India Hosts Muslim World League Chief Al Issa: Outreach or Image Building PR Exercise?

Mohammad bin Abdulkarim Al-Issa’s five-day visit focused on interfaith relations, Islamic values, the need for communal harmony, and on common interests.

New Delhi: A visit by the secretary general of the Muslim World League and Saudi Arabia’s former minister for justice, Mohammad bin Abdulkarim Al-Issa, has reopened a debate on whether the Modi government is trying to revamp the image of its administration from one that is being increasingly identified with the persecution of Muslims.

Al-Issa, who is viewed as an advocate of “moderate Islam”, arrived in the national capital on July 10 for a five-day visit.

The visit focused on interfaith relations, Islamic values, the need for communal harmony, and focusing on common interests which included separating Islam from the narrative of extremism and hatred.

He met top officials including President Draupadi Murmu, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, minority affairs minister Smriti Irani and external affairs minister S. Jaishankar, and called upon leading religious leaders and Muslim scholars.

While the cultural-religious visit focused on deepening cooperation between the Muslim World League and India and its Muslims, critics say that the visit was more of a political exercise meant to benefit both Saudi Arabia and India.

Al-Issa described his meeting with Modi on July 11 as an “insightful discussion” on a variety of issues.

“This included ways to further human-centric development and the importance of promoting understanding and harmony among the followers of faith and culture. I appreciate His Excellency’s passionate perspective towards inclusive growth,” he wrote on Twitter.

“There was also agreement on the importance of working together on confronting all aspects of extremism and hatred, regardless of their source and reason, as peace and prosperity in our diverse world can only be achieved with aware and comprehensive citizenship.”

After meeting Modi, Al-Issa delivered a lecture with National Security Advisor Ajit Doval at the India Islamic Centre in New Delhi, where top Muslim leaders and scholars were invited.

“The need of the hour (is) to establish communications between cultures. Diversity promotes good relationships between cultures. Unity in diversity is the way forward. Tolerance needs to become a part of our lives,” Al-Issa said in his lecture, a copy of which has been accessed by The Wire.

Al-Issa said that the Muslim World League has alliances with different cultures of the world and praised India’s secular constitution despite being a Hindu majority nation.

“I have many friends in the Hindu community. We wish to strengthen understanding between faiths. India, despite being a Hindu majority nation, has a secular constitution.” 

“I deeply respect Sadhguru and Sri Sri Ravi Shankar. We have many common values with many Hindu leaders and we respect differences. We know the Muslim component is an important component. Indian Muslims are proud of being Indians. Religion can become a role for cooperation.”

Both Al-Issa and Doval highlighted the importance of unity in diversity and the patriotic character of Indian Muslims.

“India continues to play its role as a refuge for heterodox ideas with infinite capacity to absorb dissent. No religion is under threat,” Doval was quoted as saying by ANI.

“India is an inspiration to the rest of the world for being open to dialogue. Our partnership with India is a message to the whole world. This alliance of civilisations is a message of harmony to the whole world,” Al-Issa added.

Later, Al-Issa also visited the Akshardham Temple in the capital and delivered a khutbah (sermon) at the Jama Masjid – the first by a religious leader from outside the country in 400 years, where he once again reiterated that Islam stands against all forms of extremism and violence.

Al-Issa visiting the Jama Masjid in Old Delhi. Photo: Twitter/@MhmdAlissa, July 20, 2023.

“Positive message to Indian Muslims and the world”

Religious leaders who attended the event at the India Islamic Centre told The Wire that Al-Issa’s visit and messaging were a “positive” initiative not just for Indian Muslims but for the international community.

Syed Naseruddin Chishty, chairman of the All India Sufi Sajjadanashin Council and successor to the spiritual head of the Ajmer Dargah said that Al-Issa’s visit has sent out a message to the international community.

“This visit has been a very positive development. That a leader of such an important, reputed organisation has visited India is not just a message for Indians but also to the international community,” he said to The Wire.

“Especially in light of the fake propaganda that is being spread by some people about discrimination against Indian Muslims and the law and order situation in India – that Muslims don’t have the freedom to practice their own religion and Indian Muslims are facing persecution – Those who have been spreading this fake propaganda have been given a harsh answer.”

“The visit has proven that there is no discrimination and Muslims have all freedoms including political and religious.”

National Security Advisor Ajit Doval. Credit: PTI

National Security Advisor Ajit Doval. Credit: PTI

“Al-Issa said Islam only preaches love and peace and harmony. This message will resonate with the Indian Muslims. If we have to protect future generations, we have to go forward with both Al-Issa and Doval’s message of brotherhood and unity.”

Haji Syed Salman Chishty, chairman, Chishty Foundation, and Gaddi-Nashin (Hereditary Custodians/Key Holders), Dargah Ajmer Sharif, said that the historical and spiritual relations between India and Saudi Arabia have been enriched by the visit.

“For quite some time there were only bilateral relations. But with this visit by Sheikh Al-Issa – right from Jama Masjid to Akshardham Temple to all the other places that he went to – the message is very clear that we have to evolve, engage and rise above division and differences,” he said to The Wire.

“The message is not only between two countries but is a global message. Him reinstating the message of abiding by the Indian Constitution reaffirms the message to work together to build the nation as our Constitution gives faith to all religions to amplify the noble message of all religions.”

