NSA Ajit Doval Visits Israel, Meets Benjamin Netanyahu

The Israeli account of the discussion, as shared on X, highlighted that the primary topic was the ongoing violence.

New Delhi: In the first high-level visit to Israel since the start of the Gaza war last October, Indian national security advisor Ajit Doval met with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Monday and discussed the ongoing conflict.

The Indian side did not officially announce the visit, with news of the meeting emerging from the Israeli prime minister’s office late on Monday night.

The Israeli account of the discussion, as shared on X, highlighted that the primary topic was the ongoing violence.

“Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu met today with Indian National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and updated him on recent developments in the fighting in the Gaza Strip. The sides also discussed the effort to release the hostages and the issue of humanitarian assistance,” said the post.

The Indian prime minister has had several phone calls with the Israeli prime minister and Palestinian president, but this is the first visit by a senior Indian official in the last five months.

The meeting was also attended by Netanyahu’s top aides, director of the national security council, foreign policy advisor, as well as the Indian ambassador to Israel.

Immediately after Hamas launched a terror attack on October 7, the Indian prime minister had solely expressed solidarity with Israel. More than 1,200 Israeli and foreign citizens were killed and 250 taken hostage.

The Israeli military operation, which began with aerial bombing, followed by ground invasion of Gaza strip, has led to the death of over 30,000 people, including 25,000 women and children.

After the scale of the deaths in Gaza became evident, India nuanced its position on the crisis by asserting that while terrorism was unacceptable, humanitarian aid had to be given at the earliest and reiterated traditional support for the two-state solution.

India voted in favour of a December 2023 resolution in the UN General Assembly which called for an immediate ceasefire.

Israeli Diplomats Forged Deep Ties With Hindu Right Wing From Early ’60s, Documents Reveal

Diplomatic telegrams show that while Israeli diplomats explicitly referred to the far-right members as “fascist” and noted that the ideology was based on a hatred of Muslims, the relations with the far right were carefully maintained.

New Delhi: Israeli diplomats have been cultivating ties with the Hindu Right in India since the early 1960s, with Jan Sangh and Bharatiya Janata Party members allegedly collaborating to organise rallies and protests across the country, as per unclassified documents from the Israeli foreign ministry.

In the 1970s, records indicate that an unexpected guest at the Israeli consulate was Gopal Godse, seeking assistance in printing and disseminating his speech in defence of his brother, Nathuram Godse, who had killed Mahatma Gandhi. The request was denied.

Based on foreign ministry documents released to the national archives in last two years, a detailed report by human rights and  freedom of information activist Eitay Mack, published by the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, chronicles Israel’s relationship with the far right in India, particularly the BJP and its predecessor Jan Sangh.

The diplomatic telegrams show that while Israeli diplomats explicitly referred to the far-right members as “fascist” and noted that the ideology was based on a hatred of Muslims, the relations with the far right were carefully maintained.

India had recognised Israel on September 17, 1950, but full-scale diplomatic ties, with the opening of embassies in capitals, only took place in 1992. During those 40-0dd years, Israel was represented in India with a consulate in Mumbai.

The Haaretz report cites telegrams dating back to June 1965, when then-consul in Bombay, Peretz Gordon, wrote back to the Israeli foreign ministry that “to this day and in the future, the Hindu fears and hates the Muslim the same”. He further claimed that the opposition BJP and in the right-wing circles of the Indian National Congress, “this finds expression in various forms and even openly”.

Less than a year later, Gordon wrote on April 26, 1966 about recommendations for strengthening ties with India, which included “secret communications with oppositional elements for the purpose of organizing demonstrations hostile to the government”.

Two months later in June 1966, he observed that Indians could observe that the existence of Israel “constitutes a wedge between the Arab states that prevents the establishment of an Arab empire”. “India is not interested in establishing such an empire, neither led by [Egyptian President] Nasser nor by anyone else,” he added.

On the day of India’s independence anniversary on August 15, 1966, the head of the Political-Economic Planning Department, Ilan Aryeh, suggested at a meeting of the foreign ministry that there should be “cautious contact with the Jan Sangh party (perhaps through the Mossad)”.

