Tag: india sanitation prgramme

Wasted Lives: The Tragedy of India’s ‘Safai Mitra’

Unrepresented and unrecognised as workers, India’s estimated 1.5 million to 4 million waste pickers have no place in social security schemes.

Walking on a mountain made of waste at the Bhalswa landfill site in Delhi, Santosh – a 33-year-old safai mitra (waste picker) – is tired, and frustrated. Part of India’s mammoth unsecured, unprotected workforce, he is deeply anguished and uncertain of his future in this time of the pandemic.

“The waste we pick isn’t ours, it is yours. And people call us dirty,” said Santosh. “Despite our work of collecting and segregating everyone’s waste, we are given no dignity. There is no one to represent or recognise our interests or fight for our well-being.”

Waste pickers are defined in the Solid Waste Management Rules, 2016, as a “people or group of persons informally engaged in collection and recovery of reusable and recyclable solid waste from the source of waste generation the streets, bins, material recovery facilities, processing and waste disposal facilities for sale to recyclers directly or through intermediaries to earn their livelihood (sic)”. [Rule 3(1) (58)]

The Solid Waste Management Rules, 2016, are explicit in offering a wide range of choices to urban municipalities for waste-management systems they may want to adopt depending upon local conditions. Contracting out the system of doorstep garbage collection, partly or fully, to local and multinational operators, is the most popular because a strong lobby believes that the privatisation of garbage collection is cheaper and more efficient. As a result, the ad-hoc contractualisation of waste-pickers (working on daily wages) has become rampant across most urban municipalities.

A 2018 study by Chintan, a not-for-profit organisation advocating for the rights of waste pickers in Delhi, found that after the Municipal Corporation of Delhi privatised waste collection, approximately 50% of waste pickers lost their jobs or experienced a drastic fall in their incomes.

Also read: Sanitation Workers: At the Bottom of the Frontline Against COVID-19?

Despite being referred to in Solid Waste Management Rules, waste pickers now remain largely isolated from most social-security schemes and legal protection framework due to their lack of formal recognition and adequate representation. This means they did not receive any governmental aid or social protection even during the nation-wide lockdown in the early months of the pandemic. They are nirbhar (on their own), without support from either the state or the Union government.

Photo: Jignesh Mistry/PAIGAM

Photo: Jignesh Mistry/PAIGAM

The dismal state of being

Waste picking ranks the lowest in the hierarchy of urban informal occupations and yet there are an estimated 1.5 million to 4 million waste pickers across India.

Why would anyone work in such conditions with no dignity? This question was answered by Santosh and his colleague, Kalu, who had migrated from Kolkata to Delhi about two decades ago.

The poor living conditions of the rural hinterland, the lack of opportunities for work there and their personal lack of skills to qualify them for paying jobs forced Santosh and Kalu (and many others) to turn to waste picking. More than 90% of the people at the landfill said they had migrated to Delhi from either West Bengal or Uttar Pradesh. Most are from rural West Bengal.

Ansari, another waste-picker, told us: “All my family members (as part of Bhalswa’s safai mitra) start collecting waste early in the morning, after the trucks finish unloading the fresh waste late in the night. We try finishing the collection by early dawn because it becomes difficult to work in the peak of sunlight. We bring the collected waste home, segregate it, and then look for places to sell some of it.”

Photo: Jignesh Mistry/PAIGAM

During the lockdown period, Ansari and many others found it difficult to manage even a single meal for their families.

Rajesh said: “Kabhi ek time khana bana, toh kabhi ek time nahi bana. Bhookha sona pada (Sometimes there was one meal to cook, other times there wasn’t. We had to sleep hungry).”

Their children were given “chai” (black tea) when there was nothing to eat. The tea was without milk, because milk was unaffordable at the time.

Also read: ‘Quarantine’: A 1940 Story on a Sanitation Worker and His Mission

The lockdown put an abrupt end to their daily incomes, said the waste pickers. There was very little assistance from the government. Dry food and grains were distributed by a few local NGOs and social organisations. These provision weren’t nearly sufficient for families to survive for days without work and money.

