Despite the fact that his party, Makkal Needhi Maiam, is poised to garner 20% of the vote, making it a force to reckon with, Kamal Haasan’s inconsistent ideology could play a spoilsport.
In the Tamil film world, the term “get up” refers to the persona an actor assumes in a particular movie. Get up is the look and the feel the actor is projecting in that film and is often buttressed by a novel costume.
Every new Haasan movie brings with it a certain curiosity, if not excitement, over his “get up” in that film. If he cross-dressed in one, he would play a dwarf in another. In the next movie, he would assume 10 avatars – 10 different get ups in one film. In the first assembly election it is contesting, Haasan’s party, Makkal Needhi Maiam (MNM), seems to be seeking a ‘bit player’ get up, aspiring for the spoiler tag.
Though Tamil Nadu electoral politics is dominated by two fronts, there is always room for ‘bit players’ who together poll one in five votes typically. These parties attract voters who are dissatisfied with the DMK and the AIADMK fronts and are seeking an alternative. Some of them are caste-based, too.
The 2019 Lok Sabha elections showed that MNM was a serious contender for those 20% votes. In 2019, MNM candidates polled more than 10% of the votes in Chennai Lok Sabha constituencies as well as in Coimbatore city. In Madurai city, the MNM candidate clocked some 8% while his colleagues were noticed by voters in other urban constituencies like Tiruppur, Tiruchi and so on.
For 2021, Haasan has teamed up with two minor outfits with little electoral pull for practical reasons. The MNM is contesting in two-thirds of the assembly seats this time, largely in urban areas, while the rest have been left for his allies – the Indhiya Jananayaga Katchi (IJK) and Samathuva Makkal Katchi (SMK).
The IJK is headed by education baron T.R. Pachamuthu, aka Parivendar, while SMK, led by fellow actor Sarath Kumar, seeks to represent the prosperous Nadar community. At best, Haasan’s strategy may help him stay relevant in the future if voter identification with the Dravidian parties weakens. But that would require tremendous staying power and dedication to politics that he has not yet demonstrated.
Source of cash
Parivendar is the founder of the cash-rich SRM group of institutions that has spawned several for-profit companies in the information technology, healthcare, transport and media sectors. Parivendar was elected on a DMK ticket in 2019, but his political loyalties are not permanent. In 2014, he contested as an NDA candidate and lost.
Indhiya Jananayaga Katchi president T.R. Parivendar (L) and Samathuva Makkal Katchi president Sarath Kumar (R). Photo: Facebook.
Parivendar is among the few who made a smart move in the 1980s when the AIADMK government headed by M.G. Ramachandran opened up professional education to private players. Moving away from the pre-university system, the government beefed up lab facilities in its schools and introduced higher secondary education in them. This meant those finishing Class X could continue their studies in local schools and then aspire for college education while earlier the prospects of doing PUC in fewer colleges halted their progress.
For Tamil Nadu’s baby boomers who had benefited from the Dravidian parties’ commitment to widening education among the masses and job quotas for OBC youth, engineering and medical education promised a leap into prosperity. The opportunities came at a price though – hefty capitation fees.
MGR’s lieutenants were among the early movers in this field, setting up professional colleges that today are mega institutions in the state. Some of the education barons continue to play political roles that support their business interests.
DMK sources say Parivendar is angling for a ministerial position in the Modi government. And backing Haasan is a sure way to cozy up with the BJP since Haasan, who claims to have been inspired by Dravidian movement founder Periyar, can cut into DMK votes. In the Chepauk constituency in Chennai that has a substantial Muslim population, for instance, Haasan has put up a strong Muslim candidate who can eat into DMK votes even as the AIADMK front gave the seat to the PMK, which is a lightweight in Chennai. DMK president M.K. Stalin’s son, Udayanidhi Stalin, is contesting in Chepauk.
Inconsistent ideology
Ever since he started MNM, Haasan has been in the DMK’s cross-hairs. While many see Haasan as a Left-winger with Dravidian sympathies out to prevent urban middle-class votes from going to the BJP, Dravidianists have trolled him on social media, pointing to his caste origins and reading motives into his tweets and statements.
They see him as the BJP’s Trojan horse in Tamil Nadu. His defence of the controversial vice-chancellor of the state’s engineering university, a BJP appointee, showed his true colours, they said. Haasan is a Brahmin, and in Tamil Nadu politics that is baggage.
For his part, Haasan has kept his politics sufficiently vague. He criticises Dravidian corruption and pitches for non-professional politicians. It’s a slant that can attract urban middle-class interest.
Actor and Makkal Needhi Maiyam (MNM) president Kamal Haasan poses for photographs with his party candidates during a press conference, ahead of Tamil Nadu assembly polls, in Chennai, Wednesday, March 10, 2021. Photo: PTI.
Haasan’s tweets and videos are a troll’s delight, though. His views and ideas are delivered in classical Tamil and that, in and of itself, can be amusing.
Tamil, like Arabic, has two distinct forms – spoken and written. Tamil poetry is ancient while prose has a relatively recent history. Few people speak publicly in formal, written Tamil but Kamal has made it his trademark.
While Haasan appears to consider issues from various angles and be nuanced, critics find his style a case of deliberate obfuscation. Haasan publicly spoke against the rise of communalism in the 1990s and met then prime minister Narasimha Rao to discuss his concerns after the Babri Masjid was demolished. But his movie Hey Ram while standing for Gandhian ideals, seemed to rationalise the actions of the Hindu fanatic.
More recently, he supported Anupam Kher’s counter-campaign against ‘award wapsi’, in which a number of cultural and literary personalities returned their awards in protest against rising incidents of intolerance. His latest movies were about Islamist terrorism. Haasan’s inner circle continues to defend him, however, saying he is speaking from his heart what he considers to be the truth – even if that makes him inconsistent.
For Tamils, Haasan is the thinking actor, breaking new ground with his stories and acting. Though not formally schooled, Haasan is Tamil cinema’s intellectual heavyweight. He represents the ‘classes’ while Rajinikanth’s appeal is to the ‘masses’.
The Kamal-Rajini dialectic is not new. Before them were M.G. Ramachandran and Sivaji Ganesan. MGR was not particularly talented as an actor, but he was tremendously popular. People believed his heroic screen image and took it for real. The DMK helped to create the MGR persona and it stayed in the people’s minds until the end of his life, even after he formed the AIADMK.
Sivaji was the artist. He set standards in Tamil film acting though his theatrical style and histrionics are passé and have long been ridiculed for its excess. But, in his time, Sivaji was the epitome of film acting. His funeral was well attended and demonstrated nostalgia-driven respect for a legendary actor.
Sivaji was a flop in politics, however. Originally with the DMK, he moved to the Congress and later made a serious effort in electoral politics after MGR’s death. But Tamil voters did not accept him as a political leader. His first love was movies and politics seemed to be secondary to him.
In the mind of the electorate, Sivaji’s place was the movies where he could play hero, villain, comedian, drunkard, Karna of Mahabharata, and a middle-aged man with a shrewish wife seeking romance. Tamils loved his versatility. But, as a person, Sivaji did not have it in him, as far as Tamil voters were concerned. They didn’t take his politics seriously, nor did he command the political loyalty of the masses.
In Sivaji’s political career are warning signs for Haasan.
M. Kalyanaraman is a print and broadcast journalist based in Chennai.
A woman was applauded for receiving a ‘no-caste’ certificate, but for many, such a move would mean losing access to opportunities.
On February 5, 2019, a 35-year-old lawyer, Sneha Parthibaraja from Vellore district of Tamil Nadu, obtained a “no caste-no religion” certificate from the authorities concerned. Parthibaraja regarded it to be the culminating moment of her nine-year effort to assert her disbelief in caste. “When people who believe in caste and religion have certificates, why not issue certificates to people like us?” she remarked.
This act garnered a lot of praise and appreciation from various people, one of them being renowned film icon Kamal Haasan, who is also the chief of the newly constituted political party, Makkal Needhi Maiam (MNM) – a party that garnered close to 4% vote in Tamil Nadu on its debut in the 2019 general elections. Known for his pun-laden witticisms, Haasan posted two tweets (one in Tamil and the other in English) from his official twitter handle.
Dear Sneha,
You have actuated a long dormant desire among Indians. Let’s discard what never belonged to us. Let’s caste away Caste. From this point, a better tomorrow will be more accessible. Bravo daughter. Lead India forward. https://t.co/tdjngFiHWl
In his English tweet, he says, “From this point, a better tomorrow will be more accessible” and in his Tamil tweet, he says “Let us also ‘reserve’ space for those people who still adamantly claim that a casteless society is not possible.” A number of tweets with hashtags like #NoCaste and #NoReligion sprang up on social media platforms.
Picking up from the word ‘accessible’ from Haasan’s tweet, it can be argued that a caste certificate acts as an important tool that empowers the holder to claim her/his rights and opportunities. The document is instrumental in making the state more accessible to the person holding it and ensuring social justice. Three questions are pertinent here. What does giving up one’s caste certificate mean? Is it the same as giving up one’s caste or religion? If this starts as a movement, what are the implications of giving up one’s caste certificate?
To answer these questions, one needs to unpack two of the multiple faces or manifestations of caste; caste as a social reality, that is, the institution, and caste as a unit of governance, of which the certificate is an instrument.
Kamal Haasan has praised Sneha for receiving the certificate. Credit: PTI
Caste as a social reality
Caste is a tag that a person is born into, an ideology and not something that a person earns. The hierarchy, therefore, is given. For instance, Ambedkar observed, “…There is no such thing as caste. There are only castes…” In other words, Ambedkar argued that the system was thriving on relational terms and the underlying point of differentiation being ritual purity, that is, lower castes are impure and upper castes are pure.
He moves on to argue that this ritual hierarchy is internalised by every other caste, thereby making it a resilient system. It is defended not just by the upper castes, but also by the middle castes to secure their position in society. He also regarded this to be the reason for the naturalisation of violence in the name of caste. Therefore, the discrimination that needs to be fought is essentially the institution of caste, i.e., the state of mind and the notion of the discriminated in the minds of the discriminators.