During the meeting, another foreign ministry official said that the Israel consul was already in contact with the Jan Sangh party, but doubted that there was “any room for tightening ties with an extreme nationalist party that has no chance of coming to power or a coalition”.

On March 14, 1967, the Israeli consul wrote in a telegram that the Jan Sangh had included a demand for full diplomatic relations with Israel in its manifesto. Two months later, the Israeli ambassador to Nepal, Moshe Arel reported to Tel Aviv on May 22, 1967 that he had met with a Jan Sangh lawmaker, M.L. Sondhi, in Kathmandu.

As Sondhi was the MP from New Delhi, he said that “local government in the Delhi region had passed onto the hands of Jan Sangh”. Sondhi explained, as per the Israeli diplomatic telegram quoted in Haaretz, that “It is now possible to put the Indian government to various tests in the Israeli context, the result of which will be the undermining of the existing anti-Israel policy.”

A few months later in January 1968, Sondhi was in Phnom Penh, where he met with the Israeli ambassador to Cambodia, Raphael Ben Shalom, who wrote that the Indian lawmaker told him that he was ready to organise a “protest of hundreds of thousands” in support of full diplomatic ties with Israel.

In addition, through the same middleman, the consulate “coordinated queries with lawmakers from Jan Sangh designed to criticize and embarrass the New Delhi government on the issue of its abnormal relations with Israel”.

In his advice to Israeli diplomats, Sondhi also reportedly suggested that Israel should replace its “fixer in India as he was also a middleman for Taiwan”.

However, Israel seems to have continued with the same middleman to arrange local contacts for several years. In 1973, the head of the Asia department in the Israeli foreign ministry wrote to the consulate that their middleman is “strongly identified with the far right”. “He also serves as a middleman for Taiwan and is very active in all kinds of anti-communist organizations and activities that smell of the right and the CIA,” added deputy director Yaacov Shimoni in his telegram.

Haaretz wrote that during the ’70s, the consulate, through the same middleman, “coordinated queries with lawmakers from Jan Sangh designed to criticize and embarrass the New Delhi government on the issue of its abnormal relations with Israel”.

Over a decade later, another telegram from the Israeli consulate to the foreign ministry on October 30, 1985 refers to a middleman who organised meeting with the far-right parties “who used to receive large payments from us”.

Besides Jan Sangh, the Israeli consul in Mumbai, Reuven Dafni, also kept contact with the Shiv Sena party. A 1968 telegram by Dafni, who had been active underground in Hungary to save Jews during the Holocaust, described the Shiv Sena as “obviously demagogic fascist” and said that it held demonstrations in “the style of the Nazis in the ’30s in Germany and Austria: breaking windows of mainly foreign shops, removing foreign workers from various workplaces, etc”.

He repeated the parallels in another telegram in February 1969, where he said that Bombay riots was instigated by the Shiv Sena, which had “clear fascist foundations”.

During the October 1973 Yom Kippur, a rally was held in Bombay in support of Israel with participation from the Shiv Sena and Jan Sangh “in coordination with the Israeli consulate”. The Israeli consul, Joshua Trigor, wrote back that Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray and a Jan Sangh MP gave speeches in support of Israel.

Referring to a meeting with the president and vice president of Hindu Mahasabha, Trigor wrote in November 1973 that the leadership gave him a detailed report on how they had made pro-Israeli speeches and demonstrations during the Yom Kippur war.

While the Hindu Mahasabha’s political power may have waned, Trigor felt that “it’s good that they also sympathize with us – even if one of the reasons for this is their hatred of Muslims”.

Emboldened by the outreach to the Hindu Mahasabha, the Israeli consulate received a “surprise guest” – Gopal Godse, brother of Nathuram Godse, the murderer of Mahatma Gandhi. Gopal Godse had also been convicted with a life sentence, but released in 1965.

In his report, Israeli diplomat Gideon Ben Ami said that he hadn’t known in advance of Godse’s visit, but since “it was already too late for its cancellation, I politely listened to his words…”.

