved Seats May Benefit Congress in Madhya Pradesh

There was resentment against more than half a dozen the BJP candidates across the state. But all of them have won with a margin of more than two lakhs.

What works here? The answer is: the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).

Along with the Modi wave, RSS penetration proved to be an unbeatable combination.

The RSS leadership drew up a strategy that was independent of BJP’s campaign. They made a list of seats — Dhar, Ratlam, Khargone, Dewas, Balaghat, Khajuraho and others, for instance — where BJP seemed on a weak footing and concentrated their energies there.

Throughout the campaigning season, four wings of RSS — Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, Vidya Bharati Akhil Bharatiya Shiksha Sansthan, Bhartiya Majdoor Sangh and Vishwa Hindu Parishad — remained super active at the ground level, ensuring minimum vote drift to the BJP.

Different wings of RSS held multiple meetings every day with women and young voters, telling them that they have the power to change the game and rewrite history, RSS workers said. In Ratlam, Dhar and Khargone, teams of Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram had begun campaigning well before candidates were announced.

A top RSS functionary from Malwa said, “Our work started six months ago. We never discussed any political party or caste, and instead spoke of nationalism, national security and social development for all sectors. We told people to vote judiciously for the party they think will stand for the country and countrymen.”

“Senior workers of RSS, who worked behind the curtains, took several meetings of regional party leaders and united them,” a Congress leader said, pointing out that in constituencies like Bhind, where BJP’s Sandhya Rai was not even known, it is RSS that did all the networking.

Also read: Madhya Pradesh: Saffron Wave Sweeps Madhya Pradesh, Pragya Thakur Wins Bhopal

After his victory, V.D. Sharma said, “I am thankful to the RSS and Modiji and, of course, the people of the constituency for their blessings.”

A Congress leader in Rajgarh, where BJP’s Rodmal Nagar won by a huge margin despite perceived anti-incumbency, said: “Besides the Modi wave, it’s the RSS that made the difference.”

In Bhopal, where Congress stalwart Digvijaya Singh lost by a huge margin, RSS volunteers went door to door, often in uniform, to canvass for Pragya Thakur.

“The RSS was in total command,” said a Congress campaign manager.

In Malwa-Nimar too, it was the RSS that effected an amazing turnaround just six months after Congress made deep inroads. While candidates and their teams where busy in meetings, RSS workers marched deep into the constituency, meeting voters in their homes over a cup of tea.

RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat camped in Indore from February 19-22, meeting senior workers and motivating them to expand their reach for elections.

Also read: Pragya Thakur Aside, Why Digvijaya Could Have Never Won the Seminal Seat of Bhopal

A senior RSS leader, asking not to be named, said the 70% turnout in Indore was their doing. “Our men were in the field since early morning, requesting each family member to go and vote. We focused intensely on Indore. We had a plan, and campaigned door to door,” he said.

Indore’s BJP candidate, Shankar Lalwani, an RSS worker himself, faced the anger of a section of the electorate because Sumitra Mahajan was not fielded.

The RSS even distributed feedback forms to voters seeking their views on national security, the country’s growth and safety.

“Even when candidates were sleeping, we were talking to voters, be it early morning or late night,” said an RSS leader.

Kashif Kakvi is a Delhi-based journalist who reports on Madhya Pradesh. He tweets @KashifKakvi.

Watch: Casting a Vote Amidst Fields That Kill

As Punjab goes to polls in a few days, we travel to the Malwa region of the state to speak to small and marginal farmers and families of those who have committed suicide

Mansa, Punjab: With more farmers being pushed to suicide in the state every other day, Punjab is in urgent need of concrete solutions to this crisis. According to the government’s own data, 449 farmers took their own lives just in 2015. In this report, we speak to farmers and their families to understand what is pushing them to such an extreme and what they think of the promises being made by political parties pre-election.

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