The religious leaders said that the visit, though timed close to general elections next year, is only a coincidence.

“Yes, elections are around the corner but it has nothing to do with Al-Issa. He is coming with a message that is unifying and is a global message and it is just a coincidence that elections are coming. There was no political messaging. The focus was on nation building and overcoming extremists and radicalisation and Islamic spiritual values of inclusiveness,” said Salman Chishty.

[There are only] isolated incidents of those who are indulging in hate speech. India is a large country. We cannot say that this is happening everywhere and in every street and every corner. NSA Doval’s message was also very clear about unity in diversity. Incidents of hate speech, in the name of nationalism or in the name of targeting any religion, must be dealt with strictly within the provisions of the constitution.”

Also Read: Election Rhetoric or Real Plan? Opposition Raises Questions as BJP Broaches UCC Yet Again

Naseruddin Chishty also said that those who are viewing this visit as an election strategy are showing their “negative” thoughts.

“Those who think that this has anything to do with elections have narrow and negative thoughts. If the Indian government has done this it’s a good thing. The message should go out that Indian Muslims love India and are proud of being Indians,” he said.

Evolving domestic and foreign policies at play

Observers said that the visit needs to be examined in the context of the evolving domestic and foreign policies of both India and Saudi Arabia.

A scholar who has worked closely on the region said that in the last sixty-odd years, the Muslim World League (MWL) has been the principal organisation for the promotion of the Saudi brand of Islam, referred to as Wahhabism – a rigid, narrow and doctrinaire expression of Islam.

Saudi crown prince Mohammad bin Salman. Photo: Flickr/U.S. Department of State. Public domain.

“This has undergone a change in the last four-five years when the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman has been projecting his country as a modern and moderate kingdom,” he said.

“The earlier rigid approach and the present moderate approach are both aimed at asserting the political interests of the kingdom: when earlier, with its affiliation with Wahhabism, the kingdom was asserting its leadership of the Muslim world. Now, Saudi Arabia is anxious to project itself as a modern nation that would be an attractive business partner for foreign companies and an attractive tourist destination.

“This is a political gambit and has very little to do with faith. This was a PR effort made by the crown prince to project a new image of Islam and Saudi Arabia to different countries and enhance the image of the crown prince as the leader of his modern and dynamic country.”

An expert who has spent nearly two decades in Saudi Arabia and has closely followed the politics of the Muslim world who did not wish to be named said that the role of the MWL is similar to the role of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in India.

“One can understand it the same way as the RSS in India, which sets its agenda in the name of religion and presents PM Modi as Hindu Hriday Samrat,” he said.

“Similarly, the agenda of the MWL is run in the name of ‘Liberal Islam’. Although they have taken many reformist steps recently, especially in favour of women, there are many human rights issues, where one can hardly differentiate between the Sangh’s narrow mindset and theirs.”

“As far as the Indian Muslims are concerned, hardly any common Muslim expects anything from people like Al-Issa or from the Arab world. As holy as Saudi Arabia is considered to be by Muslims, the politics of the country is just as unholy as the politics in our own country,” he added.

Converging interests

According to a former diplomat who did not wish to be named, the visit also reflects Saudi’s interests in India, which is a major buyer of crude oil from the kingdom.

“In addition, the largest Indian community of Indian passport holders anywhere in the world is also in Saudi Arabia. India is also a major trade and investment partner. What we are seeing right now is the attempt to enhance and consolidate relations with India on bases that resonate well with the interests of the Modi government,” the former diplomat said.

“One of the things which matters to the Modi government with regard to these engagements with these Muslim countries is to burnish its image at home about the mistreatment of minorities, particularly Muslims.

“By engaging with Saudi Arabia and getting some of its people to praise India, the Modi government is able to pander to its own constituency.”

While Modi has faced criticism during his recent trips to the US and France for his handling of minority rights in the country, such criticism has not shown any bearing on diplomatic relations.

Trucks carrying such banners urging US President Joe Biden to question Modi were spotted on the streets of the New York City on Wednesday.

“Neither are any of the western countries concerned about the state of democracy in India nor are any so-called “Muslim” countries concerned about the fate of Muslims in India. Political and economic interests trump all such considerations,” the former diplomat said.

“The Modi government has no interest in foreign affairs and has no coherent foreign policy. It has only two guiding interests – to change the idea of India on the basis of Hindutva and make a Hindu Rashtra, a state which will be displaying characteristics of neo-Fascism.”

“The second aspect is the persona of our leader – to project himself as a statesman and diplomat, and [that] in his individual personality, the salvation of the nation will be found.”

“These two ideas are not separate, they are integral to our national policy. Foreign affairs’ entire purpose is to support the two-point agenda at home, as engaging abroad goes down very well with the constituency at home.”

Shaheen Nazar, former senior editor of Arab News, said that the visit served a dual purpose.

“This tour was about killing two birds with one stone. PM Modi has regularly visited Saudi Arabia and other Muslim countries. He has even been bestowed the highest civilian honour in Saudi Arabia, that too at a time when Muslims and Dalits were, and still are, being lynched in India.”

“In such a situation, it is quite clear that Saudi Arabia cares little for such issues. However, PM Modi is keen on showing the western world and international media that the Muslim world is standing beside him despite their ‘propaganda’ about the plight of Indian Muslims.”

