What Rafale Has Done to India’s Institutions

Three vital constitutional functionaries let India’s citizens down – the Attorney General for India, the SC and the CAG.

Every time the Rafale deal makes news and raises its ugly head, one thought surfaces in my own. Not the contents of the deal per se, which by itself was bad, but the larger picture — the spinoffs from this deal have cascaded across Indian institutions and breached their functional integrity.

Many institutions failed the nation. The defence and civil bureaucracies of the Ministry of Defence (MoD) were at the forefront of activity, but there were others too: the Ministry of Law and Justice (MoL&J); the cabinet committee on security (CCS), and parliament; the highest law officer in the land, the Attorney General for India, and two other constitutional authorities, the Supreme Court (SC), and the Comptroller and Auditor General of India (CAG); and the independent media.

Surprisingly, the two ministries, the MoD and MoL&J, normally subservient and despite being part of the executive, somewhat played their part, though the MoD could have done better. The CCS, as part of the executive, and parliament, courtesy the brute majority of the government, didn’t whimper much.

The onus lay upon the Attorney General for India, the SC and the CAG to ensure the correct interpretation of procedure and processes laid down, and establish the rule of law in a constitutional democracy built on the architecture of separation of power, checks and balances, and an independent judiciary.

Sadly, all the three constitutional functionaries let the citizens down. The Attorney General for India morphed into the Attorney General for the government of India, equating the government with the nation. The Hon’ble SC, the apex court, went wrong on multiple counts — not least in a judgment that bristled with inconceivable wrongs (reproducing the government’s “sealed cover” note; pronouncing that pricing details had been shared with the CAG and that the report had been examined by the public accounts committee with a redacted portion placed before parliament); in ignoring such vital aspects as transfer of technology and indigenous licensed production in India, but in failing to uphold challenges posed to the sanctity of rules, procedures, and the rule of law, which forms the very basis of our constitutional democracy.

Also read: After Fresh Allegations on Rafale Deal, What Next For India’s Defence Procurements?

The other constitutional institution, the CAG, made a mockery of its role in a theatre of disgrace, in failing to put under the microscope the egregious removal of an integrity/anti-corruption clause, and in giving selective attention to mask critical details and escape the public gaze. This shall forever remain amongst the creme de la creme of infractions perpetrated by the nation’s supreme audit institution.

As a proud, ordinary citizen of this nation, I felt lacerated when I read the report and had highlighted it at the time:

“As a citizen I feel distraught for these gloss-overs in a report based on documents I can’t access because it is off-limit now for me in the name of secrecy.

Isn’t this then the audit equivalent of the “sealed cover” submitted to the Supreme Court? The question that shall keep lurking in my mind and the minds of other citizens is: hasn’t the CAG erred on facts and analysis, much as the Hon’ble Supreme Court did in its judgment?”

Two years down the line, as an ordinary citizen, I am wrought up beyond relief. Not just by the Rafale deal but by the virus of smart management that’s morally problematic and gutted institutions and public offices. With manifest “wrongs” buried fathoms deep and “righted” by constitutional institutions by stomping down of the fundamental scaffolding, what pathogen has this process of Rafalization summoned up, as lesser institutions and lesser mortals emulate it?

Consider the long shadow that it’ll cast on national norms, acts and society:

  1. We’ve no rule of law governing us, and even the semblance of it is choking in its death throes, and can be whittled away piecemeal and replaced with new ones!
  2. The basis of the New Society is: Show me the man and I’ll show you the rule, or if warranted, even rewrite the playbook!
  3. The government can wilfully act its way, or show us the highway, untrammelled by any constitutional provisions to checkmate it!
  4. The lesser institutions and the lesser mortals manning these institutions can imitate the higher institutions with impunity and disdain!
  5. The common man is easily trampled upon and crushed!
  6. If a citizen raises his democratic voice of dissent, he can be told to seek out another land, in another clime to claim his place in the sun!