Godse apparently spoke “passionately about his hatred of Muslims”. He also inquired whether the consulate would “lend its help in printing the defense speech of his brother who was executed [in 1949] and spread it in Israel”.

“Ben Ami wrote that he had firmly rejected the proposal and avoided entering into an ideological polemic with Gopal Godse. His embarrassment was due to the fact that the brother of Gandhi’s murderer had visited the consulate, not the consulate’s connection with the far right,” said the Haaretz article.

In the continuing saga of Israeli diplomats meeting with the Jan Sangh leadership over the decades to hear about their sympathy for Tel Aviv and disapproval of the Union government’s position, Israeli consul Trigor wrote that he “personally heard this from party president LK Advani at our meeting in Delhi in 1973”.

During the Emergency years, Israeli diplomats had difficulty in maintaining contacts with the Jan Sangh and other right-wing parties, as their leaders had gone underground or been arrested.

But when the Janta coalition swept to power in 1977, the Jan Sangh came to the centre.

A senior US diplomat, National Security Council’s Thomas Thornton, informed the Israeli ambassador in Washington David Turgeman that “those who pursue a less hostile line to Israel are organized within the framework of Janata”. Turgeman wrote in his telegram dated March 25, 1977 that Thornton told him that the “right-wing Jan Sangh, because of its anti-Muslim Hindu nature, is a supporter of Israel”.

A profile of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the new foreign minister in the Janta government, mentioned that he had once led a demonstration against the PLO representatives landing in Mumbai, which led to their plane being diverted to Delhi, an internal Israeli diplomatic telegram noted in April 1977.

As per another telegram, a US official in the State Department also explained to his Israeli interlocutor that the success of the Jan Sangh was due to “its close ties with the Hindu religious militia movement Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh”. He also noted that the electoral success was due to the RSS doing “wonders in recruiting voters in the elections for Janata”.

This was also being reported back by Israeli diplomats from India, with consul Haim Divon writing in 1979 that the Jan Sangh’s main strength was the “exemplarily organized extremist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh”, adding that its members were “fascists”.

Following the breakout of communal violence, a July 1977 telegram from Bombay consulate noted that “since the sectarian riots – that is, the attacks on the Muslim minority in various parts of northern India – increased in the last year, accusations have been made against Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, against its Jan Sangh patron and, indirectly, against Prime Minister Desai for not demanding that some members of Janata sever their ties with the group and for not coming out firmly against them”.

After the Bharatiya Janta Party was formed in April 1980, then Israeli consul Haim Divon wrote in a telegram that the new party “is actually (despite its denials) Jan Sangh in disguise”.

After the fall of the Janta government, it came to light that Israeli foreign minister had made a secret visit to India and met with Prime Minister Moraji Desai in 1977.

In July 1981, Israeli consul Yosef Hassin reported back that he had asked Ram Jethmalani, lawyer and then vice president of the BJP, to write an internal party paper on relations with Israel.

“Hassin reported that Jethmalani asked if he could prepare a working paper and arguments for him for a “balanced and fair position toward Israel” to be presented at the party’s conference. Hassin noted that he willingly complied with the request. Jethmalani was also one of the organizers of the abovementioned rally in support of Israel during the Yom Kippur War, in coordination with the consulate,” the article stated.

In another telegram, Hassin observed that “most of the supporters and friends of Israel in India come from among its ranks – on the basis of hatred of Haman more than love of Mordechai”. He was referring to the story of the Book of Esther in the Hebrew Bible in which Haman, the grand vizier of the Achaemenid King, plots to have all Jews in Persia killed after Mordecai, a Jewish man, refuses to prostrate before him.

In an overview of Israel’s relations with India, a report written by the Isreali foreign ministry’s Asia department in June 1982 observed that the “factors working in our favour” included “the existence of the Hindu-Muslim conflict, which was a deep and sharp rift, and the formation of the anti-Muslim right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party”.

In the same month, Hassin was forced to leave the country after the Indian government declared him persona non grata after he attacked the Indian government for its pro-Arab policy in a news interview.

