In Photos: Schools in Kashmir Reopen After Seven Months

“Denying education is the worst crime that a progressive civilisation can be a victim of,” said a mother of two children.

Srinagar: After the revocation of Jammu and Kashmir’s special status on August 5, 2019, and the bifurcation of the state into two union territories, life in the Valley came to a grinding halt. The massive lockdown, curfews, restrictions and the unprecedented communications blockade created severe bottlenecks in all realms of life.

Health services were severely affected – there was an overall shortage of medicines, exacerbated by the ban on communication. Business and economic activity suffered heavy losses. A report by the Kashmir Chamber of Commerce and Industry (KCCI) estimated that, during the first 120 days after the lockdown was imposed, the economy suffered an aggregate loss of Rs 17,878 crore.

During the lockdown, the education sector was crippled as well. Schools and colleges remained shut since August 5 throughout the Valley.

August 19, 2019: Classrooms remained deserted as students did not turn up. Photo: Wasim Nabi

After a span of nearly seven months, schools reopened on Monday. Although the administration had tried to reopen schools and colleges numerous times in mid-August and the first week of October in 2019, owing to the bleak, or in some cases no, attendance of students, the attempts failed miserably.

Subsequently, in December, a three-month-long winter break was announced in schools. Later, universities, colleges and various other academic institutions underwent a long winter break.

Aug 19, 2019: School busses lie deserted in the parking lot as worries parents don’t let their children to go to school. Photo: Wasim Nabi

There are almost 11,633 educational institutes across Kashmir and the total number of students enrolled in studies up till the higher secondary level touches 100,000. On Monday, the streets looked lively, once again, with school children in uniforms. City traffic, after a span of almost seven months, was once again bustling with yellow school buses.

Also read: Children of Kashmir: Away From Schools, Disconnected From Friends

“Denying education is the worst crime that a progressive civilisation can be a victim of. These children are the torch bearers of our ideals. It’s a bright sign that children, even though after losing half a year of their education, are once again back to school,” said Yasmeen, a mother of two children. “Last time I dropped my kids off to school was on August 3.”

A bunch of children cross the footbridge over Jhelum. Photo: Wasim Nabi

While a handful of private schools, including Srinagar’s Delhi Public School, resumed classes last week, a majority of private and government schools opened on Monday.

Speaking about the arrangements and efforts put in the by the administration, Mohammad Younis Malik, director, school education Kashmir, said “All arrangements have been put in place to restart the session. Teachers have been directed to work with dedication for building capacities of students for the betterment of their future.”

“Smile. Keep a gracious smile on your face. Always! It is a charitable deed!” the assembly instructor said to children during the morning assembly at Presentation Convent Girls Higher Secondary School, Srinagar. Photo: Wasim Nabi

Why didn’t this work earlier?

The administration had been reluctantly trying to re-open schools since August 5. The earliest attempts were made when, in the city of Srinagar, the state administration ordered for the opening of 190 primary schools from August 19. It was made mandatory for all government officials to resume working. However, staffers and teachers would attend, but students would not turn up.

Parents were apprehensive about how safe sending their kids to school was. “How would we leave our children amidst all this fuss, and when even mobile phones are not working?” Ashraf Ahmad Dar, 46, whose son studies in a government school in Srinagar told The Wire, “You never know what happens! There was curfew. There were protests. Things were tense.  How could we know whether our children were safe once they left their homes? Schooling comes later, life and safety first!” he added.

A pigeon flies over the clock-tower, in the city centre Lal Chowk, on the day the special status of Jammu and Kashmir was revoked. Photo: Wasim Nabi

A government teacher at a school in Srinagar could not go to his school even after the government announcements because of the restrictions imposed in the city. “Everything was shut, and there was curfew. Forces would not allow us to pass through the checkpoints” he said, speaking to The Wire on the condition of anonymity “It was not even safe for the teachers, how would you expect that the students would attend?”

Students perform morning drills at Girls Higher Secondary School, Kothibagh Srinagar. Photo: Wasim Nabi

He claims that announcements to reopen schools last year were nothing but a “propaganda tool used by the government to carry on the manufactured narrative of normalcy”. “They wanted to show it to the world that kids are going to the schools and everything is normal. But classes were deserted. Nobody came,” he said.

Also read: Braving All Odds, Kashmir Valley Students Shine in Class 12 Exams

How did the lockdown affect students?

Caged in their homes, students were not able to attend schools and study their courses thoroughly. Owing to the restrictions imposed, private tuition centres were shut as well, which made the situation of the students even more miserable.

A school girl poses for a photograph. Photo: Wasim Nabi

Kafeel Ahmed, a higher secondary student from Srinagar was not able to attend his tuition centre for classes and owing to which he could not complete his syllabus on time. “Months passed without school and tuition. The session was still in its mid-phase, and more than half of the syllabus was yet to be covered. Amidst all this chaos, the state board announced the date sheet,” he told The Wire.

“The board neither deferred the examination dates nor gave us any relaxation in the syllabus. They were way too reluctant to make unprepared students sit for the examinations. Who would have taught us? We didn’t have the internet either at our disposal,” said Kafeel. Kafeel had passed his class X examination with flying colours, but owing to the situation in the Valley, he could not perform well in his Class 12 examinations.

August 8, 2019: Paramilitary Troopers near the historic Jamia Masjid stop Kashmiri women amid restrictions. Photo: Wasim Nabi

Students have also been showing signs and symptoms of mental distress. “Most of the cases which come to me are usually college students. In situations like the recent clampdown, their exams get delayed, and which, in turn, means their degrees get delayed,” said Ishfaq Ahmed, a Kashmir-based mental health counsellor.

“The subsequent delay in their degrees makes them lag behind and they get stressed about their academic prospects. Students, under such circumstances, develop anxiety disorders, because the degree which would usually finish in three years, takes four to complete. Or sometimes five,” said Ahmed.

Also read: Ground Report: Why Most Kashmiri Children Are Keeping Off School

Ahmad believes that unfriendly and harsh policies of the administration towards students are among the main causes of the stress among school-going children. “Students lately have not been able to attend their schools or tuition centres. Internet was banned, and still is. In such circumstances, it is difficult for a student to perform well. And their performance further aggravates their stress and anxiety levels,” he told The Wire.

Students gather on the first day of their school. Photo: Wasim Nabi

Parents are happy to see their children go to school once again. “It is very relieving that my son would be able to meet his friends after seven long months,” said Zahoor Ahmad, who hails from the Rainawari area of Srinagar.  Timings for the schools within the Srinagar municipal limits is 10:00 am to 3 p.m, as announced by the government, while, in rest of the Kashmir division, timings will be between 10:30 am and 3:30 pm.

Peerzada Sheikh Muzamil is an assistant editor at the Mountain Ink Magazine and a freelance journalist who tweets at @Peerzadamuzamil and Wasim Nabi is a freelance multimedia journalist based in Kashmir who tweets at @Wasimnabiweets.

Braving All Odds, Kashmir Valley Students Shine in Class 12 Exams

Despite schools remaining shut for two months, a higher percentage of students passed the exam than ever before.

Srinagar: When Class 12 students of the Kashmir Valley wrote their annual exams last December, all odds were against them.

Because of the Centre’s August 5 decision to revoke the state’s special status, authorities in Jammu and Kashmir had imposed restrictions in the Valley. Their schools had remained shut for more than four months. Tuition centres too were ordered to shut down. The Internet, one of the key tools that students use to obtain information, was snapped indefinitely and mobile phone services were blocked.