These are mere illustrations of the dismay suffusing me. What about the abrasions caused to the society we live in? A nation with its governing prescriptions infracted, a society that’s been Rafalized? Much beyond the visible, shall be the cascading effect wrought on norms and the psyche of the people. Power is the bully-pulpit for shearing democratic norms, to force citizens to act “obediently” by gaslighting them. And then, in utter self-abased gratification, to seek post-retirement sinecures, to leapfrog into governorships or membership in parliament’s elder chamber, or any such variant on offer, to be granted as a subtle reparative gesture by the Supreme Benefactor.

This, in short, is the rippling effect of Rafalisation — creating a grasping human psyche that cares not what befalls the ordinary person. Like politics is the art of the possible, this too is a “noble” act of self-preservation in a kakistocracy that pulverises established norms to build a society bereft of constitutional values and sans a moral compass.

Sudhansu Mohanty is former controller general of defence accounts and former financial adviser, defence services. 

Note: This piece first appeared in the The India Cable and is being republished with permission. 

Govt Issues Warning to Twitter Over Map Misrepresentation

Earlier, Twitter had shown Leh in the People’s Republic of China as part of its geo-location feature.

New Delhi: The government has shot off a stern letter to Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey, conveying its strong disapproval over misrepresentation of the Indian map, and asserted that any attempt by the micro-blogging platform to disrespect the country’s sovereignty and integrity is totally unacceptable.

In a strongly-worded letter, IT Secretary Ajay Sawhney has warned the platform that such attempts not only bring disrepute to Twitter but also raises questions about its neutrality and fairness as an intermediary.

IT Ministry sources told PTI that Sawhney shot off a stern letter to Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey, conveying strong disapproval of the government over misrepresentation of the map of India.

Earlier, Twitter had shown geo-location of Leh in Jammu and Kashmir, People’s Republic of China.

The IT secretary, in his letter, has reminded Twitter that Leh is the headquarter of Union Territory of Ladakh and both Ladakh as well as Jammu and Kashmir are integral and inalienable parts of India, governed by the constitution of India.

The government had asked Twitter to respect the sensitivities of Indian citizens and has also made it clear that any attempt by Twitter to disrespect sovereignty and integrity of India, which is also reflected by the maps, is totally unacceptable and unlawful.

Issuing a stern warning, the IT secretary has said that such attempts not only bring disrepute to Twitter but also raises questions about its neutrality and fairness as an intermediary.

SC Quashes NLSIU Bengaluru’s Notification for Holding Separate Entrance Exam

The bench said that NLSIU Bengaluru shall also complete the admission of BA LLB (Hons) programme 2020-21 on the basis of the result of CLAT 2020.

New Delhi: The Supreme Court on Monday quashed the NLSIU Bengaluru’s notification for conducting separate entrance exam, the National Law Aptitude Test (NLAT) held on September 12, 2020, for admission to its five-year law course and directed it to admit students on the basis of CLAT 2020 results.

The Common Law Admission Test (CLAT) is a centralised national level entrance test for admissions to 23 NLUs in India. Bengaluru’s National Law School of India University (NLSIU) is one of them.

The apex court asked the consortium of National Law Universities (NLUs) to conduct CLAT-2020 on September 28 while taking all precautions and care for the health of the students after following the standard operating procedures of the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare and Ministry of Human Resource Development.

A bench headed by Justice Ashok Bhushan said the consortium shall ensure that entire process of declaration of result be completed as early as possible to enable NLSIU Bengaluru and other NLUs to start their course by mid of October.

The top court delivered its verdict on a plea filed by former NLSIU Vice-Chancellor Professor R.V. Rao and the parent of an aspirant challenging the NLAT 2020 for admission to the five year integrated BA LLB (Hons) Programme 2020-2021.

The bench, also comprising Justices R.S. Reddy and M.R. Shah, said that NLSIU Bengaluru shall also complete the admission of BA LLB (Hons) programme 2020-21 on the basis of the result of CLAT-2020.

In its 107-page judgment, the bench said NLSIU Bengaluru was required to obtain the recommendation of the academic council before proceeding to hold NLAT by issuing the notification dated September 3, 2020.