India’s Water Transport Workers’ Union Says Won’t Help Ships Carrying Arms Bound for Israel

The union of 3,500 workers said, “our Union members have collectively decided to refuse handling all types of weaponised cargoes. Loading and unloading these weapons helps provide organizations with the ability to kill innocent people.”

New Delhi: The Water Transport Workers Federation of India, representing 3,500 workers at 11 major Indian ports, has declared that it will refuse to load or unload weapons to Israel on any ships it may be asked to do so, carrying armaments and bound for Israel.

The press release issued by them, dated February 14, says they have “decided to refuse to load or unload weaponized cargoes from Israel or any other country which could handle military equipments and its allied cargo for war in Palestine.”

The union says that as “Port workers, part of labour unions would always stand against the war and killing innocent people like women and children. The recent attack of Israel on Gaza plunging thousands of Palestinians into immense suffering and loss. Women and children have been blown to pieces in the war. Parents were unable to recognise their children killed in bombings which were exploding everywhere.”

Seeing any role in enabling ship to carry armaments which may aggravate the war in Gaza and particularly in Rafah, they have said “our Union members have collectively decided to refuse handling all types of weaponised cargoes. Loading and unloading these weapons helps provide organizations with the ability to kill innocent people.” The trade union has also called “for an immediate ceasefire”.

The press release further says, “as responsible trade unions, we declare our solidarity with those who campaign for peace. We call upon the workers of the world and peace-loving people to stand with the demand of free Palestine.”

Speaking to The Wire from Chennai, T. Narendra Rao, general secretary of the Water Transport Federation of India, said, “We are affiliated to the World Federation of Trade Unions, a global body. At a recent meeting of world trade unions, held at Athens after the war of Gaza started, we saw the rousing reception the trade union representative from Palestine got there, as they explained exactly what was going on. We decided them that we would do our bit and not handle any weapon-laden cargo, which will go onto assist Israel to kill more women and children as we are seeing and reading every day in the news.”

Rao said they had not encountered any reports of any such ship bound for Israel so far, but were issuing the statement “to express solidarity with Palestine” and make clear that they would not be a part of any future enterprise to support Israel’s war on the Palestinian people. Their workers “would not help load or unload anything that advances the cause of war”.

Meanwhile, a Hyderabad-based joint venture in which the Adani Group has a controlling stake has manufactured and dispatched over 20 military drones to the Israeli military. Hermes drones – similar to what Adani-Elbit Advanced Systems India Ltd has just delivered – are being extensively used in the Israeli Defence Forces’ military campaign in Gaza, which have resulted in the death of over 28,000 people, including more than 10,000 children.

The sale more of than 20 Hermes 900 medium-altitude, long-endurance (MALE) UAVs to Israel – first reported on February 2 by Neelam Mathews for the well-regarded defence-related website Shephard Media has not yet been publicly acknowledged by either Tel Aviv or New Delhi but sources at Adani, communicating off the record as they are not authorised to speak to the media, had confirmed to The Wire in early February that the export had indeed taken place.

Th World Federation of Trade Unions, established in 1945, on February 13 issued a call for solidarity with the people of Palestine, saying that their demand was for “the United Nations and the international community will take urgent decisions to prevent this new Nakba in the Palestinian land. At the same time, we condemn the hypocrisy of the USA and their allies, who pretend to be the protectors of the international law and order, but they silently or openly support this genocide.” They further said, “the class-oriented trade union movement, once again expresses its unwavering solidarity with the Palestinian people, and reaffirms the readiness to intensify its actions in every possible means, until the end of the occupation and the liberation of the Palestinian land.”

Given India’s Military Ties With Israel, Modi Would Have Had No Problem Acquiring Pegasus

In all likelihood, the sale of Pegasus to India was possibly intended to ensure that the symbiotic strategic and security grid between the two countries continues apace.

Chandigarh: The reported deployment by India’s government of Israeli military-grade Pegasus spyware to monitor smartphones belonging to the country’s opposition politicians, journalists, lawyers and civil rights activists amongst others, is one more instance of the ever proliferating – but always covert – cooperation between New Delhi and Tel Aviv in the defence and intelligence sphere.