It was yet another lost school term for a generation of students who have seen their lives and learning disrupted repeatedly in the unending violence and bloodshed in the region.

But in the end, these young minds have overcome all challenges to emerge with flying colours.

Records tumble

The results were declared on January 22 and showed that the students had surpassed all previous records. The overall results showed that 76.08% of students qualified, an increase of 25 percentage points when compared to the previous year’s exams.

Records maintained by the J&K Board of School Education (BOSE), the body which conducts the exams, show that 46,599 students took the Class 12 exams in the Valley. Of them, 35,454 students qualified.

The results were even better than in 2016, when 75.47% (40,119 students) of the total 53,159 students qualified. Interestingly, in 2016 too, schools in restive regions were locked down for almost six months following the killing of militant commander Burhan Wani on July 8. The killing led to mass street protests.

Quoting records, an official said a higher percentage of students passed the career-defining exams this year compared to the results for the past 17 years. “We have maintained records since 2003, when the pass percentage was 48. Except for 2016, there has been no other year when the pass percentage crossed 70. This is a remarkable feat by the students, given the circumstances in which they were forced to write the exams,” the official said.

Also Read: Children of Kashmir: Away From Schools, Disconnected From Friends

As a result of the students’ performance, the number of “poorly performing” higher secondary schools has come down this year.

In 2018, at least 151 of the 295 schools produced below 50% pass results. This year, just 15 schools saw more than half their students failing to qualify.

Muzaffar Hussain Bhat, a sociology lecturer at a school in Chadoora town of Budgam district, said that for the past 30 years, students have been worst hit by the situation in Kashmir. “Frequently their education and schooling gets disrupted, but they never give up and instead manage to navigate through the challenges to study and write their exams,” said Bhat.

A deserted Government Girls High School in Sonwar. Photo: Kaisar Andrabi

‘Was tough but we didn’t give up’

Officially, the schools were reopened in the second week of October. In reality, classrooms remained empty as the parents refused to send their wards to schools, fearing their children could get trapped in street protests.

For many others, not sending their children to the school was a form of silent protest against the government.

After snapping the Internet, mobile and landline services during the intervening night of August 4 and 5 and ordering all schools and tuition centres to close down, the J&K authorities imposed strict restriction on public movement. The restrictions continued for more than three months.

“All of us were still in the middle of our studies and suddenly we were left confined to our homes,” recalled Humera Rashid who topped the Class 12 exams in Kashmir. She secured 490 out of 500 marks.

For Rashid, it was “frustrating” when she could not access the Internet or call teachers to clear concepts about many pending topics. “Every student must have gone through the same experience. Ultimately, we were left with no choice but to go for self-study,” she said.

Community schools, which were opened by educated volunteers to help students continue basic education after August 5, also proved helpful. The number of community schools, though, was less compared to 2016, when the system of informal schooling was first introduced in the Valley. Then too, restrictions on movement and phone services prompted people to start community schools.

Rashid said that students have grown up in the midst of conflict and know how to “beat the obstacles” to continue studying. “We have seen it since our early school days, in 2010 and 2016. But this time it was really tough, but we didn’t give up,” she said.

Khursheed Ahmad Mir, a teacher and vice-principal at a school in uptown Chanapora, said during the lockdown, students from far off areas would travel on foot to his residence at Srinagar’s Batamallo locality to study physics and maths.

According to him, the students were deprived of all the facilities when they needed them the most. “Despite the situation, the students were passionate to prepare for the exams and the results have proven their potential,” said Mir.

The other odds

When BOSE announced the exams in November, the students protested for days, demanding that their syllabus be shortened. Many parents also supported the protests and students argued that they had not completed their syllabus and deserved to be given some relaxation.

However, the authorities did not agree to the demand, forcing the students to study the entire syllabus. The situation was both mentally and physically exhausting, the students said.

When the exams begin in December, public transportation was still inoperative. Parents had to accompany their wards to the exam centres and wait outside in the wintery conditions, to make sure their children return home safely.

Many students and parents had walk miles on foot, forcing them to leave their homes early to reach the exam centres. “The exceptional results are the outcome of the hard work put in by the students,” said chairperson of BOSE, Veena Pandita.

She said the results were “worth celebrating” since the students were not given any kind of relaxation at all. “We had a three-tier inspection system: Teams from the education department, J&K Board and offices of deputy commissioners would regularly visit all the centres to ensure exams were fair and transparent,” said Pandita.

She said when the results left the board feeling elated. “But we randomly picked up several evaluated answers papers and got them re-evaluated to ensure transparency was maintained,” she said. “The outcome proved the potential of our students. I believe they can perform better in even the worst situation,” she said.

Why Is JioChat the Only Whitelisted Messaging App in Kashmir?

While maybe not a traditional social media application, the app allows video and voice calling, apart from group conversations.

Jammu: Even though social media apps that allow peer-to-peer communication are strictly barred as part of the broader restrictions on Internet connectivity in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), Mukesh Ambani-owned JioChat has been included in the government-approved white-list of 301 ‘websites’ that work on 2G networks in the Union Territory. 

Over the last month, the J&K administration has restored partial Internet connectivity in a phased manner, with the latest orders on Friday evening restoring 2G services throughout the UT.

However, the home department order states that there would be a complete restriction on social media applications allowing ‘peer-to-peer’ (person to person) communication and virtual private network applications for the time being. 

This has raised questions about JioChat which – while maybe not a traditional social media application like Facebook or Twitter – not only allows video-calling and voice-calling but also group conversations with a 500-member limit.

No other social media or chat application has been allowed. This includes WhatsApp, Telegram, Signal and Hike.

As per the order, one of the primary reasons for the Internet shutdown is that “anti-national elements” are trying to spread fake news and targeted messages over the Internet. The government has also argued that the shutdown is necessary to block communication between militants. 

The operative paragraph reads as follows:

“Whereas the police authorities have brought to notice material relating to the terror modules operating in the UT of J&K, including handlers from across the border, and activities of separatists/anti-national elements within who are attempting to aid and incite people by transmission of fake news and targeted messages through the use of internet to propagate terrorism, indulge in rumour-mongering, support fallacious proxy wars, spread propaganda/ideologies, and cause disaffection and discontent.”

In this context, the order appears to advocate a complete blockade of apps that provide a Voice Over Internet Protocol (VoIP) function and more broadly any form of encrypted or mass communication. That is the reason why all social media networking sites such as Facebook, Instagram, Twitter along with social media applications allowing peer-to-peer communication such as WhatsApp, Signal, Telegram etc have been barred.

Social media platforms. Illustration: The Wire

But JioChat, which is essentially a video calling app available on Android, iPhone and JioPhone, has been allowed and is classified under the category “Utilities” on the whitelist. JioChat allows one-to-one chat options as well as group chat wherein one can create large groups up to 500 members. WhatsApp restricts its group to 256 members.

Technology experts have over the last week wondered how an app like JioChat – merely the name of the Reliance Industries application is on the list – would find itself on a list that otherwise consists of only websites.

As a video shot by this reporter below shows, JioChat functions normally under 2G networks in J&K, but WhatsApp does not. However, because the app stores for both Android and Apple don’t work, only pre-existing JioChat users in J&K can use the service. Non-users, therefore, cannot download the app and start using it. Market analysts claim that JioChat would have a 400 million-strong user-base by March 2020, but it’s unclear how many of these are daily or active users.

Encryption or no?