“It is in fact a special type of diplomacy which is directly benefiting the Modi government and Ajit Doval is an expert in it.”

Also Read: Egypt’s Paeans to Narendra Modi Cannot Erase the Past or Present in India

Nazar added that figures like Al-Issa cannot speak much about democracy and coexistence.

“What can people like Al-Issa say about ‘democracy’ or ‘coexistence’?”

“He only repeated what he was told to say. He is close to the royal family and the organisations he is associated with, be it the Muslim World League or the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, all mask their foreign policy. Most Muslims do not even know about them. They rule over a conservative society, and are now trying to carve a liberal image for themselves in the name of reform.”

“I still maintain that they will not, and cannot, speak up on the issue of Indian Muslims.”

“They have nothing to offer in advice either. But Modi had to benefit from the visit, which he did.”

How common Muslims benefitted from the visit

Observers said that the people who met Al-Issa are hardly representative of the common Muslim in India.

“Al-Issa is not a familiar figure among Muslims, but he was sent to Akshardham along with a handful of elite Muslims of their organisation,” Nazar said.

“They are all close to the government, close to the BJP. They cannot take to the streets and raise the issues of Muslims. You must understand that none of the Muslims he met were truly a representative of the Muslim community. They are wealthy Muslims. So, what was it about? Do you think they could have any interest in Indian Muslims?”

“The question is – what were our religious leaders doing?”

“Saudi Arabia is a necessity for them. They get them to stay in five star hotels. They have no say with the government of the country. They are paid stooges, wazifa khwars, of the Arabs. If you ask them about this visit, they won’t utter a word. If they had the courage, they would have spoken up about the condition of Indian Muslims in front of him (Al-Issa). But they could not. Each of them has their own interests.”

Mir Ayoob Ali Khan, who worked as the Deputy Managing Editor in-charge of national and international Affairs at the Saudi Gazette and is currently associated with The Siasat Daily said that Al-Issa only met those people “whom Ajit Doval chose, and he chose only those who speak well about Modi.”

“It was a PR exercise, led by Doval,” he said.

Questioning why Al-Issa did not speak to any Muslim organisation in India, Khan asked: 

“What was the purpose of his visit then? These are the people who have been fighting against idols their entire life and are now visiting those very places. What message do they want to convey by doing so? That they have changed their stance or have we changed?”

India and Saudi Arabia have generally warm relations. Credit: PTI.

“If you ask me why this is happening, I do not have a clear picture of his foreign policy. Secondly, we do not even know the opinion of Saudi Arabia about India. On the one hand, they are friends with Pakistan. Then they are joining hands with Turkey and Iran as well. And now they are striking a friendship with India in the same backdrop. How can they benefit from it?”

“Meanwhile, the Muslim leadership of India is completely divided,” he adds. “So, it is a very confusing situation about Muslims in India.”

According to Shakeel Rasheed, editor of Mumbai Urdu News, there was no need for Al-Issa to remark on the nationalism of Indian Muslims.

“Because Indian Muslims are undoubtedly proud of their Indianness and their constitution, and they also consider co-existence necessary. 

“If at all he had to say something, it would have been better to point out in the presence of Ajit Doval how coexistence calls for the majority to take along the minorities of the country as well as the Dalits, backwards, tribals and the economically weaker sections.”

Rasheed added that on his part, while Al-Issa could not and should not interfere with the internal affairs of an independent country, as a guest and friend of this country, he could at least have given a message of peace and through this message he could have conveyed the true meaning of co-existence to the authorities.

“But it is enough that instead of calling Indian Muslims terrorists, he called them nationalist. It is not as if they do not know the situation, but they have their own vested interests.”

India Has Jaswant Singh to Thank for Close Ties With Saudi Arabia

Atal Bihar Vajpayee’s foreign minister spotted a line in one of the ‘for your eyes only’ dispatches from Riyadh, that had then Saudi Crown Prince Abdulla bin Abdulaziz Al Saud asking, “Why has India forgotten us…”

As India mourns the passing of Jaswant Singh, one of its finest foreign ministers entrusted by Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee with building bridges with the United States, few know that he was single-handedly responsible for breathing life into ties between Delhi and Riyadh that had remained moribund for years.

Much of the credit for today’s close ties between the Gulf region and India is placed at Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s door, post the premier’s own landmark visits to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates in 2019, and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman’s visit to Delhi soon after the Pulwama attack in February 2019.

But the building blocks were crafted over 20 years ago, when then prime minister Vajpayee’s new foreign minister spotted a line in one of the ‘for your eyes only’ dispatches from Riyadh, that had then Saudi Crown Prince Abdulla bin Abdulaziz Al Saud asking, “Why has India forgotten us…”

Singh saw it as a sign that the goalposts were shifting and tasked the Ministry of External Affairs and the counter-intelligence agencies, Research & Analysis Wing and the Intelligence Bureau, to gauge Saudi intent. Neither the diplomats nor the spooks saw any merit in reaching out to a country they saw as deeply entrenched in the Pakistan camp.

But Singh foresaw a relationship that could go beyond the transactional, beyond the dependence on energy imports, and the safeguarding of the remittances of the 10 million Indians working across the Gulf. His aim was to construct a strategic shared vision of the neighbourhood, post the Gulf War, and hope to lessen the overarching hold that Pakistan then enjoyed in the region.