Caste as a unit of governance
The other aspect of caste is as an identifier to facilitate governance. This aspect of caste can be traced back to the post-1857 period, when the British decided not to interfere in the personal affairs of its subjects. Nicholas Dirks argues that the British colonial administration that replaced local kingship in the post-1857 period is responsible for the caste system, as we know it.
Dirks even differentiates the conceptualisation of caste between pre-and post-1857 periods. To the early orientalists and explorers,
“[Caste] worked both to explain how Indian society could be orderly in the absence of either political authority or tradition, and why it was that Indian society would never become mobilized around the political aims of national self-determination…” (Nicholas Dirks, Castes of Minds: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India, 2001))
However, in the post-1857 period, studies on caste were done differently by the orientalists, and the reliance on material shifted from textual to empirical sources. Dirks observed:
Gone is the ubiquitous reliance on Manu; orientalism has become empiricist rather than textual…it also eclipsed earlier enthusiasms for things Indian, even if, as in the case of most early orientalists, these enthusiasms were exclusively for ancient Indian civilization (Nicholas Dirks, ‘Castes of Minds’, Representations, 1992).
In other words, caste was used as a tool to identify people and segregate them to govern, according to specific predicaments, be it backwardness – social or educational, discrimination – or place in society. Notably, to this day, the 1931 census serves as the government’s resource to intervene in the spheres of provision of rights, affirmative action and social welfare schemes.
Therefore, one could argue that a caste certificate is a representation of a social reality and not its perpetuator. It is an instrument which enables persons to negotiate with the state for their rights and opportunities. The rights and opportunities then equip people to improve their life conditions on the one hand and fight the discrimination they are subject to, stemming from the notion of ascriptive superiority, on the other. Diametrically opposite to Haasan’s claims, it is a document that promotes accessibility and an instrument to ensure social justice.
Notes of caution on giving up caste certificates
Parthibaraja justifies her act on two grounds. One, she has not availed any benefits that involve the caste certificate and two, she believes that she has the means to live without it. Further, she even appealed to people from all castes and religions who have the means to do well without these certificate to give them up, to help the needy sections get their due.
In this context, the reality is that the needy sections comprise a large proportion and there is a long way to go. For instance, why does a person get lynched when he sports a moustache? While most of us hate the lynch mob, can we surely say that by giving up his caste certificate, the victim would not have been lynched? In most cases of caste violence, victims live in close proximity to the perpetrators. So can we then say that the caste certificate is not an identifier for the perpetrator in the society and giving it up does not help with the problems of that realm? Moreover, in such an instance, if there was a “no-caste certificate,” the victim could not have filed a case against the perpetrator for the essence of the crime committed, under the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. On the archetypal question regarding its misuse, like in the case of any other instrument, there are instances of misuse of caste certificates. The question, however, is: Where do we locate the fault, in the misuser or in the instrument?
When seen together, Parthibaraja’s remarks give us a sense of her rejection of the idea of caste and her choice of not availing the ensuing benefits, which might not be the natural consequence of giving up of caste certificates. It is worth noting that the imagination of an equal and a casteless society starts at the end of the notion, acts and effects of discrimination on the grounds of ascriptive identities like caste. Thus, giving up caste certificates, may promote “caste-blindness” which is antithetical to the idea of a harmonious society in the Indian context.
Vignesh is a doctoral student at the King’s India Institute, King’s College London. He tweets @krvtweets.
Ilaiyaraaja, the superstar composer of the Tamil film industry, debrahmanised music and devalourised hierarchical values attached to the use of various instruments with his musical genius. In his 75th year, it is time to give him the plaudits he richly deserves.
Ilaiyaraaja, thy name spells magic.
It would be fitting to call Ilaiyaraaja the musical genius of the millennium from India. For the average south Indian, particularly Tamilians, it’s hard to escape Ilaiyaraaja – it doesn’t matter if you live in India or belong to the global Tamil diaspora.
A composer for more than a thousand films with a whopping number of 8,000 and more songs recorded, and more hits than anyone else in a career spanning four decades, Ilaiyaraaja is nothing short of a legend.
Given the strong aural culture in the Tamil context, his songs and music often convey political messages and are an integral part of social events and ceremonies. They provide linguistic and regional pride as well as aesthetic pleasure. It’s clear to see how well his work is received – on social media, many have written about how his music has gives meaning to many emotions, from happiness to sorrow, trauma, excitement, dullness, tenderness, anger, and peace. Beyond the individual impact, his work, given the broader social context it has served, provides social meaning in terms of identity for communities and groups.
Music legend Ilaiyaraaja stands out with his phenomenal achievements bringing in structural changes within the Tamil film world. Hailing from a humble background and rural hinterlands, he took elements of everyday life and brought them to cassettes and the screen and wove magic in the world of music.
Ilaiyaraaja’s mural on the wall of a hut in Panniyan village in Madurai, Tamil Nadu. Credit: Facebook
Born in Pannaipuram village in Theni district, he had a meteoric rise as a music composer. Ilaiyaraaja worked with famous music directors like M.S. Viswanathan, Salil Choudhury, G.K. Venkatesh and such, while simultaneously trying to compose his own music. Ilaiyaraaja now stands as a colossus in terms of being a cultural ambassador for Tamil culture. He has scored music for films in Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, Malayalam, Hindi and Marathi films.
Ilaiyaraaja’s 75th birthday on June 2, 2018, which should have been a landmark event, went largely unnoticed because of the highly traumatic events in the form of state violence that took away 13 lives in the anti-Sterlite protests.
In an attempt to fill that gap, this article discusses the music maestro’s contributions while trying to understand it in a sociological context. I look at Ilaiyaraaja’s music as a social phenomenon and the experience of listening to it or the act of consuming it in terms of a social fact.
Ilaiyaraaja provided music that satisfied the expectations of large sections of society – which includes the working classes and the rural masses – and brought attention to their way of life and gave meaning to their emotions, desires, sorrows, anxieties and struggles.
In the song Pattale Puthi Sonnar (through songs he expressed morality) in Karagattakaran in 1989, the lines “Ezhaikalum Yeval Adimaigalaai Iruppadhai Pada Sonnargal” (they asked me to sing how the poor were toiling and living as slaves), exemplify that.
Ilaiyaraaja was in many ways a trendsetter. His entry into films in the late 1970s was an era of new ideas in Tamil cinema, a period which saw the breaking up of star system associated with the ageing stars, M.G. Ramachandran and Sivaji Ganesan. Dravidian cinema almost reached the level of saturation with its intent to homogenise culture and taste. However, the period between 1976 and 1985 ushered in a new wave with ‘partly realistic and anti-sentimental stories’. Ilaiyaraaja as a creator not only exemplified this era but stood as a catalyst bringing in phenomenal changes and one such big change was neo-nativism and representation of authentic rural lives.
According to film historian Theodore Baskaran, “No other artiste’s career symbolises the popularity and hold of film music, as does Ilaiyaraaja’s”. For the Tamil diaspora, Ilaiyaraaja has emerged as a cultural force. Ilaiyaraaja’s innovative creations in music took the audience to a new world, a different listening experience, the songs in his debut film Annakili (1976) were authentically folksy and it changed the way the film music was composed. Ilaiyaraja revolutionised film music, for the first time we had what was a blend of Indian classical music, Western classical music and folk music of the Tamils. Another important contribution was his orchestration, which was hitherto unknown in Tamil cinema. In many films he has demonstrated his skill over Carnatic music, handling some difficult ragas in national award winning films (Kadhal Oviyam, 1982), (Sindhu Bhairavi, 1986), (Salangai Oli, 1985) and (Rudraveena, 1988).
From a Carnatic music perspective, as pointed out by Carnatic singer T.M. Krishna, what makes Ilaiyaraaja interesting is the way he composed many tunes based on “Carnatic ragas and juxtaposed them with complex harmonies”. He gave examples of songs like “Poonkadhave” (Nizhalgal, 1980) and “Anandaragam” (Panneer Pushpangal, 1981) as reflecting such attempts, which was untried at this level in Indian film music. He says that though composers like M.S. Viswanathan and T.K. Ramamurthi had used Carnatic ragas as the basis for melodies in 1960s, their instrumentation did not have this Western classical approach.
Ilaiyaraaja, on the other hand, was largely successful in bringing together unconnected elements from different musical traditions. Within a few years after his entry in the late 1970s, he had formed the nucleus of Tamil film industry and almost rose to become a superstar in his own right.
Superstar musician
Scholars working on South Asia and particularly on South India are always amazed about the importance of films and other forms of visual and aural cultures. One of the crucial elements of research in the land of the Tamils is to understand the significance of popular culture and mass movements. Sara Dickey’s classic Cinema and the Urban Poor in South India on the culture of fandom in Tamil Nadu stands out as an example. It paved the way for further such investigations in the cultural domain. MGR, Rajnikanth, Chiranjeevi all had a sway over large populations of people and became demigods of sorts, inspiring ethnographies of their influence and fan clubs.
Rajinikanth in a still from his film Kabali.
In states with a strong visual culture tradition and an ocularcentric discourse such a phenomenon might be expected, however, it is surprising in some sense to note that Ilaiyaraaja as a musician and a performer has a similar aura. Though there might not be fan clubs on the public domain or established practices of fandom he still has the sanctified presence that only film stars and charismatic politicians are guaranteed. Another name I could think of here is the late Tamil Nadu CM Karunanidhi.
In the heydays of cinema hall culture, moviegoers clapping for title credits of heroes were not uncommon, but people did that maybe for the first time in Tamil film history when the name of Karunanidhi appeared on screens during the iconic film Parasakthi and they followed it for him later too. Likewise people did that during the 1970s and 1980s when Ilaiyaraaja’s name appeared on screens.