Another important question is whether JioChat provides end-to-end encryption, a feature that WhatsApp uses as a marketing point. Reliance doesn’t appear to give any information about encryption or the duration for which messages are stored on their server in their privacy policy

One news report from April 2017 had claimed that JioChat secures its messages with QuArKStechnology for end-to-end encryption, but The Wire could not independently verify this.

Hike, which is also developed in India and owned by telecom giant Bharti Airtel gives an option of end-to-end encryption as an added layer of privacy to its users. But even there, it is an opt-in feature and works only when the device is connected to WiFi.

This does raise a question over why JioChat was chosen to be on the list of whitelisted websites and applications over other applications. If it was a lapse on the part of the administration, the same continued when the list of white-listed websites was modified to include approximately 55 news websites in its latest order on Friday

The privacy policy of JioChat reads:

“Personal Information will be kept confidential to the maximum possible extent.”

“[Jio] may provide your information or data to its partners, associates, advertisers, service providers or other third parties to provide, advertise or market their legitimate products”. It doesn’t specify whether the shared information is personal information or Non-Personal information.

Furthermore, the privacy policy states:

 “The Company uses reasonable security measures, at the minimum those mandated under the Information Technology Act, 2000 as amended and read with Information Technology (Reasonable Security Practices and Procedures and Sensitive Personal Data or Information) Rules, 2011, to safeguard and protect your data and information.”

The IT Act 2000 which the company adheres to as its “minimum security measures” has a controversial Section  69 which allows intercepting of any information and asking for information decryption if “it is necessary or expedient so to do in the interest of the sovereignty or integrity of India, the security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States or public order or for preventing incitement to the commission of any cognizable offence”.

To refuse decryption is an offence punishable with imprisonment up to seven years and a possible fine. This section has laid the ground for surveillance when Ministry of Home Affairs in December 2018 authorised ten Central agencies to intercept, monitor, and decrypt “any information generated, transmitted, received or stored in any computer.”

Also Read: Data Services on Low Speed 2G Restored Across J&K, Some News Sites Now ‘Whitelisted’

As for JioChat, the user accepts the risk of sharing unencrypted information when they use the app since another clause in the privacy policy states: “You accept the inherent security implications of providing unencrypted information over Internet/ cellular/data/ Wi-Fi networks and will not hold the Company responsible for any breach of security or the disclosure of personal information unless the Company has been grossly and wilfully negligent.”

Mukesh Ambani’s Reliance has also supported recent efforts of the Centre to support tracing the origin of messages to curb fake news, even if it means breaking encryption.

According to a 2015 report by NewsLaundry, Anonymous India – a hackers’ group – had also raised serious questions about the app’s security features saying that “there is no encryption of users’ personal data in the application.” The group also alleged that Jio Chat uses a Chinese mapping service, Amap, instead of Google Maps, the industry-standard. This too, according to Anonymous India, is not encrypted. The lack of encryption, the group claims, could lead to mass surveillance.

It is imperative to mention that “acts of government, computer hacking, unauthorized access to computer data and storage device” have also been mentioned as things that the company shall not be held responsible for in case of damage or misuse of your information as it will be considered a “Force Majeure Event” that is beyond the reasonable control of the company.

As the latest order mentions that the whitelisting of sites will be a continuous process it is yet to be seen whether JioChat remains on the list or not.

 Pallavi Sareen is a journalist based in Jammu and Kashmir. She is the editor-in-chief of Straight Line and can be contacted at pallavisareen99@gmail.com

What about the Kashmiri Pandits? – Thirty Years Later, Make the Question Count

An empty question, cynically recycled in tweets and speeches, needs to be replaced with actual questions about healing for Kashmiri Pandits, their culture, and for Kashmir itself.

This month marks 30 years of exile for the Kashmiri Pandit community. The question, ‘what about the Kashmiri Pandits?’ rings again in our ears. But if the past is anything to go by, there will be no answers.

‘What about the Kashmiri Pandits?’ has become an empty question, recycled in tweets, op-eds and speeches for political mileage, deflection, or for whatever purpose anyone wants. But this glib question has consequences: It forces Kashmiri Pandits to relive their traumas. It raises then dashes any hope of closure. And it deepens hostility towards Kashmiri Muslims, and even towards Muslims across India.

I left Srinagar with my family 30 years ago, thinking we were going for a short vacation, and ended up never returning from Delhi, now tagged as a Kashmiri Pandit migrant. I want to commemorate this 30th year by asking three questions – actual questions about healing and dignity for Kashmiri Pandits.

First, how do we seek justice for those who were killed, and get to the truth of what happened in 1990?

Second, how can the Kashmiri Pandit identity survive as a distinctive and distinguished cultural group?

Third, what does a real future look like in which Kashmiri Pandits might return to their homes in the Valley?

Seeking actual justice

Hundreds of thousands of Kashmiri Pandits were forced to flee Kashmir from 1989 onwards. We still have no verified numbers for how many were killed. A few FIRs have been filed; convictions have been even fewer.

In 2017, the Supreme Court rejected a review petition asking to reopen 215 cases on the killing of over 700 Kashmiri Pandits. If the government and the people of India care so much, why have we never had a judicial commission to establish the facts – which should mean the killings of all Kashmiris, both Pandits and Muslims?

Also read: Kashmiri Pandits Are a Pawn in the Games of Hindutva Forces

Instead of all the conspiracy theories that abound, we could have the rule of law, offer some closure through transparent and fair trials, and some sense of justice.

To actually do justice to the memory of those who were killed, we need to hold specific individuals to account for specific acts: Who killed whom? And why were the state and its functionaries unable to protect and reassure a minority community?

Instead, we either hear remarks like “It was years ago, Kashmiri Pandits have done well – it’s time to move on” ­– Or else we hear, “Everyone was in on it, They have always been like this”. Both push us further from truth or justice.

Hannah Arendt, the foremost political theorist of post-Nazi Germany, reminds us: “Where everyone is guilty, no one is.” We cannot accept ‘mass hysteria’ or ‘mob thinking’ as an explanation; this is how we have always allowed riots to tear India apart without any consequences for those orchestrating them.

A Kashmiri pandit holds a lighted earthen lamp as he prays during an annual Hindu festival at a shrine in Khirbhawani, 30 km east of Srinagar, May 31, 2009. Credit: Reuters/Danish Ismail

File photo: A Kashmiri pandit holds a lighted earthen lamp as he prays during an annual Hindu festival at a shrine in Khirbhawani, 30 km east of Srinagar, May 31, 2009. Photo: Reuters/Danish Ismail

Those who did commit the violence find strength in imaginary numbers. Those who didn’t participate feel wronged – some weren’t even born in 1990, and others had nothing to do with the violence. The cycle of resentment keeps on turning.

Worst of all, this attitude uses the suffering of one group to justify new and ongoing violence against others. The ‘action-reaction’ logic normalises violence – making it into a universal law. Is that the best we can do to honour the memory of those killed and those who have suffered?

Surviving as a culture

In 2004, I visited Kashmir for the first time in 14 years. When I saw kids playing cricket and shouting at each other, I felt an unexpected delight at hearing my mother-tongue spoken in public. I felt a comfort that I didn’t even know existed – a comfort of not hiding your strange language and mannerisms, and finding my Kashmiri self, to some extent, at home in a public setting.

In the years since 1990, the great loss of the Kashmiri Pandit community has been the dissolution of their cultural world. People say Kashmiri Pandits have done well and have comfortable lives across India and abroad. But this comfort is undermined by the real loss that exile brings.