Singh’s path-breaking visit to Saudi Arabia would take another three years to come to fruition, when Saudi minister of state for foreign affairs Dr Nizar Obaid Al Madani finally arrived in Delhi with a formal invitation. In January of 2001, Jaswant Singh would become the first Indian foreign minister and the highest ranking Indian official to step foot on Saudi soil. Waiting to receive him at the airport was his counterpart, Saudi foreign minister Prince Saud bin Faisal. While that was no break with accepted protocol, the next few hours and days would be replete with much symbolism and some substance.

Also read: The Dates That Defined the Life and Times of Jaswant Singh (1938-2020)

Singh and the prince would spend an hour, closeted in the limousine, right there on the tarmac, discussing everything from the contentious to the sublime, from Kashmir to the 50-60 years of support for Pakistan. In public, Prince Saud would make clear that “they valued ties with India, and that the Delhi-Riyadh relationship would not be influenced by Riyadh’s relation with other countries”, (a reference to Pakistan) and that Kashmir was a purely bilateral issue.

As Singh would later tell Talmiz Ahmed, the man he had hand-picked as his ambassador to Riyadh, “I like the Saudis.” There was little doubt, it was reciprocated. But then, Jaswant Singh, had a singular calling card, which the ruling Al Sauds who hail from the Najd region, recognised in the Barmer native with his deep roots in Rajasthan’s Thar desert. Here was someone with whom they shared a common desert heritage.

That came through in a three-hour conversation he would share with King Fahd bin Abdul Aziz, and later with Crown Prince Abdulla where they dwelt, among other things, on their mutual passion for horses. It would of course lead to the crown prince’s son, the young Prince Mitaib’s storied invitation to Singh to a farm just outside the city, where he was presented with three priceless Arab racehorses, that were later flown to India at not inconsiderable cost by the Saudis.

Ambassador Ahmed tells you how Jaswant Singh had asked him to explore the desert ancestry of the Al Sauds, the minute the Crown Prince brought up what he saw as India’s cold-shouldering of the Gulf state. Ahmed, who had earlier served in the modern city of Jeddah, would wake up to the Najdi connect, that would be an ice-breaker, only a full two years later.

Also read: How Hindutva Hatred is Jeopardising India’s Gulf Ties

While the Indian and Saudi delegations worked on a slew of agreements that would put in place the framework of a formal political engagement that would see visits to Delhi become more commonplace, first by Abdulla when he succeeded to the throne in 2006, and by the present Saudi Crown Prince last year, drawn by India’s then booming economy and a shared concern over terror after the 26/11 attack on Mumbai by Pakistani terrorists, there was one more incident during the Jaswant Singh visit in 2001 that moved the Al Sauds.

As Singh waited for an audience with the King in one of his plush palaces, India’s urbane foreign minister was drawn to the many black and white photographs and paintings of a bygone era, particularly one that showed a Bedouin woman riding a horse with her baby strapped to her back. Singh broke down in tears, finally admitting it was because it reminded him of his early childhood in the heat of the desert in his home town of Jasol when he rode with his mother.

As his family and legion of admirers bid farewell to the always warm and welcoming politician who never took umbrage if you disagreed with him, Jaswant Singh’s compelling contribution to opening the doors to transformational ties with the Gulf nations that have withstood the test of time, must not go unremarked.

Neena Gopal is an independent journalist and author. She can be reached on neenagopal@gmail.com.

PM Modi Meets Saudi Prince Salman on Sidelines of G20 Summit

“In recent years, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has been a valuable partner. The relationship has expanded beyond the Indian community to issues related to the economy, energy and security. All issues of bilateral and regional interest will be discussed,” PMO sources said.

New Delhi: Prime Minister Narendra Modi met with Saudi Arabia Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman on the sidelines of the G20 summit in Buenos Aires on Thursday, November 29. They discussed ways to further boost economic, cultural and energy ties.

The two sides also held discussions on enhancing investment in technology, renewable energy and food security.

“Had a fruitful interaction with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud. We discussed multiple aspects of India-Saudi Arabia relations and ways to further boost economic, cultural and energy ties,” the prime minister tweeted.

“Deepening strategic ties. PM @narendramodi met with Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud on sidelines of #G20Argentina. Discussed enhancing Saudi investment in technology, infrastructure, petroleum, renewable energy, food security, fintech & defence sectors,” External Affairs Ministry spokesperson Raveesh Kumar tweeted.

“In recent years, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has been a valuable partner. The relationship has expanded beyond the Indian community to issues related to the economy, energy and security. All issues of bilateral and regional interest will be discussed,” PMO sources said.

Also Read: Does Narendra Modi’s Visit to Saudi Arabia Signal a Shift Away from Iran?

The prime minister also met UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres. According to sources, the UN Secretary General has reached out to the PM for the second time in two months.

They said the meeting signifies the importance that both leaders attach to the issue of climate change. This outreach comes just a week before the COP24 meet in Katowice, Poland.

“It reflects the respect in which the prime minister and his initiatives are held globally to take the lead on issues of global importance,” the sources said.

On the sidelines of the two-day 13th G-20 summit, Modi, Trump and Japanese Premier Shinzo Abe will hold a trilateral meeting amidst China flexing its muscles in the strategic Indo-Pacific region.