Credit: Pasma Vibhushan website
Ilaiyaraaja as a superstar musician became a highly marketable commodity – producers and directors queued to book him. Ilaiyaraaja, who was making music for almost 40 films a year, regularly lived up to expectations and satiated the public’s thirst for easily comprehensible high quality music and made his mark as a central figure in the Tamil film industry. For close to three decades, he dominated the industry like no other; more than just a few films were made just keeping him in mind. Indicating a landmark, his every hundredth film was marked along with his name in the title credits – the 100thfilm was Moodupani in 1980, 400th was Nayakan in 1987 , the 500thAnjali in 1990 and 1000th film Tharai Thappattai in 2016.
Numerous film lyrics were penned keeping him in mind, the song “Sangeetha Megam”, (Udhaya Geetham, 1985) had lines capturing his stardom, “Naalai En Geethame Engum Ulavume, Endrum Vizhave en Vaanile” (Tomorrow my tunes will rule the world and its always carnival under my sky), in Sathya (1988) the song Valaiyosai has a line “Ragangal Thaalangal Nooru Raja un Perum Sollum Paaru” (Hundreds of Ragas and Talas will spell thy name Raaja) and “Madai Thiranthu” (Nizhalgal, 1980) was written and filmed depicting his rise as a music composer.However the top on this list was the song “Raaja Rajadhi Raajan indha Raaja” (This king is not just a king but a king of kings) (Agni Natchathram, 1988) that was solely written for him.
In the words of T.M. Krishna, “I don’t think any film composer in the country irrespective of whichever industry you talk about has displayed his kind of a width of a musical understanding and adaptability. I’ve met him many times and it is unbelievable the kind of music the man has done.”
Explaining Ilaiyaraaja’s genius, he said that it’s highly unfathomable the way he can adapt and create music, and said that’s what makes Ilaiyaraaja an absolute master. Cultural critic Sadanand Menon says that Ilaiyaraaja’s music is quite dense with a lot of cultural markers. “Raaja’s music creates itself around and inhabits culturally identifiable frames, whether classical or semi-classical or folk.”
As pointed out above, Ilaiyaraaja brought in elements of his subjective experience into musical forms, which acted as cultural markers. His music brought in a hitherto unknown sense of collective and individual attachment to the cultural product and it cut across different classes of people and communities within the social and economic milieu.
Sound of the subaltern
Ilaiyaraaja changed the rules of music composition bringing in new dimensions. He paved the way for a fresh, down-to-earth wave of creative artistic flavour tinged with elements of rural and folk practices. Though music of the previous generation had songs talking about the plight of the workers and peasants it did not provide them in a way it was experienced. Theodere Baskaran says that folk music has been used earlier, but quite functionally through classical music idiom. Ilaiyaraaja brought music in with its soul, with its earthy, rooty characteristics. He used authentic instruments like tharai and thappattai (Parai drums) that were traditionally considered polluting to provide an authentic musical experience.
I would like to indicate two songs from my own experience as an ethnographer that have inspired left and Dalit activists in the state and are popularly used during protests and other events. First, the song “Manidha Manidha Ini Un Vizhigal Sivandhal Ulagam Vidiyum”, (The world awakens when your eyes turn red in rage) written by famous Tamil lyricist Vairamuthu in (Kann Sivanthal Mann Sivakkum, 1983), is a song of awakening and since has become the anthem of the Left in the Tamil Nadu featuring an essential part of their demonstrations and meetings and particularly to commemorate the May Day rallies and events. The song starts off with a haunting violin piece and slowly raises tempo to rebellious victory parade congruence, the picturisation provided a fillip to the feel of the song. Ilaiyaraaja’s later song “Ezhugave Padaigal Ezhugave” (Rise ye force Rise) (Mr. Bharath, 1986) penned by Vairamuthu also formed this oeuvre of popular demonstration and protest songs in Tamil Nadu.
Another song that is a big hit and regular feature in all temple festivals and other commemorations in southern Tamil Nadu, organised by members of Devendra Kula Vellalar community, is the song “Poradada oru Vaallendhada Ini Vengaigalo Thoongadhada” (Herald a sword and fight, the Tigers wont be lull anymore) from the film Alai Osai (1985). This authentic folk song penned by lyricist Ilayabharathi, which celebrates and calls for anti-caste defiance, is often referred to as the ‘Devendra song’ and forms an integral part of identity building consciousness against the dominance of intermediate castes in the southern region. Incidentally, in a sense of historical antagonism between the Devendras and Thevars, it was Ilaiyaraaja’s infamous song “Potri Paadadi Pennae”, the genealogical praising of the Thevar caste in the film Thevar Magan (1992) which has ever since become the anthem of the Mukkulathors that is used in competition against the former.
South Tamil Nadu has been historically a centre of various traditions of ballads, folklore, dance and drama and Ilaiyaraaja, who comes from that background, influenced the emergence of nativism and neo-nativism as genres in Tamil cinema. Filmmakers came up with a lot of village-centric subjects highly dependent on his music. Right from Annakili in 1976, Padhinaru Vayathinile in 1977, Rosappoo Ravikkaikari in 1980 and over the years a series of films with neo-nativist subject being produced giving us heroes like Ramarajan and Rajkiran, it wouldn’t be an exaggeration to say that the ‘village hero’ as a centre of filmic imagination was made possible by Ilaiyaraaja. To give one example of the rural life-reel connect; his earthy authentic folksy number “Pallakku Kuthiraiyile Bavani Varum Meenatchi” (Goddess Meenakshi sauntering on a palanquin horse) in 1990’s Periya Veetu Pannaikaaran wonderfully rendered by Malasiya Vasudevan is a quintessential feature of the annual Chithirai Festival in Madurai where lakhs of people gather.
Highlighting much on this subaltern connect of Ilaiyaraaja’s contributions senior BBC journalist Sampath Kumar said that Ilaiyaraaja has taken music in different forms to the least initiated common people including slumdwellers, and his music has reached all irrespective of caste and class. His work brought respectability to folk music and popularised it while also taking classical Carnatic music to all.
Talking further about the hierarchy in music Sampath says that Carnatic music concerts are attended only by a few even among the upper castes, but Ilaiyaraaja through his music simplified it so that the common man without even a rudimentary knowledge or training in music is able to enjoy classical ragas. While placing his critique on T.M. Krishna, he says that ‘When Ilaiyaraaja composed a Thyagaraja kriti in a raga different from the original, this avant garde musician Krishna, who wants to change everything in music, cried foul and questioned Ilaiyaraaja.’
Ilayaraja. Credit: Twitter
Krishna, I think, may have changed his opinion about Ilaiyaraaja now. Nevertheless, the latter’s rising popularity in the 1970s and experiments with classical music during early 1980s did not go well with the Carnatic music purists and there was a strong resistance. As MSS Pandian informs us in his 1990 article tiled ‘Tamil Cinema and Cultural Elites’, the well-known music critic Subbudu, who is known to be a purist of classical music, compared the popularity of Ilaiyaraja’s music to drug addiction. For him, “Raja’s music was similar to swallowing a pill to get rid of a headache and without any lasting value.”
At another level, given llayaraja’s enormous success, there are attempts to recuperate him within the elite scheme of things by invoking his proficiency in classical music. Classical musician Semmangudi Sreenivasa Iyer said, “Ilaiyaraaja is a brilliant man. He went to London and conducted a symphony with big-time composers; and they had listened to him and appreciated him… He knows our (classical) music… Now he is dishing out some easy music. I think he will slowly increase the dose of high class music and make people knowledgeable about carnatic music.”
This statement, Pandian says, mobilises both Ilaiyaraaja’s competence in classical music as well as the ideology of uplift to recuperate him as part of the elite universe. However, over the years, unable to resist his growth, the Music Academy, the citadel of the tradition bound purism in music, invited Ilaiyaraaja to inaugurate their music festival in December 2017. Though the move was criticised, many within the institution supported it. This proved not only the institution’s acceptance of the maestro but also aids in mapping his rise to the elite universe of ‘pure classicism’.
King of BGM and cassette culture
BGM (background music) as part of film music is a key element in supplementing the emotional content of a filmic narrative. One of Ilaiyaraaja’s greatest strengths and contributions is his BGM scores. For the first time in Indian film history, BGM was scored with utmost minutiae to synchronise with the visual images. Ilaiyaraaja has complete mastery over this aspect of musical composition. His acumen and knowledge on the aesthetics of cinema and understanding of the role of music in films are what set him apart. His BGMs augment the narrative in the most effective ways in musically expressing the unspoken thoughts and unseen implications that underlie the film’s narrative.They provide strength to the visual experience.
Comparisons can be odious, but if Hollywood can be proud of Nino Rota, Bernard Herreman and Ennio Morricone, then the Tamil film world has Ilaiyaraaja.
According to the website Taste of Cinema, he holds a place among these legends as one of the world’s top 25 accomplished film music composers. Ilaiyaraaja’s knowledge of cinema is evident in his background scores, which add a new dimension to it. For example, his films like 1978’s Mullum Malarum, Uthiripookal in 1979, Johnny in 1980, Moodupani in 1980, Moondram Pirai in 1983, Salangai Oli in 1985, Mudhal Mariyadhai in 1985, Kadalora Kavithaigal in 1986, Aan Paavam in 1986, Padikkathavan in 1986, Poovizhi Vaasalile in 1987, Nayagan in 1987, Geethanjali in 1988, Captain Prabhakaran in 1990, Idhayam in 1991, Thalapathi in 1991, Thevar Magan in 1992, Pithamagan in 2003, are films that stand out for their re-recording, providing a great lift to the viewing experience and since has been individually remembered for that. It was no surprise that he bagged the first national award constituted for the background music score for the Malayalam movie Pazhassi Raja in2009. There are YouTube channels with a great collection of playlist of Ilaiyaraaja’s BGMs, something that not many film music composers in India can be proud of.