The lack of daily income not only made it difficult for them to meet their daily expenses, but rent, medical expenses and pending debts became a grave concern. Most of them are at risk of eviction now, if they haven’t been evicted already. Hina said: “At this point, if anyone in the family falls ill, we cannot even afford medicines, let alone treatment.”

Photo: Jignesh Mistry/PAIGAM

Before the lockdown, a family of waste pickers earned about Rs 8,000-12,000 a month. The average rent they pay for a small shanty within the landfill site is around Rs 2,000-2,500 a month and the electricity bill is around Rs 500 every month.

These expenses are inelastic. Most of the safai mitras are struggling to pay them.

Trying to sustain themselves during the lockdown, many safai mitras tried to collect waste from houses, but their attempts were thwarted by the police. “Bahar jaate the, toh police danda deti thi (When we went go out, the police would beat us with sticks),” they said.

To add to their woes, a waste landslide occured on August 13, in Bhalswa from excessive overnight rains and three of them were injured.

The Bhalswa landfill site is spread over 70 acres of (waste) land and as of October 2019, has reached 65 metres in height. It reached its saturation point in 2006, but the landfill still receives about 2,100 metric tonnes of mixed waste every day. The waste-picking community lives within this site on different ‘storeys’ of the waste hill. Torrential rain washes away the waste, carrying with it the shanties where the workers live. In September 2017, two people had died and several others were injured when a huge portion of the Ghazipur landfill in East Delhi collapsed, sweeping motorists on a nearby road into a canal.

Also read: The Murky Underbelly of Sanitation During the Pandemic

The August 2020 landslide, according to Brajesh, was not so bad. “The water entered the house and we were submerged up to our waists, but we are thankful that it didn’t destroy the house. We just picked up the children and tried to run down the hill,” he said.

Kamal, standing next to Brajesh, described how the rain and waste landslide affected their work in the weeks thereafter. The waste collected for segregation was worth around Rs 30,000 he said. Drenched and washed away on the night of August 13, what is left of it is now worth about Rs 7,000-8,000 only.

But no one notices the plight of the waste pickers. Low wages, high rental and medical costs, poor living conditions, an absence of adequate regulations to govern their work, government apathy, marginalisation and no social security have made them vulnerable. This situation has been exacerbated in this time of the pandemic. But still, nobody notices.

Note: Names of the respondents have been changed to protect their identity.

Jignesh Mistry is a freelance photojournalist currently engaged with PAIGAM (People’s Association in Grassroots Action and Movement). Akriti Bhatia is Founder and Director, PAIGAM. Deepanshu Mohan is Associate professor of Economics and Director, Centre for New Economics Studies (CNES), O.P. Jindal Global University. Shivani Agarwal, Sarah Ayreen and Tarini Mehtani are all Research Analysts with CNES.
The authors would like to extend a special note of gratitude to Sheikh Akbar Ali from Basti Suraksha Manch for his kind assistance in helping the research team connect with the Safai-Mitra in Bhalswa, Seelampur and helping them learn about their life-stories. A photo essay on these stories is featured here.

Sanitation Workers: At the Bottom of the Frontline Against COVID-19?

Lack of protective gear makes sanitation work difficult during normal times. During a pandemic, these factors make them far more susceptible to the virus.

A sanitation worker who was assigned to work in Dharavi recently tested positive for the novel coronavirus. He, inadvertently ended up passing it on to his wife who died on April 12. Like most other urban poor families in metropolitans like Mumbai, his family did not have adequate residential space that allowed for physical and social distancing.

This case has raised concerns around the lives of the sanitation workers during the pandemic. And the “social distance” of class and caste has ensured that these concerns do not linger for long. Sanitation workers come under the essential services category. The government seems to have hung a death warrant around the necks of sanitation workers by sending them to the frontlines to fight the coronavirus.

Ministry of Health and Family Welfare issued a directive saying that sanitation workers in hospitals and other places should be provided with personal protective equipment (PPE’s). But the question remains: how far are these directives being followed?

In Madhya Pradesh’s Panna district, a local activist on March 9, asked the District Collectorate office to provide protective gears to the sanitation workers, on an urgent basis given the current pandemic.