Also read: What I Saw After I Watched a Massacre of Innocents in Kashmir

Being Indian doesn’t mean you stop speaking Marathi, Tamil, Assamese or any of dozens of mother-tongues. For Kashmiri Pandits, survival has meant assimilation into north India; surviving at the cost of living inside their language and culture.

Instead of cultural chauvinism or tokenism, there is need for better and more accessible histories of Kashmir, extensive language programs, and creative and varied thinking, dialogue, and work in Kashmiri— the ingredients for a living culture.

But above all, linguistic culture has to fight terrible odds to survive if it has no locality. And the fact is that the only place where Kashmiri Pandits’ language and culture are at home is the Valley.

Last August, the government decided to repeal Article 35A. The law had problems that needed fixing, but it recognised that Kashmir was a unique place – if not for other social, historical, and geographical reasons, then at the least as the one place that had resisted the logic of Partition.

Despite 30 years in exile, I remained a ‘state subject’ under 35A. Removing this law willy-nilly has exposed all culture of all Kashmiris, regardless of religion, to erosion.

Some people take great pride in Kashmiri culture, yet want a ‘demographic transformation’ by flooding the Valley with outsiders. Let’s call it for what it is – an act of spite, and of mutually assured destruction.

Himachal, the north-eastern states, and other tribal areas have legislative protections to preserve their identity. Kashmir deserves the same – for Muslims and Pandits together. Otherwise, the disappearance of Kashmiri and Kashmiri Pandit identity completes what some believe was the goal of the perpetrators of the violence in 1990: the final ethnic cleansing.

Returning to what?

In 2015, my mother and I returned to Srinagar to visit – her first visit in 25 years. In our old neighbourhood, my mother scurried away, looking for our neighbours. I braced myself for a bitter experience. But just a little while later, we were all sitting in our neighbour’s house, as my mother and her neighbour shared with each other all that they had lost in the intervening years – people, places, things; entire possible lives.

Also read: Kashmiri: Let Not Religion Divide What Language Unites

The conversation was a fraught one, of course. But it showed me that we could speak with each other and not just shout at each other. The rupture of 1990 had not yet obliterated the recognition of a life together. My mother and her neighbour could still speak of their own mothers borrowing haakh from each other.

The BJP, Congress, NC, PDP, Hurriyat – nearly everyone agrees that Kashmiri Pandits have a right to return to the Valley. But rehabilitation schemes on paper and transit camps on the periphery is not much to show for all this consensus.

Still in exile after all these years: Kashmiri Pandits offer prayers at the replica of the Kheer Bhawani temple in Jammu on the occasion of the annual Kheer Bhawani Mela on Sunday. Credit: PTI

When Kashmiri Pandits say hum wapas aayenge, what does the return look like? And what does the Valley look like?

It can’t be the return of a terrified minority group. That’s where they were before 1989, and that history could still repeat itself. It can’t be the return to ghettos (or for the rich, gated communities) next to army barracks, like we have now.

It also can’t be a return to an apartheid Kashmir, where the Valley is divided into Muslim and Pandit enclaves, as some in the Kashmiri Pandit community have suggested. If we create another border in a divided state, another wall between these Kashmirs, will anyone be safe?

How would we apportion land between Kashmiri Muslims – who are 95% of the population – and Pandits, who would be 5% at most? Which areas? These supposed solutions will protract the conflict rather than allow KPs to return with security and honour.

A Kashmir where Kashmiri Pandits have full democratic and human rights, where they live as citizens without fear, can only be a Kashmir where everyone has these rights.

This future is only possible through a process of truth and reconciliation, allowing for both reparative and restorative justice. That could mean economic support for those whose homes were destroyed or taken over since 1990. It could mean rebuilding cultural and religious sites.

Also read: An Obituary in Exile: Remembering a Neighbourhood Panditji

But more importantly, it would mean active peacebuilding measures between Kashmiri Muslims, Kashmiri Pandits, and other communities. This is not work that needs to happen after justice is delivered, but simultaneously, if the Valley is to be home to both Muslims and Hindus.

Luckily, we can learn from similar efforts in South Africa, in Mindanao, in Northern Ireland and Colombia. If nothing else, both Kashmiri Pandits and Kashmiri Muslims have common ground in their losses and grief. It is in working through this grief that we may begin to see each other anew.

Instead, we are trapped in silos where the same horror stories reverberate, with no dialogue, and our grief turning into rage which creates more grief in the world.

Thirty years marks a generation, and a critical crossroads. We have a whole generation born since 1990, with entrenched trauma and little hope of healing – people whose only understanding is of a Kashmir torn and destroyed. On the other hand, there are those with memories of a shared existence, which now face the headwinds of oblivion.

The question we need to ask instead of “What about the Kashmiri Pandits” is this: Do we wish to extend lives of trauma and oppression for all Kashmiris, or to pivot back, lending our faith to a Kashmir where they all live with dignity?

Anmol Tikoo is a filmmaker and an educator currently living in Pune.

No Mainstream News in List of 153 Whitelisted Websites Under Kashmir’s First Govt Firewall

Conspicuously absent from the list that includes Gmail, Netflix, Zomato, Oyo Rooms and Paytm are news and social media websites.

New Delhi: While limited Internet and mobile connectivity services have begun in certain parts of the Jammu and Kashmir Union territory, residents will only be able to access 153 government-approved websites.

Details of this “whitelist” – which was first announced on January 14, when Internet service providers were ordered to install the necessary firewalls –  have now become public.

The websites that have been included the white-list fall under ten categories: mail (Gmail, Yahoo), banking (most prominent banks), education, employment, entertainment, services, travel, utilities, weather, web services and automobiles.

What is conspicuously absent though is any dedicated news website, a development that is concerning especially because traditional media have also faced issues in freely disseminating news in the union territory since August 2019. While Hotstar (which contains access to the feeds of certain TV news channels) and Reliance Industries-owned Moneycontrol.com (which publishes business news) are on the list, they are not mainstream or dedicated general news websites.

Also read: The SC Must Go Further and Recognise Access to Internet as a Comprehensive Right

In addition to this, social media websites like Facebook and Twitter have also not been allowed.

As the list below shows, the government has approved four-email services, 15 banking websites, three employment websites and over 35 educational websites.

Temporary Suspension of Telecom Services by The Wire on Scribd

The ‘entertainment websites allowed on the white-list include Netflix, Amazon Prime and Hotstar, while government websites such as income tax e-filing, passport and UIDAI can also be accessed.

Note: This story was updated at 5:25 PM to add that Hotstar, which is on the whitelist, contains access to the feeds of certain TV news channels.

2G Allowed for Post-Paid Mobiles in Two Kashmir Districts but Only to Access 153 Websites

The order allows people to have extremely limited access to the Internet over mobiles for the first time since August 5, 2019. Broadband internet remains banned.

Jammu: The government of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), in consultation with the security agencies on Saturday decided to restore 2G speed mobile internet services on post-paid mobiles across Jammu division and in two districts of Kashmir valley, allowing people there to have extremely limited access to the Internet for the first time since August 5, 2019.

However, access will be limited to a ‘white-list’ of 153 websites, which includes no news sites or social media.

The order issued by the home department of the newly carved Union Territory said there was no decision, as of now, on the remaining districts of Kashmir by the government, even as the situation largely remained peaceful after the scrapping of the special status of the erstwhile J&K state.