The trilateral meeting, which would be an expansion of the meeting between Trump and Abe, is part of the series of discussions the US president will have on the sidelines of the G-20 summit on November 30 and December 1.

White House Press Secretary Sarah Sanders said on Thursday the trilateral meeting with Prime Minister Modi will be held towards the end of the Trump-Abe talks.

“Looking forward to a wide range of interactions at the G-20 Summit, aimed at furthering sustainable development,” Prime Minister Modi tweeted soon after he landed here.

Modi will also meet Chinese President Xi Jinping and German Chancellor Angela Merkel on the sidelines of the event, the Ministry of External Affairs had said on the eve of his departure.

He will be in Buenos Aires from November 29 to December 1.

Saudi Arabia Seeks to Propel Anti-Iran Strategies Beyond the Middle East

The Sunni power has used Muslim networks to push states into cutting off contacts with Iran, including by creating an Islamic Coalition against terrorism without inviting Tehran to join. The two nations are also wooing India, and South American and African countries.

(L-R) Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef, Saudi King Salman, and Saudi Arabia's Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman stand together as Saudi Arabia's cabinet agrees to implement a broad reform plan known as Vision 2030 in Riyadh, April 25, 2016. Credit: Saudi Press Agency/Handout/File Photo via Reuters/Files

(L-R) Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef, Saudi King Salman, and Saudi Arabia’s Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman stand together as Saudi Arabia’s cabinet agrees to implement a broad reform plan known as Vision 2030 in Riyadh, April 25, 2016. Credit: Saudi Press Agency/Handout/File Photo via Reuters/Files

Riyadh: Under King Salman, Saudi Arabia is expanding its confrontation with Iran well beyond the Middle East, no longer relying heavily on Western allies to smother Tehran’s ambitions outside the Arab world.

Since Salman came to power early last year, and Tehran struck a nuclear deal with world powers, Riyadh has adjusted its strategy for countering the efforts of its Shi’ite Muslim rival to build influence in Africa, Asia and even Latin America.

Most notably, the Sunni power has used Muslim networks to push states into cutting off contacts with Iran, including by creating an Islamic Coalition against terrorism without inviting Tehran to join.

“Iran is the one that isolated itself by supporting terrorism,” Foreign Minister Adel al-Jubeir told a recent news conference. “That is why the world reacted to Iran, and particularly the Islamic world, and basically said ‘enough is enough’.”

Tehran denies it sponsors terrorism, and points to its record of fighting the Sunni Muslim militants of Islamic State through backing for Shi’ite militias in Iraq and President Bashar al-Assad in Syria.

Riyadh is alarmed by Tehran’s support for the Shi’ite Hezbollah movement in Lebanon, and cut off military aid to the Beirut government after it failed to condemn attacks on Saudi diplomatic missions in Iran. Likewise, Saudi forces have launched a war on Iranian-allied Houthi rebels in Yemen.

But all this is part of its long-standing diplomatic, economic and military efforts to contain what it sees as a pernicious expansion of Iranian activity in Arab nations. Now it is attempting to orchestrate support elsewhere, including from countries such as Pakistan and Malaysia creation last November of the coalition against terrorism.

“In many ways the dimensions of the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia are beginning to go beyond the Middle East. This is an interesting development that historically hasn’t been the case,” said Mehran Kamrava, a professor at Georgetown University-Qatar.

Old order dead

The strategy partly responds to implementation of the nuclear deal in January. Riyadh fears this will give Iran more scope to push its interests internationally by releasing it from many of the sanctions which have crippled its economy.

With even the US now saying Western banks can resume legitimate business with Tehran, the Saudis believe their main Western ally is gradually disengaging from the region.

“They understand the old international order is dead and they have to take responsibility,” said a senior diplomat in Riyadh.

But the strategy is also driven by King Salman’s belief that Iranian influence has grown only because nobody has stood up to it, said Mustafa Alani, an Iraqi security expert with close ties to the Saudi interior ministry.

The coalition against terrorism falls into this context. When chiefs of staff from 34 Muslim states met after a joint military exercise in late March, a cartoon in the Saudi daily Asharq al-Awsat, owned by the ruling family, showed a bomber dropping leaflets with a no-entry sign onto Iran.

The coalition, which caused some confusion as to its scope and membership when Riyadh first announced it, is now moving forward and work to establish a “coordination centre” may be formalised during the Muslim holy month which starts shortly.

“The next step is the meeting of defence ministers, perhaps during Ramadan. At the same time we prepare a coordination centre in Riyadh,” said Saudi Brigadier General Ahmed al-Asseri.

This centre will have permanent staff members from each participating country, Asseri said, and would be a place where states could either request help in dealing with militancy or offer military, security or other aid.

Taking the flag

Although not explicitly aimed at countering Iran, the coalition includes neither Tehran nor its allied government in Iraq. The alliance also aims to counter comment in some Western media that while Iran and its Shi’ite allies are fighting Islamic State, Sunni Saudi Arabia supports jihadist militancy on some levels.

“This new coalition is basically to get the worldwide Islamic support for Saudi Arabia to lead the fight against terrorism and take the flag from Iran,” said Alani.

Whether the coalition members see it that way is another matter.