Admission notification dated September 3, 2020, having been issued without the recommendation of Academic Council is not in accordance with the provisions of Act, 1986 (National Law School of India Act) and is unsustainable, the bench said.

It said that recommendation of the academic council was necessary to be obtained for holding NLAT especially when NLSIU Bengaluru was proposing to hold the test instead of admitting students by CLAT.

A picture of NLSIU Campus. Photo: NLSIU website

CLAT being an all India examination for different National Law Universities has achieved its own importance and prominence in legal education. The steps taken by National Law Universities to form a consortium and to cooperate with each other in conduct of CLAT is towards discharge of their public duty entrusted under the different statutes. The duty to uphold its integrity lies on the shoulder of each and every member, it said.

It noted that thousands of students, who aspire to have a career in law, look forward to CLAT as a prestigious test and CLAT has proved its usefulness and utility in this country.

Students look forward to the consortium for providing a correct and fair assessment of the merits of the students. The bye-laws under which members are required to admit the students in their law universities on the basis of the CLAT for UG (undergraduate) and PG (post-graduate) law courses are binding on the members, it said.

Bye-laws although are non-statutory but they have been framed with the aim and object to be followed by its members, it noted, adding that NLSIU Bangaluru from the beginning shouldered the leading role in the conduct of CLAT.

The bench also noted that to conduct a common law admission test for all law universities is both in the national interest as well as in the interest of the education”.

It said CLAT 2020 was earlier postponed amid the COVID-19 pandemic for public health and safety reasons.

The bench said in its verdict that in pursuance to the September 3, 2020, notice, 24,603 candidates had applied and 23,225 have appeared in the test while for CLAT 2020, over 69,000 students have registered for the undergraduate law course.

It noted the submissions of petitioners that exam held on September 12, 2020, as well as re-test held on September 14, was marred by several malpractices.

We are of the view that for the present case, it is not necessary for this court to enter into various materials referred to by the petitioners and the reports and to decide as to whether malpractices were actually adopted in the examination or not, it said.

It said that NLSIU Bengaluru being a premier university, we have no doubt that it must have taken all necessary precautions to avoid any malpractices and cheating in the examination.

Regarding other submissions advanced by the petitioners, the bench said that home-based online examination as proposed by the university for NLAT could not be held to be a test which was able to maintain transparency and integrity of the examination.

It observed that universities are not powerless to modify their academic calendar looking to the pandemic situation.

The academic year 2020-21 is not a normal academic year in which universities are expected to carry on their teaching and other activities in normal mode and manner, it said.

It said that being a member of the consortium, NLSIU Bengaluru ought not to have proceeded with holding NLAT nor the academic year 2020-21 be required to be declared as zero-year even if the course starts in the mid of October this year.

The bench rejected the objection raised on the locus of petitioners saying the issues brought before it has to be decided on merits.

The apex court had on September 11, 2020, given its go-ahead to NLSIU Bengaluru to hold its separate exam, which was to be held on September 12, 2020, but restrained it from announcing the results and admitting any student till the pendency of the plea.

Not Just Equality, the CAA Betrays Constitutional Values of Dignity, Integrity

The CAA denies the value of community as it violates fraternal bonds between communities: a public good recognised by Ambedkar and the Supreme Court in decisions on secularism.

The unconstitutionality of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), as violative of the fundamental rights of equality, life and liberty, has now been widely appreciated. What also deserves attention is how it sacrifices our deepest constitutional commitments to dignity, fraternity and integrity of the nation that breathe life into our fundamental rights.

These values are not platitudes or constitutional jumlas even if they find no mention in the text of our fundamental rights. They are guarantees entrenched by the preamble and judicial decisions that universally protect all persons including illegal immigrants. It is on a test of constitutional values that the humiliation of specific illegal immigrants, Muslims generally, and even legal migrants becomes manifest. The legal, constitutional, political and moral wrongs of the CAA come together when viewed through this lens.