Two districts of Kashmir – Kulgam and Bandipora – can avail 2G internet services from Saturday until January 24, according to the order.

The other districts – Srinagar, Budgam, Ganderbal, Baramulla, Anantnag, Kulgam, Shopian and Pulwama – will have to wait a few more weeks, when the security agencies may recommend the restoration of internet services after assessing the situation.

Sharing details with mediapersons in Jammu, government spokesperson Rohit Kansal said 2G mobile data services on post-paid mobiles will be allowed in all ten districts of the Jammu region.

The government’s spokesperson said that the voice and SMS facility will be restored on all local pre-paid SIM cards across Jammu and Kashmir.

However, before activating the provision of mobile internet connectivity on such SIM cards, the telecom service providers will initiate a process for verification of credentials, which will be similar to the process followed when taking a post-paid connection.

Meanwhile, the Inspector of General of Police (IGP) in Jammu and Kashmir has been directed to ensure the implementation of the government’s directions. The directions will be effective from January 18 to January 24, 2020, unless modified earlier.

Also Read: No News in List of 153 Whitelisted Websites Allowed Under Kashmir’s First Govt Firewall

The government had earlier cited security concerns to block internet services across Jammu and Kashmir after the erstwhile state was bifurcated into two Union Territories. The administration has argued that the suspension of the Internet is necessary to cut off communication between militants who may be planning an attack after the Centre diluted Article 370 and to stop the spread of “rumours” and “fake news”.

Even as some peaceful protests against the government have occurred in Kashmir and Kargil (Ladakh), the situation has remained peaceful. The communication shutdown, however, is now in its sixth month.

People in Jammu, including student organisations, opposition political parties and civil society members, staging demonstrations forced the government to restore the Internet. Initially, it was restored in five districts of Jammu – Jammu, Kathua, Samba, Udhampur and Reasi. These districts have a strong BJP vote bank and resentment among the people pressurised the government to resume internet services, though only low speed connectivity was restored.

Last week, the Supreme Court said that a blanket Internet ban, without limiting it to a particular duration, violates the telecom rules. It also violates the freedom of speech and expression granted by the Constitution, the apex court said, asking the administration to review all restrictive orders within a week.

Kashmir: Wilting Crops, Closed Markets Push ‘Vegetable Boatmen’ Towards Bleak Future

After the August 5 shutdown, incomes have fallen drastically and a sense of disenchantment is creeping in among the community.

Even as the Dal Lake in Srinagar shrinks and chokes with pollution, it continues to sustain a livelihood for the haq haenz of Kashmir. Literally translating to ‘vegetable boatmen’ owing to the aquatic landscape that forms the backdrop of their agricultural practice, this community, living and farming on the interior fringes of the Dal, provides the Valley with some of its best haq and nadru. Amidst allegations of encroachment, the farmers invoke milkiyat, insisting that these marshes have been used by their families long before the very departments making these accusations were formed, and that cultivating them has been their traditional occupation down centuries.

Swamps are consolidated to form roughly quadrangular parcels of earth and separated by channels of water where shikaras patrol, creating the impression of lush islands, where several varieties of green leafy vegetables, turnips, cauliflowers, cucumbers, and tomatoes grow in abundance. The produce is first transported to wholesale markets around the Valley, to then be forwarded to individual shops at the neighbourhood level.

It is not a lucrative value chain to begin with, but the abject poverty that its stakeholders have now been subjected to, with the tight shuttering down of markets after August 5, 2019 is unprecedented. For the producers, suppliers, and sellers of Kashmir’s fruit and vegetable industry, the dilution of Article 370 and the slew of curfews and hartals that have broken out in the Valley in its wake, have brought about a reality far more sinister than can be fathomed. From a net-zero income over the month of August, this community has struggled over four months of lockdown to having only recently reached a fifth of what their income used to be till July.

While most of their spring and summer crops have rotted away to closed markets, fall and winter yields are being sold now at half of their actual prices in what appears to be an endless distress sale. Even with the markets slowly renewing operations, demand is yet to catch up with supply, and field after field of the current produces remain unharvested.

Riyaz Ahmed of Parimpora sabzi mandi.

On August 5 itself, Riyaz Ahmed of Parimpora sabzi mandi incurred a loss of Rs 20,000 as he was forced to let perish his entire stock of vegetables. Business has gone downhill since, and from making an average of Rs 50,000 per month to Rs 10,000. With this meagre sales, he must keep his shop running, braving the winter sleet with only a kangri for warmth and the cover of a tarpaulin sheet to keep out the rain. Closing operations because of bad weather is a luxury that sellers like him can no longer afford. And yet, as Riyaz points out himself, losses suffered by the producers working at the grass-root level have been far more devastating than his own. For every 15 carriers that used to source vegetables from farmers of the Dal Lake’s agricultural fringes for the Mandi, barely 5 make the trip now.

Thick mist rolls down the slopes of the Zabarwan mountains,

On the early winter morning when we set off to meet the producers, a thick mist rolls down the slopes of the Zabarwan mountains, engulfing the hilltop structures of the Shankaracharya Hill and the Koh-e-Maran. It camouflages the white dome of Dargah Hazratbal that can usually be relied upon to stand sentinel on the bank of Dal. Our shikara makes slow progress from the Nishat Ghat, gliding noiselessly across the lake – through the historic arch of Oont Kadal, past the few fishermen and fodder collectors who have ventured out defying the biting chill, and on to Moti Mohalla where the majority of Dal’s haq haenz live and work.

The settlement of Moti Mohalla.

From where our shikara moors under the willows, a raised dirt path leads into the settlement of Moti Mohalla. The area was badly affected by the 2014 floods and is visibly still struggling to recuperate. Clusters of seven-eight sheds and houses, some still being built, are organised around large open spaces that act as common work areas for residents. Odd pots, pans, and sacks line this central space where children play, livestock stand tethered upon layers of gently molding hay. Chicken and ducks peck listlessly away at the dirt, and tinsel from some festivity long past flutter and rustle overhead. It is a Kashmir very different from the picturesque image that tourists in the Valley are used to seeing and are discouraged from imagining.

Women sort and clean heaps of leafy greens.

In one of these open spaces, defying the general appearance of squalor sits a lively circle of women, sorting and cleaning through heaps of leafy greens. From preparing the earth to planting, from nurturing the crop to its harvesting, from sorting produce to its final packaging, it is the women that are in charge here. Men chip in only with the final steps of transporting and marketing the produce.

The women chat with us as their hands continue to work with practiced ease – sorting through the produce and making neat bundles of 7 -10 fresh leaves, each bundle tied together by their own stalk – to confirm what Riyaz has already told us at the mandi. From an average earning of Rs 6,000-7,000 per household per month, the income has come crashing down to Rs 1,000-1,500 now.

A shikara.

Nearby, 5 shikaras hover on the waters of an expansive nadr zameen – waters where the lotus plant is cultivated – gathering nadru, raw material for the celebrated Kashmiri delicacy that is the lotus tuber. Using a long stick attached with a sharp hook on one end, in one swift move they fish out pieces of nadru. In a day, between 100 and 250 pieces are gathered from the submerged lotus plantation, depending upon the quality of cultivation.

The extraction technique takes decades to perfect, and labourers gathering nadru usually earn around Rs 900 per day as skilled workers from actual owners of the plantations. But once again, with markets closed and demands reduced, they are now forced to work for a third of their wages, at only Rs 300 a day.

Youth give a tour of their family fields.