During Ilaiyaraaja’s reign, there were a string of movies that were specially made keeping in mind his songs and background scores, films with protagonists as stage singers emerged as a new phenomenon then. Films with little known stars like Mohan (who eventually was referred as ‘Mike Mohan’ for his numerous silver jubilee films as stage singer), Murali and later Ramarajan as a rural folk singer were running to full houses. Ilaiyaraaja played a key role in the superstardom of Rajnikanth and Kamal Hassan giving them one major hit after another for almost two decades. He gave life to numerous budding talents in the Tamil film industry and made heroes out of lesser-known stars like, Mohan, Murali, Ramarajan and Rajkiran who despite their histrionic skills are largely remembered through the songs in their films. Almost all the major directors in the Tamil film industry right from the late 1970s have worked with Ilaiyaraaja and utilised his musical genius.
One of the interesting facts during the days of ‘cassette culture’ was using compact cassette with varying playback lengths normally ’60’ and ‘90’ and getting them recorded with our own list of songs. Though not legal it was largely the practice then. A few owners of those recording centres said that songs like “Kanne Kalaimane” (Moondram Pirai,1983), “Ilaiya Nila Pozhigiradhe”(Payanangal Mudivathillai, 1982) “Ilamai Enum Poongatru”(Pagalil Oru Iravu, 1980), “Nilave Vaa”(Mouna Ragam, 1986), “Poongathu Thirumbuma”(Mudhal Mariyadhai, 1985) were recorded on a daily basis for various music lovers.
Ilaiyaraaja’s non-film albums (How to Name It?, 1986), (Nothing But Wind, 1988) (Thiruvasagam: A Crossover, 2005) were critically acclaimed.
When I recently met cultural anthropologist Amanda Weidman, who specialises on the cultures of music, she told me that the special thing about Ilaiyaraaja’s music is his brilliant use of the flute as a key instrument in his compositions. His Nothing But Wind (1988) featuring the classical flutist Hariprasad Chaurasia exemplifies that.
Raaja the Singer
Another dimension of Ilaiyaraaja as a musician is his singing skills. Ilaiyaraaja in his own words was a singer by accident, but his voice became synonymous with providing a rustic but evocative feel. He went on to sing numerous title songs leading to a growing sentiment in the industry that if he sings the title song the film will be a hit. His title songs in Malaiyur Mambattiyan (1983), Karimedu Karuvayan (1985), Enga Ooru Pattukkaran (1987) gave such a rustic feel. Ilaiyaraja’s two title songs stand out as haunting lullabies and even to this day are remembered with a great sense of attachment by music lovers, “Aey Indha Poongatru Thalatta” (Uthiri Pookal, 1979) and “Thenpandi Cheemaiyile Therodum Veedhiyile” (Nayakan, 1987). Through songs like this he redefined the existing grammar of vocal representation that associated melody and pathos with certain singers and brought his own voice to change that norm.
Despite singing highly melodious duet numbers like “Ponnoviyam” (Kazhugu, 1980) and “Poo Malaiye Thol Serava” (Pagal Nilavu, 1985), his voice was somehow associated with a melancholic voice of pathos invoking highly emotional background songs independent of the characters in the movie and also mother sentiment songs matching perfectly with voices like that of actors like Rajkiran. However, in 1995, he came up with a composition in his own voice that left many music lovers in awe, “Thendral Vandhu Theendum Podhu” (Avatharam, 1995) giving musical meaning to a romance between a blind lady and a struggling street drama artiste, a soul stirring masterpiece which evokes meaning to the best of human emotions.
Dominating the digital era
The digital era has brought in numerous changes, first, more than ever before the ubiquity of music in everyday life is real and it’s happening. Enjoying music has not only become portable but technological developments meant that tiny palm-filling devices have ensured its ubiquity.
One of the things that gave a lot of anxious moments to Ilaiyaraaja’s fans was the entry of a number of newcomers such as A.R. Rahman, who largely became the faces of a new digital transformation in the field of film music that happened during the early 2000s. This was also the time film watching and the listening experience was undergoing a huge transformation, there was a decline in the ‘cassette culture’ and was replaced by CDs and MP3 formats. The video hosting service YouTube also became the most important platform for music.
However, as a great exponent of western classical music, Carnatic music, folk and his strength in conducting manual orchestration, Ilaiyaraaja stood his ground despite the digital wave. In fact the emergence of New Media and digital era did nothing but cement his place as the most celebrated Indian musician beyond generations. Various forms of new media and social media have got him much closer to his fans and are making music lovers feel his genius in a more complete way.
A basic browsing on YouTube will reveal that only a very few could match Ilaiyaraja among all the musicians in India to have various playlists categorising each aspect of musical composition, a special section on just BGMs alone, a special playlist on lullabies, on love songs, on sad songs, on folk songs, on kuthu paatu (rustic beats) on melodies and more. Even today Ilaiyaraaja’s theme music and songs remain the most sought after when it comes to ‘hello tunes’ and ‘caller tunes.’ His Mouna Ragam (1986) and Nayakan (1987) film theme music are still big hits among today’s youth. True to the popular adage that ‘class is permanent’; it is his ability to flourish in spite of these numerous changes that makes Ilaiyaraaja a phenomenon, unlike any other music composer in Indian cinema.
Conclusions and criticisms
There are criticisms that Ilaiyaraaja is inimical to his underclass and rural origins and has delivered aesthetically refined sophisticated music largely catering to middle classes. This criticism is the one that is most commonly cited against members of the subaltern classes who have risen to shine in their respective fields and Ilaiyaraaja is not an exception here. The burden of getting typecast on one hand and the aspiration to scale greater heights within the elite universe of music which is heavily hierarchical can drag people down, but what Ilaiyaraaja has achieved so far is remarkable.
As pointed out by T.M. Krishna, had Ilaiyaraaja’s music remained just subaltern, he would not have reached this level of superstardom. One has to keep in mind that Ilaiyaraaja is capable of providing a rich piece of classical composition like Rudra Veena (1988), Sindhu Bhairavi (1986) and Thiruvasagam (2005) and at the same time can provide not only highly folksy music in films like Karagattakaran (1989) and Villupaatukkaran (1992) but also provide rustic subaltern music in Tharai Thappattai (2016) and songs like “Podhuvaga En Manasu Thangam” (1980) and “Annathe Aadurar” (Aboorva Sagotharargal, 1988), where a lot of Parai (traditionally considered to be polluting) drumming is used.
Another criticism is that given his theist beliefs, he refused to score music for the biopic on social reformer Periyar E.V. Ramasamy. This is the most absurd and lazy criticism to be levelled against him. He has composed music for many films with rationalist themes and songs for characters propagating rationalist ideas. To give an example, the song “Kadavul Illada” (There is No God) in 1997’s Kadavul and the song for the shelved Kamal Hassan project Marudha Nayagam have lines like “Madham Kondu Vandhadhu Saathi indrum Manushana Thorathudhu Manu Sonna Needhi”(Religion brought caste, Manu’s Law is still chasing/ruining the humans). It was out of differences with the film’s director that he refused to score music for the film.
We have to remember that Ilaiyaraaja, with his musical genius, in fact debrahmanised music and devalourised hierarchical values attached to music with his use of various instruments. He has paved the way for a new generation of musical composers, but remains at the very pinnacle of his profession. In his 75th year, it is time to give him the plaudits he richly deserves.
Karthikeyan Damodaran is a Visiting Fellow, Centre for Modern Indian Studies, University of Goettingen, Germany.
Members of the cinema industry have only been constructing such narratives that will make it easier for film stars of the future to ascend into chief ministership.
It is widely held that the people of Tamil Nadu have a unique susceptibility to the silver screen. Not only confused outsiders, but also knowing insiders, wealthy enough to be detached from popular politics, have pointed this out as though it conclusively explains conclusively Tamil Nadu’s political present. This misconception, which is really a disguised way of calling a people “idol worshippers”, has made it as far the New York Times.
No one who has seen the fervour J. Jayalalithaa inspired can deny that we have a problem distinguishing between fantasy and reality. But who doesn’t? Fantasy structures reality; it is the basis on which we make sense of the world. The Dravidian movement realised this sooner than most and exploited cinema’s potential as an ideological weapon to mobilise the masses. It was through films like Parasakthi (1952) that the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam was able to overthrow C. Rajagopalachari’s Congress government in the state.
Art v. propaganda
From the beginning, these films glorified the movement’s leaders (Parasakthi ends with stock footage of Periyar, C.N. Annadurai and M. Karunanidhi giving speeches), staging calculated echoes between the way their imagined heroes acted and the way they acted themselves. To their credit, however, this was not pure self-promotion: they were genuinely committed to promoting the ideals of the self-respect movement.
This commitment disappeared with M.G. Ramachandran (MGR), whose rise to power represents the culmination of the method the Dravidian movement began to develop in the 1950 – of using cinema unto political ends. M.S.S. Pandian’s The Image Trap (1992) presents a detailed analysis of how MGR used film to attain and maintain power.
MGR’s example is the one current film stars with political ambitions (Rajinikanth, Kamal Hassan and Vijay) seek to emulate: promising in speeches that all that’s required to solve the people’s problems is a good and capable man while, on screen, they play good and capable men solving the people’s problems. Recently, Rajnikanth promised that he will rule as well as MGR did, although he has been trying to position himself as MGR’s successor since at least Sivaji (2007).
This is why – given the amount of inbreeding between politics and film – it is confusing that Pa Ranjith, an Ambedkarite, would allow Rajinikanth with his “spiritual” politics and his proximity to the Bharatiya Janata Party to play Dalit Bahujan heroes in Kabali (2016) and Kaala (2018, forthcoming).
In the same vein, Karthik Subbaraj’s next film, expected to release next year, will also star Rajinikanth and gives rise to similar wonderment.