Mohammad Nafees Zakaria, spokesman for Pakistan’s Foreign Ministry, praised Riyadh for setting up the coalition and said Islamabad would be happy to share expertise.

But he also said the arrangements would take time to develop and added that Pakistan sought “brotherhood” between Islamic states and was therefore concerned about the escalation in tension between Saudi Arabia and Iran.

Beyond the coalition initiative, Riyadh is trying to win the support of India and encourage it to isolate Iran. So far it has achieved mixed results. After Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited both countries last month, Saudi energy sales to India grew but New Delhi also agreed to build a port in Iran.

Riyadh’s hosting of a summit of South American and Arab League states last year was also partly aimed at pushing back Iran, said a Saudi analyst who sometimes carries out diplomatic functions for the government.

Former president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad visited Venezuela, Nicaragua, Cuba and Ecuador in 2012 seeking diplomatic support from the left-wing states, with little apparent success.

African rift

Some African countries have followed many Arab League states in recent months in cutting diplomatic ties with Iran. This followed the storming of Riyadh’s Tehran embassy in reaction to Saudi Arabia‘s execution of a Shi’ite cleric in January.

On Monday, Zambia’s president appeared in Riyadh on an official visit soon after speaking out against Tehran.

Iran has devoted money to winning friends across Africa, investing in local industries and paying to spread its Shi’ite version of Islam in Muslim states. Playing on its anti-imperialist credentials, Tehran’s goal appeared to be winning wider support at the United Nations.

Not only is soft power at stake. In 2012 two Iranian warships docked at Port Sudan, just across the Red Sea from the Saudi coast, following years of close ties between Khartoum and Tehran.

Since then Riyadh has invested around $11 billion in Sudan and ignored international arrest warrants on President Omar al-Bashir to allow him to visit the kingdom. In January, Khartoum cut off ties with Tehran.

Djibouti and Somalia did the same. A document seen by Reuters in January showed Mogadishu had received an aid package of $50 million shortly beforehand. But Djibouti denied in February that its break was motivated by money and accused Tehran of spreading sectarian tension in Africa.

Overall, Riyadh believes its approach is succeeding. “Iranian expansionism is almost stopped,” an adviser to Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman said last month.

But at Georgetown University-Qatar, Kamrava said it’s too early to declare winners and losers.

“In international relations you can rent friends but you can’t buy them. For Saudi Arabia the long-term effectiveness of this policy is questionable because these alliances are based on purely tactical or commercial relations,” he said.

(Reuters)

Does Narendra Modi’s Visit to Saudi Arabia Signal a Shift Away from Iran?

New Delhi must ensure parallel levels of engagement with Riyadh and Tehran if it hopes to maintain its momentum in West Asia.

New Delhi must ensure parallel levels of engagement with Riyadh and Tehran if it hopes to maintain its momentum in West Asia.

Narendra Modi. Credit: PTI

Narendra Modi. Credit: PTI

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Saudi Arabia, his second to a Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member state, indicates a shift in India’s broader West Asia policy. Aimed at elevating India’s political profile in the region, Modi’s visit supplements other high-level ministerial visits to Oman, Bahrain and the UAE.

While the Modi administration has expanded India’s diplomatic footprint in the region, engaging also with Israel, Egypt and Turkey, political interaction with Iran seems to be lagging behind. Even though there is an element of surprise in the Saudi Arabia visit, as Israel was speculated to be Modi’s first West Asian stop, Iran finds no mention in his diplomatic calendar for the coming year.

Ties with Iran in need of political boost

Since coming to power, Modi’s outreach to Iran has been patchy at best, despite Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif’s visit to India in August 2015 and the overall optimism on bilateral relations after Iran’s nuclear deal came into force. Foreign Secretary S Jaishankar’s visit to Tehran in June 2015 after Iran rejected India’s bid to develop the Farzad B gas field, highlighted that the lack of diplomatic activism could cost New Delhi some vital energy projects. What followed was significant course correction from the Indian government, with External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj also raising the issue of the Farzad B gas field at the India-Iran Joint Commission Meeting in December 2015. Timelier is the announcement of oil minister Dharmendra Pradhan’s visit to Iran on April 9-10, aimed at concluding a deal on the gas field.

The momentum that Pradhan’s visit could bring to economic ties with Iran was expected after Zarif’s visit. The Iranian minister invited India to develop the second phase of the strategically vital Chabahar port and operate it. He also extended economic opportunities worth $8 billion in Iranian infrastructure projects. For its part, New Delhi sent Transport and Shipping Minister Nitin Gadkari to Tehran in May 2015 to ink a memorandum of understanding pledging $85 million towards the Chabahar port project. However, Iran’s request for an additional $150 million line of credit is caught up in delays, and the pressure on New Delhi is mounting with Chinese investors lining up to win the lucrative project. 

Ties with Iran, therefore, remain in want of a political boost, with high-level engagement limited to Swaraj’s and Modi’s meetings with Iranian President Hassan Rouhani at the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Oraganisation summits in September 2014 and July 2015, respectively.

Even though the political neglect of Iran may be more perceptible under Modi, the preceding Manmohan Singh administration also did not shower much attention on Tehran.