For the past five months, the youth of Moti Mahal have been idle. With their educational institutions functioned and their help not required in cultivation, they promptly agree to give us a tour of their family fields. While their lucid narration is proof of the immense first-hand knowledge of cultivation that they possess, their disenchantment is evident. They trample over the yellowing leaves of unharvested haq and turnips ripe for plucking. Both production and produce have ceased to hold any value to them, and they vow to abandon the profession as soon as they can.

Ali Mohammad, grand patriarch of one of the homes.

Ali Mohammad, grand patriarch of one of the older houses in Moti Mohalla is smoking his hookah in the sun, as his family of four sons and numerous grandchildren gather around him. Like others, their family has also been relying heavily on savings to cover household expenses since August 5. He hopes their savings will not run dry before December ends. Our conversation turns to the challenges that come with the new year, and surviving the chilla kalan (the forty coldest days of the Kashmiri calendar, when the Dal freezes over and life comes to a standstill in the Valley with sub-zero temperatures).

Allah Malik,” he says, resigned.

All photos by Parshati Dutta and Nawal Ali Watali.

Parshati Dutta is a cultural heritage researcher and photographer based in New Delhi. Nawal Ali Watali is a freelance photo-journalist from Jammu and Kashmir.

The SC Must Go Further and Recognise Access to Internet as a Comprehensive Right

Expanding the definition of the right to internet will ensure that a higher threshold is imposed on the state to deter disproportionate action.

Recently, while reviewing all orders of restrictions imposed in Jammu and Kashmir post the scrapping of the state’s special status, the Supreme Court declared that the indefinite suspension of the internet is not permissible and repeated shutdowns amount to an abuse of power.

More importantly, the court held that “the freedom of speech and expression and the freedom to practice any profession or carry on any trade, business or occupation over the medium of internet enjoys constitutional protection under Article 19(1) (a) and Article 19(1)” The court also held that the restrictions on internet have to follow the principles of proportionality under Article 19(2).

The judgement by the court follows the Kerala high court judgement in Faheema Shirin v. State of Kerala, where the right to internet access was recognised as a fundamental right forming a part of the right to privacy and the right to education under Article 21 of the constitution.

While this is definitely a positive development and adds to the nascent jurisprudence around the right to internet in India, the next step would be to recognise the right to internet as a comprehensive right, affecting multiple aspects of the lives of both individuals and communities.

In the current case, the court has confined itself to looking at the internet as a means of communication and of carrying on economic activity, but the internet plays a significantly bigger role in our lives. The internet’s role in nudging a shift from a resource-based economy to a knowledge-based economy, as well as the resulting socio-economic benefits is well acknowledged.

Also read: Why the SC Judgment on Kashmir Internet Shutdown Falls Short of Expectations

Internet access means access to actionable information, innovation best practices, access to finance and credit facilities, facilitation of entrepreneurship and an enhanced employment market. In terms of social benefits, internet access helps by facilitating and enabling an enhanced utility value of primary necessities, internet access can prove a useful accelerator in all social development objectives and targets of the Sustainable Development Goals. These involve elements as diverse as poverty and hunger, education, gender equality, child welfare, maternal care, the environment and partnerships between governments and service providers.

Exclusion from Digital Infrastructure and Access by the Digital Empowerment Foundation looks at the effect that internet access and digital literacy have on access to public entitlements. Specifically taking the example of government schemes directed towards securing the socio-economic livelihoods of marginalised communities, the report makes the argument that internet access, and the ability to use that access can enable genuine, cost-effective and timely information thereby increasing feasibility and efficiency of these programmes, for the individual, as well as the state.

A deserted view of a market during shutdown, in Srinagar, Friday, November 22, 2019. Photo: PTI

The lack of internet infrastructure and the skills required to use it can lead to exclusion and a higher cost for acquiring information about these schemes, and the ability to benefit from them.

In Kashmir, the internet shutdown has caused strains which go beyond communication and economic activity. Reports indicate that the loss to the state economy has exceeded $2.4 billion since the shutdown. Let’s take a look beyond these numbers. Families depending on the tourism industry, artisans selling handicrafts online, content creators leveraging the internet for distribution and revenue have all had their lived realities upheaved.

There have been personal narratives shared where people have not been able to contact family members, and have not been informed about important personal events including deaths in the family. People looking to apply for exams online, looking to access government schemes, even those looking for new employment have had to face costs and inconvenience which go beyond the standard.

Also read: The ‘Special Status’ of Kashmir’s Internet Must Go

The Guardian reported on how Save Heart Kashmir, which operated as a volunteer doctor network mainly over WhatsApp and helped to get instant diagnosis and sharing of reports over the internet has been shut down. Residents of Kashmir have been denied the benefits of Digital India, including the ability to get Aadhaar enabled services, file tax returns online, the convenience of digital transactions, among others. Trying to find out whether a family member is dead or alive goes beyond economic costs and the ability to communicate. This is a human cost.

The suppression of internet access is not a mere inconvenience to citizens and represents the suppression of something far more fundamental. It suppresses the ability to access information, work collaboratively, analyse information, access services and navigate socio-cultural networks.

In the 2017 US Supreme Court case of Packingham v North Carolina, the court unanimously struck down a law that limited access to social media and made it clear that the internet had transformed civic life and assumed the role of the modern ‘public square’.  In R v Smith & Other, a UK Court of Appeal case in 2012, it was held, in discussing the restrictions on internet access for convicted sexual offenders, that the internet was an essential part of everyday living’ and therefore a complete ban on its use, in this case, would be disproportionate.

Internet shutdowns undermine an individual’s trust in the reliability of digital mediums, having far-reaching consequences on the behavioural changes required to encourage adoption of technology.

Politically, it limits the platforms available for expressing dissent and communicating with the state, leading to a narrowed scope for democratic discourse. From a socio-cultural perspective, it cuts off access to the main platform for cultural expression today, i.e. social media.

Also read: Modi’s Digital India Comes Crashing Down in Kashmir’s Longest Ever Internet Gag

The government understands the importance of internet access and is running both infrastructure creation and digital literacy schemes for the same, but it’s important that to hold the state to account and to have a higher threshold for internet shutdowns, the right to internet must be recognised as an enabler not just for communication, or economic activity, but as a pathway to guaranteeing a better quality of life for all Indians.

Sumeysh Srivastava is the programme manager at Nyaaya, an initiative of the Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy. 

Why the SC Judgment on Kashmir Internet Shutdown Falls Short of Expectations

New Delhi: Nearly six months after the Centre disconnected the entire population of the Kashmir Valley from the internet following the withdrawal of special status to the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir on August 5 last year, the Supreme Court finally pronounced its judgment on a clutch of petitions challenging the shutdowns.

But though the 130-page judgment delivered by Justice N.V. Ramana, R. Subhash Reddy and B.R. Gavai makes a strong case for limiting the government’s power to restrict a citizen’s access to the internet, it has no explanation for why the court could not strike down restrictions which it found “unreasonable”.

The bench made it clear that an order suspending internet services indefinitely is impermissible under the Temporary Suspension of Telecom Services (Public Emergency or Public Service) Rules, 2017, and that suspension can be resorted to only for temporary duration. “Any order suspending [the] internet issued under the Suspension Rules, must adhere to the principle of proportionality and must not extend beyond necessary duration,” the bench held.

Finding that the existing suspension rules neither provide for a periodic review nor a time limitation for an order issued under it, the bench said that the review committee constituted under the suspension rules must conduct a periodic review within seven working days of the previous review, in terms of the requirements under Rule 2(6). The bench has also directed the competent authorities to review all orders suspending internet services forthwith.