Values are prone to being rendered vacuous by their vagueness. When the state flaunts its coercive power, vagueness provides easy cover to the wary. For guardians of the constitution though, this is precisely the time to breathe life into core constitutional values. In the numerous petitions challenging the CAA, the Supreme Court of India could anchor the Indian republic on a clearer understanding of fraternity, dignity, and integrity and their relationship with secularism.

Universal rights of illegal immigrants

Much like the constitution of Germany, India’s was drafted alongside the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). Christopher Morsink, the foremost historian of the UDHR laid out in two books how inherent dignity and universality were plateaus of agreement for the drafters.

Even though India’s textual inspiration for dignity was the Irish constitution, its references to dignity and fraternity cannot be divorced from this spirit of the UDHR that swept across liberal constitutional democracies. It is no coincidence that the preamble itself distinguishes between values applicable to citizens alone and those that apply universally to all persons.

Also read: Why the CAA Is More Lethal Than a Projected NRC

The preamble begins with the values of sovereignty, socialism, democracy and republicanism that are the very foundations of India. Subsequently it ‘secures for its citizens’ social economic and political justice, ‘liberty of thought expression, belief, faith and worship’ and ‘equality of status and of opportunity’.

Specific provisions of the constitution flesh out these special obligations towards citizens. For example, the liberties under Article 19 are only for citizens. Articles 15 and 16 secure equality relevant for socio-economic and political justice to its citizens. Through these articles, the constitution recognises special obligations arising between states and citizens just as they arise between spouses or workers or players in a team.

In contrast, articles 14, 17, 21-25, 27 and 32 recognise universal rights of all persons. They are about equality before the law, untouchability, life and liberty, preventive detention, self-incrimination, education, child labour and the right to constitutional remedies. They logically flow from the preamble’s statement to promote amongst its citizens ‘fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual and unity and integrity of the nation’. Each one of these terms is pregnant with moral and political value and deserve careful attention and not mere rhetorical flourish.

People protest the Citizenship (Amendment) Act in Delhi. Photo: Naomi Barton/The Wire

Integrity is not about territory

Unity and integrity of the nation are not mere references to territory in the preamble. ‘Nation’ is a political term that refers to a common political consciousness of a political community. India was a nation in the making in 1947, and still is. Indians continuously debate core ideas that create a shared political commitment.

Debates on the idea of India, its constitutional morality, terms of citizenship, federalism, novel governmental structures in Kashmir and the north-east, or the justice of its property and tax regimes are part of the process of shaping India’s shared political imagination. The political nation emerges clearly in the choice of constitutional language when referring to territory. The constitution chooses ‘Union’ or ‘territory of India’ for geographical references. In contrast, ‘nation’ in the preamble is firmly tied to the idea of integrity, which in turn is a moral idea.

Integrity is a moral value, not a tangible territorial fact. Ronald Dworkin, quoted widely by the Supreme Court on rights and dignity, provided book-length accounts of the value of integrity. Integrity requires that we decide difficult questions on principle, and not expediencies. Principles are the moral and political commitments of the republic articulated through constitutional values and past landmark decisions.

Also read: The CAA Will Un-Make India By Poisoning Relationships of Trust, Affinity Across Religions

When a community guarantees rights to people, it chooses to pursue a path of principle as opposed to pure collective policy. It must then act with integrity by placing individual rights, rather than policy goals at the centre of political discourse. Constitutional challenges to the CAA question the integrity of the government’s decisions as laws cannot trump rights and principles.

Individual rights are necessarily about justice and fairness, as opposed to collective goals. Goals can be pursued pragmatically, sometimes by justifiably suspending values and rights for a better future. What integrity, in contrast, requires is our laws to be morally justified by a shared constitutional morality. Such a shared morality is what would unite the nation and guarantee its integrity. The values of fraternity and dignity in the preamble must be understood in this context of national unity and integrity. They articulate our shared constitutional morality that holds the community together.

‘Fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual’

It is no coincidence that when the constitution invokes dignity and fraternity, the individual, not the citizen, is in focus. Illegal immigrants are as human as citizens are. They can be singled out for special treatment, but not in a way that denies their human dignity. Fraternity can only be promoted by assuring the inherent dignity of illegal immigrants. The CAA, however, sacrifices fraternity by classifying illegal immigrants based on religion, thus violating the intrinsic relation between fraternity and secularism.