While the UPA government’s indifference towards Iran could have been a part of its limited regional policy, this was also the period in which New Delhi institutionalised security partnerships with Qatar and Saudi Arabia. However, the Singh administration maintained a greater balance and despite pressure from the US to downscale relations with Iran, Singh travelled to Tehran in 2012 to attend the Non-Aligned Movement summit.

Strengthening ties with Saudi Arabia

New Delhi’s efforts to bolster ties with Saudi Arabia are likely a function of some urgent imperatives. Linkages between India’s internal security and the strength of its relations with the Gulf are becoming increasingly pronounced. Counter-terrorism cooperation has emerged as a fundamental pillar of the India-Saudi Arabia partnership, with swelling numbers of Indians joining ISIS’ ranks and multiple threats to the safety of Indian citizens in the Gulf. Riyadh’s support to New Delhi in securing the release of Indians held hostage by ISIS and in evacuation efforts in Yemen indicate the urgency of deepening this partnership.

The rising emphasis on “Saudisation” in the Kingdom’s domestic policies is also a critical driver of India’s outreach to Saudi Arabia. The institutionalisation of efforts to increase employment among Saudi youth through the Nitaqat Law, for instance, has already forced a chunk of the Indian workforce out of the country. As such policies become the norm in the GCC states, their domestic repercussions necessitate that New Delhi leverage its relations with the Gulf monarchies.

Another important dimension of India’s engagement with Saudi Arabia is Pakistan. Pakistan has long shadowed the maturation of India’s ties with the GCC. However, just as Modi capitalised on the strain in UAE-Pakistan relations, an elevated Indian profile in Saudi Arabia will give him another opportunity to restructure relations between the subcontinent and the Gulf. As Pakistan attempts to restore ties with Saudi Arabia after a brief period of tensions, it is vital for India to step-up the strategic component of Indo-Saudi ties and deepen economic and security complementarities with the Kingdom.

Maintaining the balance

The extension of the Saudi-Iran rivalry and the deteriorating security situation in the region will challenge India’s West Asia policy. However, New Delhi must resist any pressure to moderate relations with Iran given its geo-strategic importance to India. Iran is critical not only to India’s connectivity to Central Asia and Europe but also to China’s ambitious one-belt-one-road project. Thus, there will be greater demands on New Delhi to upgrade its Iran policy.

As Tehran warns New Delhi about “unnecessary caution” in its approach to Iran, it is imperative for the Modi administration to ensure parallel levels of engagement with Riyadh and Tehran.

Kanchi Gupta is a researcher at the Observer Research Foundation.

It’s Time the World Took Another Look at Diplomatic Immunity

Much has changed in the realm of human rights and international law since the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of 1961. Diplomats accused of heinous crimes must not be allowed to get away scot-free.

Saudi flag on embassy building. Credit: Andrew Fackler/Flickr CC BY-NC 2.0

Saudi flag on embassy building. Credit: Andrew Fackler/Flickr CC BY-NC 2.0

As the Saudi Arabian First Secretary in New Delhi, Majed Hassan Ashoor, gets tucked into his first class seat on a flight back to Riyadh, India will be busy cleaning-up the diplomatic disaster it barely managed to avert. Majed was accused of gory sexual violence including gang rape and physical brutality against two hapless victims of human trafficking from Nepal. According to medical reports in several local newspapers, the women bore signs of repeated sexual abuse with injuries to their private parts, infections resulting from the same, signs of physical abuse and possible post-traumatic stress disorder. The Indian government has faced much flak from its own people and the world for its inability to control crimes against women and the sheer brutality of the above incident will not sit easily with the collective conscience.

Gang rape in India can attract a maximum penalty of capital punishment. Yet, the perpetrator in this case will probably stand unaffected. The Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations 1961, grants complete immunity to the officer and his family, including for heinous crimes and human rights violations. In addition, even the diplomat’s private residence (here, the alleged crime scene) is inviolable under the convention. Had India prosecuted the diplomat, it would have violated a convention it has ratified, jeopardising the safety of Indian diplomats and migrants in Saudi Arabia. In addition, relations with India’s largest supplier of oil [PDF] is of crucial significance, especially in the light of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s impending visit to the country. However, the Gurgaon police is still following the trail of human trafficking as India cannot afford to drop the case completely either.

Immunity is absolute

India’s diplomatic conundrum is not new. The Vienna Convention has faced much criticism in recent times because it provides a perverse incentive for the perpetration of offences. A close examination of the evidence indicates that sexual violence and other heinous crimes by diplomats are not uncommon. However, they have repeatedly escaped prosecution and conviction. In April 2012, a Panamanian diplomat in Manila allegedly raped a 19-year-old Filipino woman but claimed diplomatic immunity and walked free. In another case in 1999, the wife of the Japanese Consul-General in Vancouver was admitted to a city hospital with black eyes and bruises and complained of being beaten-up by her husband. Upon questioning, the diplomat said “Yes, I punched her out and she deserved it”. Homicide and rape cases have also been dropped due to diplomatic immunity. In 1981, the son of a Ghanaian ambassador to the UN was accused of raping at least 15 women at knife point in New York City but had to be let-off.