Subbaraj used to work in the IT industry. He got the opportunity to make his first feature-length film through Nalaiya Iyakkunar (Tamil for ‘Tomorrow’s Director’), a reality TV show where his work displayed an unusual confidence with variegated, intricate plots. His first two films, the horror-comedy Pizza (2012) and Jigarthanda (2014), a film about the Madurai underworld, revealed a love of elaborate plots and a tendency to play with genre. His third film, Iraivi (2016), was no different in this regard but it possessed a darkness and edge the other two didn’t. It delights in the macho, in artfully staged gratuitous violence, but it is also shot through with a deep shame that points beyond the events in the film to the entire history of Tamil cinema. This was, Subbaraj admitted, an attempt to be a “socially conscious filmmaker”.
In more cynical hands, ‘social consciousness’ would have manifested as a monologue by a male hero, poised to deliver to grateful and admiring women the justice they have so long been without, laden with quotations from male national heroes (Subramania Bharati or Thiruvalluvar). In Iraivi, there is no cathartic resolution. Instead of drawing attention to its noble intentions, it dissolves them into its artifice. It is art, not propaganda.
Highlighting symptoms, not causes
The poster for Karthik Subbaraj’s ‘Mercury’ (2018). Source: Twitter
Subbaraj’s sound film Mercury was released on April 13, 2018. It is set in Kodaikanal, in a (not so) alternate future where the mercury factory, as well as the wider town contaminated with lethal deposits of the heavy metal, have been abandoned by its owner, Unilever. Mercury exposure has left the population hearing- and speech-impaired. The characters communicate with signs. The film focuses on a group of twenty-somethings – three men and a woman.
On a joyride in the hills late one night, the group accidentally kills a man, or so they think. The end credits inform the audience that the film is dedicated to “all victims of corporate greed”. Alongside the names of actors, producers, etc., viewers are presented with potted histories of other famous instances of corporate crime, including Bhopal and Minamata.
But this history of corporate crime only appears in the credits. In fact, even Unilever’s crime is barely engaged with. In the opening scene, the main characters are seen editing a video. Stills on their laptop show a stage. Mimes, violinists act and play in front of a black banner that screams “Stop poisoning us”. However, the first half is preoccupied with a romance between the woman and one of the men, and an accidental murder.
The film’s centrepiece film, a.k.a. almost the entire second half, finds the main characters lost in an abandoned factory (a sign above its gate says “Corporate Earth”), where they are being pursued by the man they thought they had killed.
But instead of thinking through its subject matter, the film has spent its energies thinking about how to maintain the pace and conventions of a thriller without dialogue. Subbaraj had only visual language to keep in suspense and shock his audience. He manages this with precise yet jolting cinematography and vivid and expensive set design. As a thriller set in a dystopian future, thrill is all Mercury has to do.
At the same time, dystopian fiction is not about imaginary futures in which the present is rendered barely visible; it is to distill contemporary crises out of their distractions and present them in more concentrated fashion.
We are inundated with stories of corporations exploiting the labour of entire towns and leaving them disease-ridden for generations. They show no signs of stopping, nor does it appear that they are being held accountable for their “corporate irresponsibility”. But to think about these events solely in terms of individual greed and callousness is lazy and risks perpetuating one of the more damaging lies that Tamil Nadu’s politicians have convinced their constituents of: that our material and social conditions are determined by the character of those in power.
A doubly entrenched orthodoxy
They say that there is inequality and exploitation because the people in power are corrupt and that the system we have now would work if they had more integrity. The point of this lie is to keep the system that enriches the powerful untouched and, believing this to be the case, the people will push for “good” multinational corporations instead of fighting to be rid of them.
For Mercury to have been a seriously “socially conscious” film, Subbaraj had to have engaged with what systems or institutions that give corporations the leeway to act like this. Multinationals building factories in poor countries, where labour is cheaper and environmental law less stringent, isn’t a break with global capitalism; it is part of its structure. Subbaraj needed to have engaged with this structural aspect of the problem. He does not.
This criticism doesn’t apply to Subbaraj alone, but to all contemporary Tamil filmmakers. In 2016, Leena Manimekalai and Amuthan made the same point at an event held to discuss Visaaranai (2015), Vettri Maran’s film about police brutality in Andhra Pradesh. For all of its inescapable realism, they said, Maran hasn’t engaged with the demons that allow custodial torture and killing.
Today, Tamil Nadu is bursting with revolt. Against the Centre’s prevarications in the Cauvery water-sharing issue, against a nuclear power plant in Kudankulam, against the Sterlite copper smelting plant in Thoothukudi, against the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test.
Tamil Nadu’s prevailing political orthodoxy mirrors the orthodoxy prevailing in our films. The latter tells us that everything that is wrong is so because those in charge are corrupt, selfish, callous. It tells us that all we need is a good and capable man in charge. And men who gave such speeches in the movies are starting political parties, giving the same speeches to crowds of fans and followers. Meanwhile, the institutions that are the real cause of the people’s suffering remain untouched. We desperately need filmmakers who can chip away at this logic rather than reproduce it.
Ashik Kumar is a writer from Chennai. He studies comparative literature at Columbia University.
That Modi chose an event, organised partly in honour of the late Jayalalithaa, to praise the 14th Finance Commission allocations shows how little he cares about the fiscal autonomy of states.
That Modi chose an event, organised partly in honour of the late Jayalalithaa, to praise the 14th Finance Commission allocations shows how little he cares about the fiscal autonomy of states.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Credit: PTI
Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated Tamil Nadu government’s scooter scheme for women in Chennai on February 24. As is customary, he made a little speech. And in it he declared:
When there was a Congress-led government at the Centre, Tamil Nadu received Rs 81,000 crore under the 13th Finance Commission. After the NDA came to power, Tamil Nadu received Rs 1,80,000 crore under the 14th Finance Commission.
That’s a strange thing for a prime minister to say. A bit like Donald Trump, having decided to double down on something, hollering, “fake news.”
Firstly, the prime minister isn’t clear which year(s) he’s referring to. A quick look at the statement of financial accounts for Tamil Nadu from 1988 to 2015 does not clarify, either. Whenever a politician makes a claim based on data that’s not easy to crosscheck, it’s at best badly presented.
However, let us take his statement at face value. That the 14th Finance Commission allocation for Tamil Nadu would have had a greater absolute value is obvious and needs no restatement. After all, the states’ share in the divisible pool of central taxes was raised from 32% in the 13th Finance Commission to 42% in the 14th Finance Commission.
So to use absolute numbers when the entire basis of calculation has been changed is to insult the numeric literacy of Tamil voters; it’s not as if voters don’t know the concept of a denominator. What is odd is that the 14th Finance Commission, which recommended the increase in the states’ share of the divisible pool of taxes, was constituted by the very government Prime Minister Modi has sought to deride: the Congress-led UPA government. Why would he claim credit where none is due?
His party or his government had nothing to do with constituting the 14th Finance Commission and its recommendations hurt Tamil Nadu. He’s so off, he’s not even wrong.
Also read
Nilakantan R.S. on the possibility of the 15th Finance Commission splitting open the demographic fault lines between north and south India
What it means to be a Tamil in post-Jayalalithaa world
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It’s also inexplicable that the prime minister chose to say anything at all on the 14th Finance Commission’s allocation in Tamil Nadu at an event organised, in part, to celebrate the memory of late chief minister J. Jayalalithaa. After she won the elections in 2016 and came back to power, she went to Delhi to meet Modi specifically to submit a memorandum that was a blistering attack on the allocation ratio of the 14th Finance Commission. She pointed to how the new allocation ratio lowers Tamil Nadu’s share by 19% compared to the 13th Finance Commission; and how this would cause Tamil Nadu a loss of Rs 6,000 crore.
Surely the prime minister is aware of the contents of a memorandum that a powerful chief minister personally handed over to him in her official capacity. So he can’t even plead ignorance on how the 14th Finance Commission’s allocation ratio was unfair to Tamil Nadu.
The unfairness of the central government’s allocation formula was in the AIADMK poll manifesto ahead of the 2014 general elections. The AIADMK, still the party in power in Tamil Nadu, is now organising a function in memory of its late leader, only to be lectured by the prime minister on how the 14th Finance Commission was a great thing for the state. Jayalalithaa must be spinning under that memorial in the Marina.
The address by Modi, though, seems like a scripted attempt by the BJP, if similar speeches of party leaders in other southern states are any indication. Amit Shah, the BJP’s president, cited the absolute numbers for Karnataka in a similar vein when he was addressing a political rally there. Someone in the BJP who writes these speeches for the party president and the prime minister has either decided voters don’t know long division or doesn’t know it himself or herself.
The real problem with these assertions by the BJP, apart from them being innumerate and misleading and having nothing to do with the party, is that it makes it appear as if the central government is “giving” money to states. As if India were an empire and not a federal union. This line of thinking at the top levels of central government is what makes state governments frustrated. After all, both Tamil Nadu and Karnataka pay a lot more tax than they receive as allocation. And this ratio may worsen further for them under the terms of reference of the 15th Finance Commission.
M.K. Stalin, Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam’s working president, is the only politician from Tamil Nadu to have raised this issue in any serious way. Predictably, that garnered little or no coverage from the media which has been enamoured by the entry of film stars into the political arena in the state. Both Rajinikanth and Kamal Haasan haven’t really spoken much on the complicated trade-off that’d be involved in balancing the demographic divergence between north and south India.
Seeman, a self-declared Tamil nationalist, oddly, hasn’t joined the issue either. It’s worth noting that all new entrants to Tamil politics, from Modi to Rajinikanth to Seeman to Kamal Haasan, have all assumed that the Tamil voter is too naive to follow allocation ratios and the calculations involved. While both Jayalalithaa, when she was still alive, and Stalin now, have actually thought it worthwhile an issue. Maybe there’s a reason why established politicians do better than new entrants: they respect their electorate.
If anything, politicians should be making speeches on how India’s demographic divergence is making allocation ratios a significant policy problem. One where balancing per capita allocation and respecting the fiscal autonomy of the states is becoming an increasingly impossible task. Maybe if they appeal to the magnanimity and compassion of citizens in southern India, they’d play nice in return. Instead, this tone of “we gave you more money” that the prime minister spoke in is bound to insult their sense of political dignity.