In Israel, Pegasus, which is considered among the world’s deadliest spyware tools for smartphones given its zero-click capability, is classified as a weapon, and hence officially transferable only to governments. Consequently, its sale to any country, like all other Israeli materiel exports, requires the Ministry of Defence’s approval.

This hugely expensive spyware – estimates for its deployment cost range from $25,000 to $50,000 per target with limits on simultaneous deployment, in addition to hardware and installation costs – is every ‘snooper’s dream.

Pegasus gives the attackers who use it total access to targeted smartphones, including their conversations, data, images, photographs, camera and geolocation. Pegasus operators can even  activate a target phone’s  inbuilt microphone when not in use, enabling its operators to listen in to offline conversations.

The Pegasus malware was specifically developed by cyber-arms firm NSO Group Technologies located at Herzliya near Tel Aviv, which takes its name from its three founders Niv, Shalev and Omri. The NSO trio are former members of Unit 8200 of the Israeli Intelligence Corps, tasked with gathering signals intelligence.

This specialised unit also referred to as the SIGINT National Unit operates autonomously under Israeli Military Intelligence, better known as Aman, but functions independent of the country’s three armed services. Most militaries and security agencies consider Unit 8200, which fields Pegasus, as one of the world’s foremost technical intelligence agencies, on par with the US’s National Security Agency in its overall capability, despite its far smaller size. Understandably, the skills by the three NSO owners in creating Pegasus, remain formidable.

Last week, however, a group of 17 media organisations from around the world, including The Wire,  Washington Post and The Guardian, simultaneously revealed via the umbrella ‘Pegasus Project’ a list of 50,000 telephone numbers that were earmarked for potential surveillance by NSO clients for at least two years, till mid-2019.

Also read: Pegasus Project: 136 Names Revealed by the Wire on Snoop List So Far

Other than the numbers of known criminals and terrorists to battle whom the NSO malware is believed to have been originally created the list included heads of state, leading politicians, human rights activists, journalists, diplomats and businessmen and others from various countries. Besides India, these included Egypt, France, Iraq, Lebanon, Mexico, Morocco, Pakistan, South Africa, Uganda and Yemen and some 13 other countries across Europe, North Africa and the Middle East.

Pegasus Project’s credibility was further reinforced by Amnesty International’s Forensic Laboratory that scientifically examined some of these specified smartphones, including some from India, confirming beyond reasonable doubt their infiltration by the Israeli malware. On Saturday, the CEO of WhatsApp, Will Cathcart confirmed to the Guardian that the Pegasus targets his company had identified in 2019, included government leaders and officials,

Ever since the Pegasus Project revelations surfaced on July 18, the Indian government has at best been ambivalent or at worst duplicitous over whether New Delhi had or had not acquired Pegasus. This was because the list of 300 verified India numbers included Indian Opposition leaders, civil servants, businessmen, journalists and even a woman who had accused the former chief justice of India of sexual harassment.

Government ministers in New Delhi have dismissed the allegations of snooping via Pegasus as ‘baseless’ and ‘motivated by the ubiquitous ‘foreign hand’, but dissembled on whether Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s administration had actually procured and domestically deployed Pegasus 2017 onwards against its political opponents, critics and assorted dissidents.

India’s newly appointed Minister of Electronics and Information Technology (IT) Ashwani Vaishnaw and his immediate predecessor Ravi Shankar Prasad stridently quoted the IT and Telegraph Acts, to iterate their claim that all electronic interception in defence of national security had followed due process of law. But the two and some other senior ministers doggedly refused to confirm or deny whether, indeed, the government had acquired Pegasus for this purpose or executed eavesdropping which they tacitly conceded via indigenously developed software.

However, in an earlier obfuscation, the IT minister had informed parliament that the Indian Computer Emergency Team (CERT-In)taken note of the threat posed by Pegasus and its impact on Indian users. This, in turn, raises a disturbing question: if in reality India had not acquired Pegasus, why would the government seek its operational details and outcome. Or was the former IT minister hinting that India was the victim of snooping? But if so, why would a power inimical to India spy on mediapersons, activists and government officials concerned predominantly with localised issues?