Saudi Arabia has an infamous record with respect to diplomats engaging in sexual offences. A Saudi diplomat has previously walked free after having allegedly held two Indonesian women as slaves in the UK. Prince Turki al-Faisal intervened to prevent an enquiry against another Saudi diplomat who was accused of molesting an 11-year-old girl in London. The US was equally scandalized when in 2013, a case was filed against a Saudi defence attaché and his wife for holding two Filipino women hostage for months in their Virginia mansion. As expected, Saudi Arabia has denied all of New Delhi’s allegations. The embassy has even registered an official complaint against the police raid, citing a breach of diplomatic privilege. Even if the diplomat had not left the country, India’s hands were tied. As Dapo Akande and Sangeeta Shah have noted, citing the German Constitutional Court’s 1997 ruling in the Former Syrian Ambassador case, “diplomatic immunity from criminal prosecution basically knows no exception for particularly serious violations of law.” The most India could have done in this case was to declare him persona non grata. 

Origins of the norm

The concept of diplomatic immunity emerged in order to ensure the safety of diplomats against arbitrary state action. For example, Mongolian kings, though known for their ruthlessness, were committed to the norm of “don’t shoot the messenger”. Its historical precedents in the subcontinent can be traced back to the the times of Mahabharata and Ramayana, when Ravana ordered the killing of Hanuman but his younger brother opposed it because messengers or diplomats should not be killed or arrested as per ancient practices. However, implicit to the proviso of diplomatic immunity is the assumption of appropriate behaviour. The convention explicitly states that “without prejudice to their privileges and immunities, it is the duty of all persons enjoying such privileges and immunities to respect the laws and regulations of the receiving State.” However, if a diplomat behaves in a way unbecoming of his role, the convention provides no possible recourse – paving the way for immunity to morph into a mechanism for shielding those who would otherwise be proven guilty in a court of law.

The offence at hand is not a simple parking ticket – it is rape,sexual abuse, sodomy and abetment of trafficking. Allowing the Saudi diplomat to fly off calls to question the very principles of natural justice that form the basis for the formulation of conventions and covenants. It is odious that international conventions governed by  the overarching philosophy of protecting and enforcing human rights are being invoked to violate the same.

Coupled with India’s commitment to the Vienna Convention is that of its responsibility to uphold the UNODC Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime, which it has also ratified. The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons is a part of the abovementioned convention. However, India has a dubious record in controlling human trafficking. Its porous borders with Nepal have facilitated the easy movement of vulnerable girls and women to India, from where they are smuggled to various destination points across Europe and the Middle East.

This phenomenon has been exacerbated by the economic turmoil caused by the Nepal earthquake. According to the estimates of local NGOs like 3 Angels Nepal, more than 1600 girls are trafficked into India every month, and are subjected to a subhuman life of slavery, violence and abuse. Coupled with these dismal figures is the attitude of bureaucratic insensitivity prevalent in our country. If the Gurgaon police were proactive in pursuing a tipoff that led to the raid on the diplomat’s premises, the MEA has been reluctant to provide clearances for examining the CCTV footage that was recovered from the his residence. In fact, a former Indian diplomat has been quoted as saying “Frankly to me, it is more important that we maintain our extremely good relations with Saudi Arabia than seeing this man being tried here, which he cannot.” Although practical, the suggestion leaves unresolved the rights of the two women to justice. If India cannot prosecute him – not now or ever, because diplomatic immunity protects the accused even after he ceases to be a diplomat, Saudi Arabia can and should. Even Nepal, whose nationals are the victims in this case, has a right to prosecute the diplomat should he ever fall into Kathmandu’s hands as his immunity does not extend to that country.

How to fix things

The recent incident forces us to think anew about not just the rank injustice involved but also the very principles which underlie the  Vienna Convention.

Diplomatic immunity derives its essence from the 17th century concept of Westphalian sovereignty – which is predicated on the principle that each nation has exclusive sovereignty over its territory and domestic affairs. As representatives of a sovereign state – to which alone they are accountable – diplomats are thus entitled to absolute non-interference from their host states in their personal and professional matters. However, the geopolitical fabric of the 21st century is quite fluid and is no more characterized by such rigid boundaries of state domain. The influence yielded by supranational and international bodies like the UN, the WTO and the EU in shaping the domestic affairs of countries is quite significant. In addition, all nation states not only share a commitment to upholding the Universal Declaration of Human Rights – which regards all humans as born with equal rights and dignity – but most are also party to a host of other international covenants that impose restrictions on what they can and can’t do within their own territory.

The Vienna Convention itself establishes that the immunity enjoyed by a consular officer is not as absolute as that of a diplomatic agent – which is why the United States was able to arrest and charge the Indian consular official, Devyani Khobragade even though she was a diplomat. Consular staff are not indemnified from serious criminal offences. As a first step, this proviso should also be read into diplomatic immunity as well. Another suggestion could be to hard-code the obligation of a state to prosecute its own diplomat in the event that immunity is evoked by him or her to avoid prosecution by the host country for a defined set of heinous offences.

It is quite evident that much has changed in the realm of human rights and international law since 1961. The Vienna Convention needs to be reimagined to ensure that it does not function as a shield for delinquent diplomats. As much as the world needs to ensure the safety to its messengers, it also has an obligation to protect victims of violence regardless of who the perpetrators are.

Divya Balaji is a Global Health Fellow from Yale University and has assisted anti-trafficking efforts in Tanzania and India

Prateek Mantri is a freelance consultant and researcher on crime and political economy