A view of Supreme Court of India in New Delhi. Credit: PTI

Supreme Court of India in New Delhi. Photo: PTI

In SR Bommai’s case, the Supreme Court upheld this intrinsic link between fraternity and secularism. Relying on Ambedkar’s views, it held that fraternity aimed at creating unity by improving ties across castes and religions:

“India being a plural society with multi-religious faiths…, secularism is the bastion to build fraternity and amity with dignity of person as its constitutional policy.”

CAA fails to recognise this fraternal relationship between people in declaring some persecuted people to be preferred over others even if they are similarly persecuted. Some persecution is surely more severe than others, e.g. a Muslim Uighur facing death compared to a liberal atheist facing curtailment of freedom of expression. That is a secular basis for prioritising asylum if the choice must be made.

Also read: The NRC Will Backfire. Here’s Why

But to discriminate based on one’s faith, belief and national origin is not only arbitrary but injures fraternity, which denies, not assures, dignity of individuals. It injures fraternity in failing to recognise the common human suffering perpetrated by social and political persecution. It violates dignity because it judges people on immutable characteristics, over which they have little or no control. Their autonomy i.e. the ability to give laws onto themselves, or to self-determine the course of their lives, is denied.

After the Privacy and Aadhaar decisions, Indian jurisprudence has clearly recognised the indignity of judging people on immutable characteristics. Justice Sikri in AADHAR, relying on earlier decisions, laid out three core principles of dignity that capture this: intrinsic value of every person, autonomy and community. The CAA specifically violates the first and third principles. The second is violated automatically whenever human rights of individuals are denied.

The CAA humiliates illegal migrants from excluded communities, Muslims, and even legal migrants by denying their intrinsic worth. By excluding illegal immigrants from specific communities to qualify for its benefits, the CAA denies their intrinsic moral worth by treating their persecution as less deserving of protection. Intrinsic worth is a feature of dignity that is distinct from equality of status and opportunity guaranteed to citizens by the constitution.

The equality at issue here is the equal moral worth of humanity that deserves respect in that it is of incomparable value.

In Immanuel Kant’s words, it is ‘beyond price’ and thus absolute. That is why to treat someone merely as an instrument towards other goals is violative of dignity. Intrinsic worth cannot be measured in terms of other goals. Dignity is thus inimical to comparing illegal immigrants to insects to be hounded out to achieve political, economic or electoral goals.

CAA humiliates even legal migrants who must wait seven years at least for citizenship by telling them that they are less worthy than the chosen illegal migrants who could get citizenship in five years just on the fact that they belong to specific religions and countries. Even the dignity of the included religions from the excluded neighbouring countries like Sri Lanka, China and Myanmar are violated on the same grounds of being discriminated based on immutable characteristics related to their intrinsic worth.

Demonstrators hold the national flag of India as they attend a protest against a new citizenship law, after Friday prayers at Jama Masjid in the old quarters of Delhi, India, December 20, 2019. Photo: Reuters/Danish Siddiqui

Muslims, in general, are also humiliated as their religion is singled out as a criterion to select countries and individuals that will be disfavored. The logic is analogous to hate speech, in that a minority is told expressly by the government that their identity is a valid basis for not recognising the common humanity of individuals. In other words, being Muslim means being less human. Constitutional courts, e.g. in Canada, have recognised that such action prevents minorities from participating in the ordinary democratic life of a polity and such actions are thus inimical to a free and democratic society.

Also read: The Brave Women of Shaheen Bagh

Finally, the CAA denies the value of community as it violates fraternal bonds between communities: a public good recognised by Ambedkar and the Supreme Court in decisions on secularism. In passing such a humiliating and inhuman law, and then by curbing protests with brutality, the government of India has told its people that they are mere instruments in a larger political plan. The republic is, therefore, again under siege. This time by an explicit denial of our deepest constitutional commitments.

Pritam Baruah is Associate Professor of Law at Jindal Global Law School.