Nilakantan R.S. works as a data scientist for a tech start-up and looks at politics from that vantage point.
The affirmation of Hinduism by politicians and public figures in the South is not soft Hindutva. It is a reaction to the political agenda of radicalising Hinduism.
The affirmation of Hinduism by politicians and public figures in the South is not soft Hindutva. It is a reaction to the political agenda of radicalising Hinduism.
Hindus in the southern part of the country are more likely than Hindus elsewhere to treat people of other religions as morally equal or, for that matter, to want them as neighbours. Credit: Flickr
Across southern India, a strange politics is impelling political parties and politicians to publicly affirm Hinduism.
In Tamil Nadu, the leader of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam visited Hindu priests and temples, which his party once ridiculed and shunned. The Karnataka chief minister, belonging to the professedly secular Congress Party, routinely proclaims his religious identity as a worshipper of Ram and Hanuman. A Congress parliamentarian from Kerala wrote a book to declare his devotion to Hinduism. Even the Kerala communists, who are prone to see religion as an opiate, took out parades to celebrate the birth of Krishna and extolled temple rituals.
In part, the affirmation of Hinduism is a political ploy to staunch the appeal of Hindutva politics and the erosion of Hindu voters. After all, it is not just southern politicians who indulge in this politics; the West Bengal chief minister recently distributed copies of the Bhagavad Gita and the Congress president frequented Hindu temples before the Gujarat election.
But it would be a mistake to treat this trend in southern India merely as “soft Hindutva politics” directed at an electorate that has shifted rightward. Wittingly or unwittingly, such affirmations may also be stemming from something deeper. They could well be articulations of an underlying dissonance between the tolerant faith of the Hindus of southern India and the strident Hindutva that for now seems ascendant in parts of northern India.
Bhakts and deshbhakts, but… not your kind of bhakts
There are obvious differences in the Hindu traditions and rituals of southern and northern India. But what critically distinguishes the southern Hindus from their co-religionists elsewhere in the country is not their commitment to religious traditions or ritual piety. On these matters, the World Value Survey interviews show that there is remarkable unity among Hindus across the country.
For instance, as many Hindus in the southern states – Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Telangana – consider customs and traditions important as do Hindus in the rest of India (for convenience, labeled “North” in the graph). Hindus across the country, regardless of regional differences, are also equally pious in partaking in religious services.
Nor is the substance of the difference linguistic nationalism. Even as they speak Kannada, Kodava, Konkani, Malayalam, Tamil, Telugu or Tulu, the southerners are overwhelmingly very proud of their pan-Indian identity.
Source: India component of World Value Survey 2012. The analyses use data from respondents who self-identified themselves as Hindus.
The crux of the difference among Hindus has to do with how they view other religions. Hindus in the southern part of the country are more likely than Hindus elsewhere to treat people of other religions as morally equal or, for that matter, to want them as neighbours. Most Hindus even in the northern parts of the country do not question the morality of other religions or have aversion to their followers as neighbours; however, their share is smaller than in the South.
But where the differences are really sharp are in the levels of religious mistrust and chauvinism. Most Hindus in the northern parts of the country consider Hinduism as the only acceptable religion and mistrusts adherents of all other faiths. In striking contrast, the majority of southern Hindus accepts other religions and trusts their followers.
In effect, Hinduism – as it is widely seen, understood and practised in the southern states – is far more accepting, open and tolerant than the Hinduism in the northern parts of the country. So consistent and vast is this contrast that it cannot be easily dismissed as a product of sampling or computational error. What explains this contrast?
The South constitutes the final geographical frontier in this contest between Hinduism and Hindutva. Credit: Reuters
A history and culture of differences
Historical differences underlie some of the differences that exist between the South and the rest of the country. Islam, the other main religion in the country, initially came to the South not through warfare and conquest but via maritime trade. Later, the South was also largely spared from the fallout of the cataclysmic division of India in 1947. Few embittered Partition refugees, who had good reasons to be mistrustful of people of other religions, settled in the South. The South thus developed a religious outlook that is more trusting and accepting of other faiths and their adherents.
It is this broad-minded outlook that undergirds the recent public affirmations of Hinduism. Not just politicians, who may have electoral reasons, but other public figures too in the southern states are affirming Hinduism.
Acclaimed actor Prakash Raj asserted that those who condone violence, including Narendra Modi, could not be considered Hindus. Filmmaker Sanal Sasidharan equated intolerance with ignorance of Hinduism. They are not seen as anti-national or out-of-touch liberal elites because the broader idea they represent – of tolerant open-minded Hinduism – is the ordinary lived mass reality of the South. In contrast, Bollywood actor Aamir Khan had to do a volte-face after he talked about rising intolerance in the country.
Where history ends, politics begins
In 2000, Kamal Haasan made a film about a cosmopolitan southerner caught up in the whirlwind of Partition politics, worked on and radicalised by political activists to murder Gandhi. As the film relates, a good deal of the present has to do with politics, not just history.
The bigotry, chauvinism and mistrust that the Hindus in the northern parts of the country reveal in the survey is as much a product of a political project of radicalisation as it is of history. Subtly, stealthily and gradually, political activists have been working on the Hindus in the North to redefine their religion in chauvinistic terms, to mistrust other faiths and their followers. And it is an ongoing project.
The affirmation of Hinduism by politicians and public figures in the South is thus not soft Hindutva. It is a fundamental repudiation of Hindutva. It is a reaction to the political agenda of radicalising Hinduism. It is an attempt to rescue Hinduism from political hotheads.
The South constitutes the final geographical frontier in this contest between Hinduism and Hindutva. If attempts to save Hinduism fail there, then the South and indeed all of India can collectively gasp: Hey Ram!
Anoop Sadanandan is a Manhattan ‘Madrasi’, a social scientist and author of Why Democracy Deepens. His twitter handle is @SadanandanAnoop.
He said the weak response from the government raises serious doubts about the scheme.
He said the weak response from the government raises serious doubts about the scheme.
Kamal Hassan. Credit: PTI
Apologising for supporting demonetisation, actor Kamal Hassan said he will again salute Prime Minister Narendra Modi if he also accepts that the note ban was a mistake.
In an article in the Tamil magazine Anandavikatan, the actor said accepting and correcting mistakes is a marker for great leaders which Mahatma Gandhi was able to do.
Hassan said Modi should not be stubborn in arguing that the rabbit he had caught has three legs.
On his initial support for the demonetisation of Rs 1,000 and 500 notes, Hassan said he had welcomed the move and tweeted that it should be supported regardless of party affiliation.
“I thought people should bear with minor irritants in the goal to eradicate black money,” he wrote.
The actor said his friends and those who know economics had called him and criticised his support for demonetisation.
Hassan said he later thought that demonetisation was good but the manner in which it was implemented was wrong.
He said now there were voices saying demonetisation was a deception and the weak response from the government raises serious doubts about the scheme.
Nearly 1,000 cinema halls in the state have been shut since July 3 with exhibitors going ahead with their stir to protest imposition of 30% local body tax in addition to 28% GST.
File Photo of Kamal Hassan. Credit: Wikimedia Commons/Sujiez0204
Chennai: The three-day stir called by theatre owners and distributors, who have demanded that the Tamil Nadu government withdraw the 30% local body tax imposed on the film industry, will continue, as top actors Rajinikanth and Kamal Hassan lent their support to the cause.
Nearly 1,000 cinema halls in the state are shut since July 3 with exhibitors going ahead with their stir to protest imposition of 30% local body tax in addition to 28% GST.
The members of Tamil film producers council, South Indian Artistes Association, along with the theatre owners and distributors, had earlier met chief minister K. Palaniswami on Monday, but they decided to continue the protest as the meeting did not yield any positive result.
Industry sources said another meeting which was expected today between the film fraternity and the government did not take place as planned.
“We were expecting that a meeting will happen today. But it did not [take place]. So, as of now the strike continues tomorrow,” an official told PTI on condition of anonymity. The source added that the chief minister could not allot time for a meeting as the assembly session was underway in the state.
“May be a meeting [between industry representatives and government authorities] can happen tomorrow afternoon or evening,” he said.
Tamil superstar Rajinikanth, who was shooting for his upcoming film “Kaala Karikalan”, left for the US on June 29 for medical reasons, requested the government to consider the plea by the film industry. “Keeping in mind the livelihood of lakhs of people in the Tamil film industry, I sincerely request the Tamil Nadu government to seriously consider our plea,” he said in a tweet, as the strike entered its third day.
Within hours, superstar Kamal Hassan expressed his gratitude to the “Kabali” star for his support. “Thanks Rajini avargalay for voicing your concern. Lets request first as gentlemen should. Then we shall see. @superstarrajini & TN Govt,” Hassan tweeted.
Meanwhile, expressing concern over the issue, Lyca Productions, which is currently producing Rajinikanth’s magnum opus “2.0” said it would not take up future projects in Tamil Nadu if there was no clarity on the tax structure. “We will not go ahead with any future projects in Tamil Nadu till we have a clarity on the tax structure. Our existing projects will go on. I am talking about future projects,” the company’s creative head, Raju Mahalingam, told reporters in Chennai.
Meanwhile the issue also echoed in the ongoing assembly session with opposition parties DMK and Congress raising it as an issue to be addressed.
Responding to these demands, municipal administration minister S. P. Velumani had told members that the government would give due consideration to the problems of all section of people.
Unlike Bollywood, whose inebriated women always seem to end up dancing on top of bar tables, Kollywood’s women are always missing from TASMAC shops.
Unlike Bollywood, whose inebriated women always seem to end up dancing on top of bar tables, Kollywood’s women are always missing from TASMAC shops.