“Considering the government’s response to the Pegasus Project, it’s highly unlikely that it will ever admit to acquiring the malware or order an inquiry into the snooping allegations,” said a former senior security official. In all likelihood, he stated, declining to be identified, the government will brazenly pursue its  strategy of incessant denial, wearying all parliamentary and media demands for an investigation. And even if a judicial review into the matter was by some miracle instituted, as demanded by the Opposition, he lamented that the government could easily resort to exploiting national security as its alibi to frustrate and stymie all further scrutiny into the matter.

Be that as it may, security and military sources indicate a ‘strong possibility’ of India having acquired NSO’s Pegasus in 2017 considering the close strategic, military and security links between Delhi and Tel Aviv.

Israel as key supplier

Over the past three decades India has steadily emerged as Israel’s largest materiel and security-related equipment provider worth an estimated at $7-8 billion just between 2009-18. Israel has either transferred military kit directly or indigenously manufactured it via collaborative ventures through a transfer of technology. Retired military officers concede that Israeli access to India’s defence sector to be ‘awesome’ and one which service officers remained helpless to restrict or dilute as it is staunchly supported by the BJP administration.

Presently, Israel is India’s fourth largest armaments provider after Russia, the US and more recently France following the $7.92 billion acquisition of 36 Dassault Rafale fighters in late 2016. These weapon and related equipment sales have increased significantly after the BJP government assumed office in 2014. Modi was also the first Indian prime minister to visit Israel in July 2017.

But despite this rapidly proliferating strategic and military association that has emerged as Israel’s most significant in Asia, it is one that remains deeply shrouded in secrecy, operating in an undefined smoke-and-mirrors environment. Israel instinctively goes to great lengths to play down this strategic freemasonry with India, while the latter responds similarly for fear of straining ties with Arab states and Iran, upon whom New Delhi depends for nearly 70% of its hydrocarbon imports.

And though the diplomatic, political and security environment has changed recently in West Asia, with states like the United Arab Emirates (UAE) establishing formal ties with Israel, and even Saudi Arabia making overtures to Tel Aviv, New Delhi continues to mechanically and inexplicably pursue a cloak-and-dagger approach to all bilateral military, materiel procurement and intelligence issues with Israel. Reciprocal visits to New Delhi and Tel Aviv by defence, security and intelligence officials, Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) technicians and scientists and armament company executives too remain strictly under wraps, as does all bilateral military commerce executed through the private or public sectors.

Also read: How India Has Moved With Israel: A Timetable of Milestone Events

India-Israel relations

Before 1992 Israel reportedly assisted India stealthily, providing it limited military aid and weaponry during its brief, albeit disastrous war with China in 1962 with its Chief of Staff, General David Shaltiel, visiting Delhi surreptitiously in 1963. Israel provided similar, albeit limited assistance during India’s subsequent conflicts with Pakistan in 1965 and 1971, largely through ammunition supplies.

Clandestine ties continued thereafter with senior Indian security officials travelling to Israel via Cyprus as no direct air links between the two countries existed to ensure that their passports would have no record of their visit to the Jewish state. However, after Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s assassination in 1984, India is believed to have sought, and secured Israeli help in upgrading its VIP protection by training and arming its newly raised Special Protection Group and National Security Guard personnel. These commandos too reportedly utilised the Cyprus route. Israeli specialists also seemingly devised former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s security architecture that broadly continues with minor alterations for his successors, including Modi.

But the disintegration in the early 1990s of the Soviet Union, India’s long-standing ally and principal weapons supplier was a turning point in New Delhi’s military ties with Israel. Crucial supplies of arms and spares for military equipment either ceased or were interminably delayed, as overnight numerous suppliers found themselves located in independent neighbouring republics that were inimical to Moscow. Consequently, India was compelled to consider alternate materiel sources at a critical period that coincided with the eruption of Kashmiri insurgency in late 1989.