Also read: Kashmir: Indefinite Suspension of Internet Not Permissible, Review Orders in a Week, Says SC

But what if such periodic review permits continuation of orders suspending the internet, thus making a mockery of the qualifier “temporary” before the word “suspension”? The bench appears to have no answers, except to say that any order suspending internet under the suspension rules is subject to judicial review.

What if the judicial review, guaranteed by the court, itself takes a long time to provide relief as in the present case? Again, the court has no answers, implying that the government could get away presenting a fait accompli, before the court could act, as in the meantime, the citizens subjected to unreasonable restrictions could have availed no immediate relief.

Among the court’s directions, the one given under paragraph (i) suggests whether the bench envisages the possibility that general internet services are not likely to be restored immediately. It says:

“In any case, the state/concerned authorities are directed to consider forthwith allowing government websites, localised/limited e-banking facilities, hospitals services and other essential services, in those regions, wherein the internet services are not likely to be restored immediately.”

Check on abuse of Section 144

The bench also made it clear that the state’s power under Section 144 CrPC – restricting a citizen’s freedom to move and assemble – could only be used to prevent danger, if it is in the nature of an “emergency” and for the purpose of preventing obstruction and annoyance or injury to any person lawfully employed. More important, the power under Section 144, the bench clarified, cannot be used to suppress the legitimate expression of opinion or grievance or exercise of any democratic rights.

Supreme Court. Photo: PTI

The bench’s insistence that an order under Section 144 CrPC should state the material facts to enable judicial review, and that it should be exercised in a bona fide and reasonable manner, and the same should be passed by relying on the material facts, indicative of application of mind is an important check on the future abuse of this power. The bench has made it clear that repetitive orders under Section 144 CrPC would be an abuse of power. This too would limit the arbitrary exercise of this power by the executive.

The bench directed the competent authorities to review the need for continuance of any existing orders under Section 144 in accordance with the law laid down in this judgment. This again could pave the way for future challenges, if the review, directed by the court, proves to be illusory.

Questions before the court

Rather than the operative part, however, it is the substantive discussion in the judgment which explains the compulsions of the bench in answering the prayers of the petitioners in the case. The two petitioners were executive editor of Kashmir Times, Anuradha Bhasin and senior Congress leader Ghulam Nabi Azad.

Also read: Centre, J&K Suppressed Orders Related to Communication Blockade, SC Told

The petitioners sought the setting aside or quashing of any and all order(s), notifications, directions, and or circulars issued by the government under which any/all modes of communication including internet, mobile and fixed line telecommunication services have been shut down or suspended or in any way made inaccessible or unavailable in any locality. They had also sought the immediate restoration of all modes of communication including mobile, internet and landline services throughout Jammu and Kashmir in order to provide an enabling environment for the media to practice its profession.

The third prayer was to ensure free and safe movement of reporters and journalists and other media personnel. Bhasin also prayed for the framing of guidelines ensuring that the rights and means of media personnel to report and publish news is not unreasonably curtailed. The bench chose not to answer this prayer.

A question of rights

The court said that the curtailment of internet access is a restriction on the right to free speech, and should be tested on the basis of reasonableness and proportionality. The procedure to be followed for restricting internet services is provided under the Temporary Suspension of Telecom Services (Public Emergency or Public Service) Rules 2017 (herein after “Suspension Rules”) which were notified under the Telegraph Act. The Suspension Rules indicate that the restriction imposed was of a temporary nature.

Ghulam Nabi Azad asked how the state balanced the rights of individuals, if it is assumed that there was some material available for the purpose of passing the orders under Section 144 CrPC. He said that the state had not indicated as to the necessity to block landline services. While there can be some restrictions, there can be no blanket orders, as it would amount to a complete ban, he submitted before the bench. A distinction should be drawn while imposing restrictions on social media/mass communication and the general internet. The least restrictive option must be put in place, and the state should have taken preventive or protective measures, he had pleaded. The bench accepted these submissions, but underlined that even the petitioners did not suspect anything mala fide in the restrictions.

Also read: No Social Media, Full Data Access to Cops: Kashmir Internet to Come With 6 Conditions

Azad also pointed out that internet restrictions also impinge on the right to trade. A less restrictive measure, such as restricting only social media websites like Facebook and WhatsApp should and could have been passed, as has been done in the country while prohibiting human trafficking and child pornography websites. Kapil Sibal, appearing for Azad, pointed to orders passed in Bihar and in Jammu and Kashmir in 2017, restricting only social media websites, and submitted that the same could have been followed in this case as well. The bench expressed its dissatisfaction that the respondents did not consider this option at all.

The bench has implicitly rejected the contention of Solicitor General Tushar Mehta that the jurisprudence on free speech relating to newspapers cannot be applied to the internet, as both the media are different. While newspapers only allowed one-way communication, the internet makes two-way communication by which the spreading of messages is very easy, Mehta had contended. It is not possible to ban only certain websites/parts of the internet, while allowing access to other parts; such a measure was earlier attempted in 2017, but it was not successful, Mehta had argued. But the bench remained unconvinced.

The Jammu and Kashmir administration opposed selective access to internet services based on lack of technology to do the same. If such a contention is accepted, then the government would have a free pass to put a complete internet blockage every time. Such complete blocking/prohibition perpetually cannot be accepted by this court, the bench said.

A Kashmiri woman walks past a jawan as he stands guard in front of closed shops during restrictions, after scrapping of the special constitutional status for Kashmir by the Indian government, in Srinagar, August 22, 2019. Picture taken August 22, 2019. Photo: Reuters/Adnan Abidi/File Photo

The bench saw no valid ground to refuse production of orders restricting free speech before the court.  While the state initially claimed privilege, it subsequently dropped the claim and procured certain sample orders, citing difficulty in producing all the orders before the court.

Freedom of speech and expression through the medium of the internet is an integral part of Article 19(1)(a) and accordingly, any restriction on the same must be in accordance with Article 19(2) of the constitution. Freedom of trade and commerce through the medium of internet is also constitutionally protected under Article 19(1)(g), subject to the restrictions provided under Article 19(6), the bench has held.

But the bench was reluctant to declare that right to access the internet itself is part of freedom of expression. “None of the counsels have argued for declaring the right to access the internet as a fundamental right,” the bench reasoned as a justification for not expanding this precious right, even though the right to carry on any trade or business under Article 19(1)(g), using the medium of internet is constitutionally protected.

Also read: Kashmir: Document Shows J&K Police ‘Monitoring’ Posts on Social Media

The bench rejected the petitioners’ contention that restrictions under Article 19(2) cannot mean complete prohibition. Relying on case law, the court found no basis for it. However, the court agreed that there should not be excessive burden on free speech even if a complete prohibition is imposed, and the government has to justify imposition of such prohibition and explain as to why lesser alternatives would be inadequate.

Citing US precedents, the court concluded that any speech which incites imminent violence does not enjoy constitutional protection.

“While the nation is facing such adversity, an abrasive statement with imminent threat may be restricted, if the same impinges upon sovereignty and integrity of India. The question is one of extent rather than the existence of the power to restrict,” the bench added.