Rajinikanth in Padikkadavan (1985). Source: YouTube
To the patrons of shady drinking spots in Chennai, Ranjith Hotel’s Crystal Bar is a popular setting – the rooftop is a favourite haunt of regulars and newbies alike looking for a cheap place. And for every person who has told me that women rarely frequent this place (re: shady), I’m constantly surprised at the number of women who actually do share table space with the men here. We’re either part of a couple, with a group of other women, with colleagues from work or the occasional woman sitting by herself and quietly nursing her drink.
And yet, Tamil cinema seems to think we just don’t exist.
Unlike Bollywood, whose inebriated young women always seem to end up dancing on top of bar tables, Kollywood’s women are always missing from TASMAC kadais (Tamil for shops) pubs on a Friday night, bars on a weekday or house parties º it seems women and thanni (slang for liquor) just don’t mix.
The few examples I can recall are Revathi in Marupadiyum (1993), who drinks at a party to hide her sorrow over her husband’s affair; Sneha in Pammal K. Sambandam (2002), who informs her husband that she is his “better half” and so entitled to half his whisky (while he watches on fuming); Vasundhara in Sonna Puriyathu (2013), who consumes way too much beer in a pub and ends up purging on the hero; Reema Sen and Andrea Jeremiah getting drunk with Karthi in Aayirathil Oruvan (2010) while looking for the missing Chola empire; and, more recently, Nithya Menen in O Kadhal Kanmani (2015) who takes an extra swig of vodka after Dulquer tells her to slow down lest she thinks it’s water.
In the last few years, Tamil films have latched on to an even more puzzling trend: portraying the heroine as a bold independent woman heading out to drink, only to abruptly turn around and show her as the good girl who might be going to fetch her drunkard father home, a doctor buying saraayam (liquor) for medicinal purposes, or drinking only to get some dhill-u (guts) to confront someone.
Now look at the men cradling their sulphata (cheap, harmful liquor) close to their chests, so much so that their movies are even named after drinking nowadays. The upcoming Semma Botha Aagathey (‘Don’t Get Too Drunk’), VSOP (2015, Vaasuvum Saravananum Onna Padichavanga – Vasu and Saravanan are Classmates, but can also mean Very Special Old Pale in alcohol terms), Madhubana Kadai (2012, Liquor Shop) and Vaa (2010, slang for ‘quarter’).
Just the mention of upcoming movie Semma Botha Aagathey (‘Don’t Get Too Drunk’), initially slated to release last year, makes you realise just how much Tamil cinema encourages its hero to drink like a fish – because of his ‘troubled’ life – girlfriend dumped him, no money (borrow money from girlfriend/wife/parents), no job, no life… in short, liquor is a medicine that is allowed in large doses (no pun intended) for men in Tamil films.
This trend has been firmly in place for more than 20 years and does not show any signs of budging. Just look at the vast repertoire: An angry Rajinikanth rushes to the local liquor shop to get smashed in Padikkadavan (1985). Sivakumar plays a Carnatic singer who loses discipline, turns to the bottle and embarrasses himself in Sindhu Bhairavi (1985). Prabhu Dheva and his area boys sing about how it doesn’t make a difference if they drink and eat or eat and drink, and whatever happens after, in Ninaivirukkum Varai (1999). Simbu and co. have a party on the streets (Silambattam, 2008). Vikram the tough cop drinks on the job because he’s trying to be undercover (Saamy, 2003).
Songs that uphold saaraayam (alcohol) as the solution to every hero’s problems have been firmly in place for quite some time now.
The ‘soup boys’ of Tamil cinema have always had their way. Heartbroken, ‘jilted’ lovers follow Dhanush’s lead and end up at a TASMAC bar to drink and become rather mattai (smashed). Suriya in Vaaranam Aayiram (2008) pines for his dead lover (Sameera Reddy) by falling down drunk in front of his father, and later singing-dancing all over Chennai before he is put to sleep by his sister. He defines peak mattai. Then there’s Vadivelu, who in Kaalam Maari Pochu (1996) is angry because his wife refuses to have sex with him, consoles himself by drinking and harassing his wife’s family. The most infuriating of them all is a pissed-off Dhanush in Mayakkam Enna (2011), who sings about love and loss, while his friend advocates that he beat his girlfriend/wife because she just isn’t necessary as a person.
In Ethir Neechal (2013), ‘soup boy’ Dhanush joins his real-life friend Sivakarthikeyan and other love-failure ‘local boys’ at a bar to sing about drinking for ten days straight because that is the natural plan of action after suffering heartbreak. If you think about it, High School Musical’s breaking-into-song routine is probably less intense than Tamil cinema’s heroes who act as if grief and distress are apocalyptic and happen only to them.
Why is this pulling-your-hair-out feeling presented as unique to Tamil heroes? Film historian Theodore Baskaran traces this connection of liquor and “unrequited love” back to Devadas (1953, the Tamil version), which he believes “romanticised” drinking. “The traditional attitude in Tamil cinema is to consider liquor as an anti-depressant to life’s problems, which is misleading. Very few films like Dikkatra Parvathi [1974] espouse an anti-drinking message,” he says.
We don’t have to travel back as far as Devadas but a journey to MGR’s time is quite necessary.
Alcohol and its denial has been an omnipresent enticement in Tamil Nadu politics, which itself is deeply attached to cinematic tropes. Tamil Nadu’s third chief minister and alcohol have had a curious relationship. The M.G.-Ramachandran-led AIADMK lifted prohibition in 1981 but then, six years later, closed down toddy shops — but only after he established the Tamil Nadu State Marketing Corporation (TASMAC) in 1983 for buying and selling arrack and toddy. On screen during the the 1960s and 1970s, he shunned alcohol, modelling himself as morally good, which included saying no to liquor. Only his villains (chiefly, the legend M.N. Nambiar), the embodiments of evil, consumed liquor. The hero did not.
In some cases, though, drinking was part of the hero’s persona – like Sivaji Ganesan’s character in Vasantha Maligai (1972), a playboy with an innate fondness for grog. But that was occasional.
A genealogy of the alcoholic hero
So from being a part of the hero’s character, how did we end up giving up all nuance whatsoever and just naming our films after alcohol and drinking, and giving it more importance in the hero’s life than even the heroine?
As modernisation slowly creeped into films, it became fashionable and edgy for heroes to drink and smoke – it never had to be a part of their role, it just looked damned good on screen. So this clearly demarcated line between good and bad began to blur: actors who started out as inebriated villains – Rajinikanth, Sathyaraj, Sarath Kumar – continued their vices even as heroes.
The genealogy of the drinking-his-sorrows-away Tamil hero can be traced back to movies such as Kalathur Kannamma (1960, with Kamal Haasan’s famous debut as a child actor), where Gemini Ganesan’s character Rajalingam becomes an alcoholic after his father feeds him gossip that his wife is an ‘immoral’ woman. Almost two decades later, in Salangai Oli (1983), Hassan plays a dancer and critic who becomes an alcoholic because of, what else, unrequited love (Jayapradha, the woman he falls in love with, chooses to get back to her husband).
Kamal Haasan somehow falls between these two extremes, having played both a darkly menacing character who drinks to overcome turmoil and a rambunctious youngster turning to TASMAC for fun. In Kaakki Sattai (1985), an energetic Haasan sings, “Namma Singaari sarakku nalla sarakku, summa gummunu erudhu kick-u enakku” (‘Singaari’s alcohol is the best, it sends me into an overdrive’) and dances deftly despite being intoxicated (his dance moves are, as always, on point). But three years later in 1988, Haasan stars in Unnal Mudiyum Thambi, a movie that exhorts the importance of prohibition, wherein, as Udayamurthy, he is a wayward, happy-go-lucky youngster turned responsible adult who reforms his village into an alcohol-free zone.
Peg by peg, we dive into the 1970s and 1980s, where the fantastical trend of club songs (‘Elamai idho idho‘ from Sakalakala Vallavan, 1982; ‘Aasai nooru vagai‘ from Adutha Vaarisu, 1983) emerge. These songs thrived in dimly-lit discotheques that were complete with glitzypsychedelic lights. Kamal Haasan was undoubtedly a big proponent of these songs. Then, the 1990s arrived. And slowly, the brooding men of Tamil cinema gave way to boorish ones.
Men in Tamil cinema have been constantly given permission to drink whenever they want, whatever they want and with whomever they want. “Machi, open the bottle,” they suddenly break into song, while a group of nubile girls in the skimpiest of clothes shake their hips, “Jalsa pannungada,” they encourage each other or they yell out “Saroja saamaan nikalo,” and dance with more girls – or they consume kallu (toddy) and describe women as heady “naatu sarakku” (country liquor).
Unfortunately, it’s these songs that have stood the test of time and gone on to become anthems for grieving boys. ‘Why This Kolaveri Di’ (the original soup song) got more than 3.5 million views on YouTube and Dhanush was invited by the then-PM Manmohan Singh as a guest of honour at a dinner hosted for his Japanese counterpart, Yoshihiko Noda. His father-in-law’s ‘Oora therinjikitten’ (‘I’ve learnt about this place’) from Padikkadavan is still an oft-quoted reference, used – when someone lets you down – among the Tamil social-media users and meme-makers.
So while Tamil cinema glorifies men to take up drinking to solve their problems, it also shows how women with problems have to settle for sulking, crying in the corner, jumping dramatically on their bed and crying, going to temples and pleading the goddess and crying, or just talking to their husbands, neighbours, sons and daughters… and crying.
Irrespective of our experience at Ranjith Hotel or a friend’s home, Tamil women are never allowed alcohol to explore their angst, failures, schadenfreude, anger, sorrow or joy. Chalk it up to the MGR-period distinction between good and bad, perhaps. Traditionally, like the villains, only the ‘vamps’ drank: they embodied the moral evil in the distinction between good and bad women. They were club dancers, mistresses to henchmen or experimenting for just a second before the hero told them off and asked them to behave like a decent “Tamizh ponnu” (Tamil girl). No woman can drink under the watchful moral eye of the Tamil hero.