The establishment of official diplomatic ties with Israel in January 1992 under then Prime Minister Narasimha Rao enabled both sides to fast track their strategic and defence relationship based on mutual security and commercial interests. Israel, for its part, rightly perceived a lucrative commercial opportunity, while India looked upon Tel Aviv as a reliable materiel provider, especially of varied ammunition and missile systems which India’s military badly lacked and still does.

Nonetheless, it still took another six-odd years and the BJP’s ascent to power under then Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee for Israel’s defence machinery to definitively establish itself in India, second only to the Russians and thereafter to the US and France. Being a ‘closet’ nuclear weapon state, Israel’s decision not to condemn India’s May 1998 Pokhran nuclear tests also helped considerably, further endearing Tel Aviv to New Delhi and vice-versa.

Then prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee with his Israeli counterpart Ariel Sharon in New Delhi, September 9, 2003. Photo: Pawel Kopczynski/Reuters

However, it was India’s 11-week long Kargil war with Pakistan in 1999 that catapulted Israel’s defence industry to centre stage domestically. As the seriousness of the deadly conflict unfolded, commercially savvy Israel dug deep into its military reserves to supply India high-end hardware especially badly needed 155 mm howitzer rounds for its 155mm Bofors guns, laser-guided munitions and other ordnance that contributed largely to the Pakistan Army vacating the mountainous regions siege and ending hostilities.

Soon after, Israel began claiming its dues in materiel and related force multiplier equipment sales and continues to do so, prospering greatly in the process.

Alongside, the Indian military exhibited interest in the Israel Defence Forces’ successful warfare strategies and concepts, particularly with regard to countering armed insurgencies. Intelligence sharing on terrorism issues also proliferated, as did Israeli military training assistance to India’s Special Forces. The rationale that Israel and India shared similar, but un-publicised, concerns over threats posed not only by a nuclear-weapon capable and increasingly Islamised Pakistan, but the rapid radicalisation of its society and armed forces further cemented bilateral security and military ties.

Israel is also believed to have provided India with counter-terrorism assistance to help it deal with the Kashmiri insurgency in the early 2000s. It made available over a dozen technical teams to assist India in augmenting its border intelligence gathering capabilities, in addition to anti-terrorism counter measures like upgraded border fencing, ground sensors and handheld thermal imagers for use by army and paramilitary border guards.

In all likelihood, exporting Pegasus to India was possibly intended to ensure that this mutually beneficial symbiotic strategic and security grid between the two countries continues apace.

Israel Aerospace Wins $777 Million Contract to Supply Defence Systems to India

Israel is emerging as one of India’s biggest suppliers of weapons, alongside the US and long-term partner Russia.

Tel Aviv: State-owned Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) has won an additional $777 million contract to supply LRSAM air and missile defence systems to seven ships in the Indian navy, the company said on Wednesday.

The contract is with the Bharat Electronics Ltd (BEL), which is the main contractor in the project, IAI said.

The LRSAM, part of the Barak 8 family, is an air and missile defence system used by Israel’s navy as well as India’s navy, air and land forces.

With this deal, sales of the Barak 8 over the past few years total over $6 billion, IAI said.

“IAI’s partnership with India dates many years back and has culminated in joint system development and production,” IAI Chief Executive Officer Nimrod Sheffer said. “India is a major market for IAI and we plan to … reinforce our positioning in India, also in view of increasing competition.”

Also read: India Revives Deal for Israeli Missiles Battle-Tested on Gazans

Israel’s and India’s leaders have pledged to deepen ties and the countries have been increasing cooperation in fields like agriculture and advanced technologies. Israel is also emerging as one of India’s biggest suppliers of weapons, alongside the US and long-term partner Russia.

Last year, IAI struck a deal worth almost $2 billion to supply India’s army and navy with missile defence systems. This was followed by a $630 million contract with BEL to supply Barak 8 surface-to-air missile systems for four ships in the Indian navy.

The Barak 8 was developed by IAI in collaboration with Israel’s defence ministry, India’s Defence Research and Development Organisation, the navies of both countries, Israel’s Rafael and local industries in India and Israel.

(Reuters)