“Complete broad suspension of telecom services, be it the internet or otherwise, being a drastic measure, must be considered by the state only if necessary and unavoidable. In furtherance of the same, the state must assess the existence of an alternate less intrusive remedy. The suspension rules have certain gaps, which are required to be considered by the legislature. One of the gaps relates to the usage of the word ‘temporary’ in the title of the suspension rules. Despite the above, there is no indication of the maximum duration for which a suspension order can be in operation. Keeping in mind the requirements of proportionality expounded in the earlier section of the judgment, an order suspending the aforesaid services indefinitely is impermissible. It is necessary to lay down some procedural safeguard till the deficiency is cured by the legislature to ensure that the exercise of power under the Suspension Rules is not disproportionate,” the bench reasoned.

A government, if it thinks that there is a threat to the law and order situation or any other such requirement, must follow the procedure laid down by law, taking into consideration the rights of the citizens, and pass appropriate need-based orders, the bench held.

SC judgment on Kashmir internet shutdown by The Wire on Scribd

‘Chillings effects’

But there is one aspect of this judgment which is likely to disappoint those who defend freedom of the press. The bench appears to have erroneously rejected Bhasin’s contention that the internet restrictions have had a “chilling effect” on the freedom of the press.

“To say that the restrictions were unconstitutional because it has a chilling effect on the freedom of the press is to say virtually nothing at all or is saying something that is purely speculative, unless evidence is brought before the Court to enable it to give a clear finding, which has not been placed on record in the present case,” the bench observed.

Bhasin claimed that she was not able to publish her newspaper from August 6 to October 11 last year. However, no evidence was put forth to establish that such other individuals were also restricted in publishing newspapers in the area.

“Without such evidence having been placed on record, it would be impossible to distinguish a legitimate claim of chilling effect from a mere emotive argument for a self-serving purpose. On the other hand, the SG submitted that there were other newspapers which were running during the same period”, the bench held, and quipped: “There is no justification for allowing a sword of Damocles to hang over the press indefinitely.”

But as the expression “chilling effect” suggests, individuals who suffer it, are unlikely to leave any evidence of having suffered it, because they would refrain from taking any risk, which could potentially invite the wrath of the government. Therefore, the argument on “chilling effect” of restrictions on internet on the freedom of expression could not be rejected merely because no evidence could be cited to buttress it.

Kashmir: Indefinite Suspension of Internet Not Permissible, Review Orders in a Week, Says SC

The apex court declared the internet as an important conduit for the facilitation of Freedom of Speech and Expression.

New Delhi: The Supreme Court on Friday stated that the Internet ban in Jammu and Kashmir without limiting it to a particular duration is not only violation of the telecom rules, but also of the freedom of speech and expression granted by the Constitution.

The three-judge bench comprising justices N.V. Ramana, R. Subhash Reddy and B.R. Gavai, after hearing a clasp of petitions challenging the constitutionality of the Centre’s decision to lockdown Jammu and Kashmir following reading down of Article 370 since August last year, pointed out that freedom of speech and expression includes the right to recieve and disseminate information.

The apex court asked the J&K administration to review all restrictive orders imposed within a week.

The Internet has been suspended for more than 150 days in Kashmir, making it the longest blackout in any democracy.

The court asked the administration to publish every order of restriction under Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) to enable those affected by them to challenge it. The bench added that any order passed will be subject to judicial review.

The court also observed that trade and commerce are dependent on the internet, and the freedom to practice such trade is constitutionally protected under Article 19(1)(g).

The bench said the government should follow the principles of proportionality to adopt less restrictive measures.

Justice Ramana began delivering the judgment by saying that the court has not “delved into the political intent behind the prohibitory orders”.

“Our limited concern is to find a balance regarding security and liberty of people. We only here to ensure citizens are provided their rights. We will not delve into the political intent behind the orders given,” Justice Ramana said, according to LiveLaw.

“Kashmir has seen a lot of violence. We will try our best to balance the human rights and freedoms with the issue of security”, he added.

Supreme Court of India in New Delhi. Credit: PTI/Atul Yadav

Petitioners had argued the restrictions were unconstitutional

The bench had reserved its judgment on a bunch of petitions challenging the constitutionality of the lockdown in Kashmir on November 27. Petitions had been filed by Anuradha Bhasin, the executive editor of Kashmir Times, Congress leader Ghulam Nabi Azad and some others. The petitioners argued that the restrictions imposed by the government failed to satisfy the tests of reasonableness and proportionality, which were laid down by the apex court in the Puttaswamy case.

They argued that the restrictions had paralysed the lives of 7 million people and that sectors like education, medical care, business, agriculture and tourism have been hit by the lockdown.

While advocates Vrinda Grover, Kapil Sibal, Dushyant Dave and Huzefa Ahmadi had argued on behalf of the petitioners, the Centre and J&K administration’s defence was carried out by the attorney general and solicitor general respectively.

The Centre and the J&K administration responded by submitting that the restrictions were necessary and in the interest of national security. They justified the internet ban as a necessary action to cut off coordination amongst militants. Terming these moves as preventive steps, they said the restrictions had resulted in the ‘historic’ decision being implemented ‘without bloodshed’.

In December, hearing a bunch of petitions challenging the ban on the internet by the Assam government in response to public protests against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, the Gauhati high court ordered the suspension to be lifted. It said the government had failed to show any evidence to satisfy the court that there were “disruptions on the life of the citizens of the state with incidence of violence and deteriorating law and order situation which would not permit relaxation of mobile internet services.”

SC judgment on Kashmir internet shutdown by The Wire on Scribd

Activists, political parties hail judgment

The J&K People’s Democratic Party (PDP), whose leader Mehbooba Mufti has been in detention since August, tweeted saying the judgment “reinstates our faith in the judiciary”.

Online civil liberties activists and lawyer Mishi Choudhary issued a statement praising the Supreme Court’s order to end the internet shutdown. She said the “dubious practice” of using Section 144 to shut the Internet down had “become a norm in the past few years”, resulting in India becoming the shutdown capital of the world.

“Although the order grants no immediate relief to the people of Kashmir who have been without internet for the past 159 days but review under Telecom Suspension Rules has been ordered. Let’s hope this is the end of this repressive practice unworthy of a democracy with ambitions of a digital superpower,” she said.

Choudhary praised the apex court for recognising, like the Kerala high court did, the right to freedom of speech and expression through the internet to be part of Article 19(1)(a). “Hopefully, from now on authorities will follow their own rules and not circumvent procedures to curb legitimate expression,” the statement adds.

Apar Gupta of the Internet Freedom Foundation noted in a series of tweets that the principal direction given by the Supreme Court is for an administrative review of the internet shutdown in Jammu and Kashmir with a week. “This almost seems that the primary function of judicial review has been avoided by the Supreme Court, which may have only laid down broad principles” on the impermissibility of an indefinite internet shutdown.

Reacting to the judgement, petitioner Anuradha Bhasin told The Wire, “I have not yet gone through the judgment word by word but from the gist of it I welcome it. I can see three significant points in the judgment. One, it has said that internet is a fundamental right and inviolable. Two, that the government can’t arbitrarily deny it for a prolonged period. Three, the government has to bring to public domain the reasons clearly why it took such a decision. This has a long term consequence.”

She, however, added that the judgment doesn’t bring immediate relief to the people of Jammu and Kashmir. “While it said that internet is part of fundamental rights but already it has already been five months. We can’t wish it away under what restrictions the media in Jammu and Kashmir have been working in these months. It is not merely about media rights and our privileges but it is also about media bringing to public domain the voices of people, the marginalised. So that way, it has impacted every person in Jammu and Kashmir.”

She said, “The ball is now in the government’s court and we hope that it would act on the lines of the spirit of the judgment.”