Of the few women’s drinking scenes, only three stand out for me. In Puthiya Paravai (1964), Sowcar Janaki comes home to her husband drunk, and with her boyfriend in tow, much to the former’s embarrassment. In Arima Nambi (2014), Priya Anand is out on a date and invites hero Vikram Prabhu home for a nightcap. And in Kadhalum Kadandhu Pogum (2016), Madonna Sebastian (with a lovely Tamil name, Yazhini) goes on a drunken rant after being sexually harassed at a job interview. Consolation prize goes to the Sonna Puriyathu (2013) heroine who is shown opening a beer bottle with her teeth. But these are the rare women who aren’t chastised or harangued for drinking.
According to historian Baskaran, the assertive heroine has only just begun to show her face in Tamil films. “She may [still] not have a beer because people will be upset”, and we still get to see men drink onscreen because it just seems “credible” enough. In last month’s Bogan, Hansika’s character steps up to a TASMAC outlet, buys alcohol and proceeds to drink it. Because alcohol will give her the strength to confront her dad – another famous reason Tamil cinema usually justifies its men to drink. Perhaps there is hope yet.
Now, how long before we can see our heroine and her friends take up sarakku and denounce men after she has been denied love? Machi, oru quarter sollen (‘order a quarter’).
Through Rajnikanth’s portrayal of a conscious underclass hero who understands the nuances of Ambedkar donning a three-piece suit, the symbol of assertion has entered the Tamil film industry, heralding a major revolution.
Through Rajnikanth’s portrayal of a conscious underclass hero who understands the nuances of Ambedkar donning a three-piece suit, the symbol of assertion has entered the Tamil film industry, heralding a major revolution.
A poster of the Rajinikanth-starrer ‘Kabali’.
No film in the recent past has received the attention like the latest Rajnikanth-starrer Kabali. Given the actor’s larger than life demigod status and his commercial value, the success of the film might not be surprising. With carefully created pre-release posters and teasers, the film, which revolves around a Tamil indentured labourer who becomes a don in Malaysia, soared high in the expectation levels among his fans.
The director, Pa. Ranjith, is a two-film-old rookie, but has already showcased his ability to portray films that would challenge the established idioms of Tamil cinema.
With his third attempt, by utilising the superstardom of Rajnikanth, Ranjith has destabilised the conventional sign systems that have been constructed in Tamil cinema for long. Through its marked symbolism previously unfounded in Tamil cinema, Kabali is a trendsetter, meaning Tamil cinema will no longer be the same.
Most reviews of the film sound shoddy with no element of the historical analysis of Tamil cinema or an understanding of the cultural experiences in a largely film-influenced Tamil Nadu.
The Tamil film industry is nothing but an extension of the Tamil social life, which is marked by the realities of caste and its hierarchical nature.
Sundar Kaali and Ravi Srinivas, in an article titled On Castes and Comedians: The Language of Power in Tamil Cinema in Ashis Nandy’s Innocence, Culpability and Indian Popular Cinema, say that Tamil cinema, as a secondary modelling system with highly developed and conventionalised codes, has over the years evolved particular modes of representing configurations of caste, class, and gender. And it comes as no surprise that only a few castes and occupational categories are represented.
Dalits and some other subaltern groups have become invisible under this exercise of cultural hegemony. They are either misrepresented or showcased in a way that justifies their place in the social order as those of clients in a patron-client relationships.
This cultural invisibility points to the systematic devaluation of subaltern cultural forms that exist in the world of art and culture in the Tamil experience. Like all other art forms, films also failed to incorporate the distinctive experiences that subordinate groups face.
Symbolism in Tamil cinema
One has to contextually place the emergence of cultural production in the period’s socio-political developments. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, and up until the early 1970s, Dravidian symbolism and aesthetics were portrayed in films through its aural-visual dimensions.
We have seen the images of M.G. Ramachandran, or MGR, (typically portraying a subaltern hero) reading a book authored by C.N. Annadurai, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam flag fluttering in a slum, or the statue of Periyar forming the background when the protagonist talks about rationalism.
MGR, wearing the colours of red and black up his sleeves, was quite a common signifier of the Dravidian politics and that he was following the songs of this era marking Dravidian populism became an effective form of political communication.
This however changed over time, and during the late 1970s and through the 1980s, with unemployment and rise of labour problem, films carrying strong intonations of Marxism and anti-establishment rhetoric saw the emergence of the ‘angry young man’ era, where the hero was an underclass figure.
This era was marked by symbols depicting Marxist utopia and colours of red in films like Varumaiyin Niram Sivappu (1980), Sivappu Malli (1981), Thanikattu Raja (1982), Kann Sivanthal Man Sivakkum (1983) and Naan Sigappu Manithan (1985).
Though it started in the late 1980s, the trend became more prominent and visible during the 1990s. This was an era that marked the emergence of authentic visual markers that projected and propagated a strong intermediate caste pride.
Films carrying caste titles proliferated mainstream cinema, and it was Kamal Hassan starrer Thevar Magan (1992) that started the trend. With a series of films like Chinna Gounder (1992), Nattamai (1994), Thevar Veettu Ponnu (1992), Periya Gounder Ponnu (1992), Kizhakku Seemayile (1993), Mappillai Gounder (1997), Kunguma Pottu Gounder (2001) and Virumandi (2004), the list of movies with intermediate caste pride as the subject became quite lengthy.
Film historian Rajan Krishnan says that it was Hassan’s Thevar Magan that brought the sickle-bearing genre, associating the south with being represented primarily as a sickle-bearing space.
A series of films, even to this day, continue with such portrayals, associating southern Tamil Nadu with sickles. This did not happen in isolation. Who wields the sickle is also important and is associated with the Thevar Magan subculture, begging the question, against whom is the sickle used?
It was this contestation that Dalits were becoming the victims, led to the controversy where Hassan’s planned sequel to Thevar Magan, titled Sandiyar (Thug) ran into trouble with Puthiya Tamilagam’s Dr. K. Krishnasamy, who opposed the film saying that it glorified the sickle culture and would possibly lead to a fresh bout of clashes between Dalits and Thevars in the southern districts.
The majority of the films during this period portrayed the south not only as a sickle-bearing space but also as a space carrying a corresponding mythology of a society based on martial pride and honour.
References of Thevar icon U. Muthuramalinga Thevar became an inescapable part of the film’s narrative either through display of portraits or through statues and songs.
Even though some of the films do not explicitly signify caste, the everyday markers provide us with an idea of reading it symptomatically. Here, in most cases, the Dalits or members of the other caste groups who are lower in the hierarchy are shown to remain content with a patron, who is naturally a person of justice.
Kabali, a trendsetter
In traditional Indian society, clothing was a marker of status and power. Clearly defined bodily gestures and clothing were used as a mechanism to enforce and maintain social divisions within society.
Clothes, like other symbols, were susceptible to multiple interpretations. As a form of symbolic communication, they were regulated in the public sphere, thus the lower castes never had any autonomy over their clothing. What they should wear and how they should wear it was decided by the dominant castes.
References to politics and power through codes of dress can be found in Tamil films and are considered to be techniques of display. Clothing is therefore a powerful way to articulate aspects of the self, compose identities and assert particular social relationships.
In the films glorifying intermediate caste pride, or examples, in films like Thevar Magan, Chinna Gounder and Nattamai, the protagonists can be seen wearing crisp white shirts and veshti, which indicates their social power and their power to use services castes like washermen, which are denied to certain castes.
The use of washermen service caste forms the narrative of Chinna Gounder where the famous comedian duo of Goundamani and Senthil come in as washermen servicing the Gounder. In another film by the director of Chinna Gounder, titled Ponnumani (1993), the same duo is the member of another service caste of barbers providing service to the village bigwigs at their respective households. In both the cases the social power of employing service castes by the dominant castes was projected as a naturalised social order.
In Thevar Magan, where London returned Hassan sheds his punk hairstyle and modern dress-up to don a traditional crisp white shirt, is involved in an act of succession to occupy the inherited power and become the village chieftain after the passing of his father Periya Thevar. The scene of Hassan getting his hair cut and donning the white shirt and veshti, sporting a twirled moustache and sitting on the “chair” is accompanied by a brilliant background score, was among the most definitive signifiers that indicated that caste power was being kept intact by the family.
On the other hand, in Kabali, the principal character of the film, in his British-styled plaid and window-paned suits and stylish sunglasses, flipping a gun to vanquish his enemies, is a refreshing change in Tamil cinema.
Although we might have seen other protagonists wearing suits and wielding guns, Kabali is different. He is an underclass hero who is conscious of the power of dressing, who knows the politics behind Gandhi shedding his clothes and Ambedkar donning a three-piece suit.
The sequence where Rajnikanth says that dressing in suits is a mark of dissent, a recognised code of self-formation through clothing, is deployed to upset the denotation of power, status and social location. In fact, Kabali worshipping the subaltern deity Madurai Veeran while wearing three-piece suit, is a strong symbolic statement that has layered meanings of Dalit aspirations and the journey of the indentured labourer.
This powerful and emotive symbolism attached to Ambedkar, bears the weight of Dalit aspirations and expectations and the Dalit investment on Ambedkar’s increasing symbolic value in the last three decades, in a myriad ways.
This has now travelled to the film world (Kabali) from the socio-political world, where Ambedkar remains more significant for the masses through the proliferation of symbols such as Ambedkar statues, flags, banners and posters.
Much Dalit assertion has indeed rested on symbolism, like the occupation of space with flags and statues. The symbolic and spatial importance of the emblems of assertion was a form of social protest, a counter mobilisation against dominance.
Through Rajnikanth’s portrayal in Kabali of a conscious underclass hero who understands the nuances of Ambedkar wearing suits, this symbolism has entered the Tamil film industry as a major revolution, and one is left yearning to see more.
Karthikeyan Damodaran is pursuing a Ph.D. in South Asian Studies at the University of Edinburgh.