After a few days, he received a call from the Collectorate office informing him that the state of Madhya Pradesh currently did not have an “Urban Development and Housing Minister” and therefore, the state government was not sending any money across for the procurement of protective equipment. Just as sewer deaths have proven time and again, the pandemic has not managed to nudge the apathy of political leaders and administrations.

Sunil Yadav, a sanitation worker and a PhD fellow from TISS, said, “Everyday sanitation workers get exposed to deadly trash but no special training or guidance is provided to them on how to handle trash.” According to the New England Journal of Medicine study, the coronavirus can survive on plastic and stainless steel for up to 72 hours, and on cardboard for up to 24 hours. Nobody knows what kind of waste material is disposed off in dustbins and trash bags.

Also read: COVID-19: 10 Ways We Can Minimise Health and Safety Risks for Sanitation Workers

In India, trash is not segregated – everything is mixed and put in one bag. Many a time, sanitation workers encounter sanitary pads, expired medicines and broken glasses in trash bags. Lack of protective gear makes sanitation work difficult during normal times. During a pandemic, these factors make them far more susceptible to the virus.

A local activist from Panna district of MP said, “Our people are facing the coronavirus pandemic with courage, but there is always a fear in their minds: what if I get infected with the coronavirus? Who will take care of my family and children? Who will feed them?”

So, despite being at the frontlines, sanitation workers are still at the bottom of our priorities. A few days back, the Delhi chief minister’s office tweeted, “Doctors are on the frontlines of the battle against coronavirus. All doctors serving in Delhi government’s Lok Nayak Hospital and GB Pant Hospital on COVID-19 duty will now be housed in Hotel Lalit.”

Similarly, the Uttar Pradesh government has taken over four five-star hotels – Hyatt Regency, Lemon Tree, The Piccadily and Fairfield by Marriott – to lodge doctors in. In Mumbai, Taj Hotel, Colaba and Taj Lands End, Bandra were opened for doctors and other health workers. But for corporates and political leaders, sanitation workers hardly ever count as frontline workers. It bears testament, yet again, as to how caste and class continue to shape our public policy, blinding it to the issues of some while focusing on others.

When I asked Sunil Yadav, who is an essential worker during the pandemic, what had changed for sanitation workers, he said, “Nothing, nobody cares. Here in Mumbai, sanitation workers travel three to four hours to reach their working place, nobody arranged transportation for us as they did for the doctors and other medical staff.”

Renudevi used to work as a maid before the lockdown in Dehri, Bihar. Her husband works as a sanitation worker in a hospital and earns Rs 7,500 per month. Every day, her husband carries an extra pair of clothes to wear at the hospital. The hospital administration requires him to work, but without proper protection gears.

A legacy of exclusion

Poverty makes Dalits more vulnerable and helpless during such times of sustained lockdowns. Shivshankar is a father of five daughters and two sons. He used to work at a hotel in Dhanbad as a cleaner. His wife Rekha is also a cleaner working in the houses of upper-caste Hindu and rich Muslim families. His elder son Virkumar also works as a sanitation worker on contract. They earn Rs 7,000, Rs 3,000 and Rs 5,000 per month respectively. But since the lockdown, they have all been left without a job. Shivshankar doesn’t have money and the PDS ration is far from enough for his family.

Also read: The Murky Underbelly of Sanitation During the Pandemic

The problem faced by sanitation workers like Shivshankar are in the worst condition during this lockdown compared to those working for government institutions as the latter at least have work. He added, “Jab sab theek tha tab to kuchh mila nahi, ab kya milega? Ab to sarkar se koi ummeed nahi rakhte hai (During normal days we received nothing. So, what can we expect now. We have no hope from the government)”.

When asked why Yadav didn’t take any help from his employer, he said, “I can’t ask my employer to provide me with food or give me a salary in an advance. I know them personally. Nobody will help me because I am a Basfor.” Basfor is a sub-caste that is considered even lower than the Valmikis in the Brahminical order of caste.

Caste and coronavirus

The novel coronavirus is detrimental to the human race but the unplanned lockdown is detrimental for poor families. And as it happens, both are disproportionately affecting Dalits.

Sanitation workers today need Personal Protection Equipment (PPEs), minimum wages, food, insurance, accommodation and transportation like other health workers, mechanisation of the work and solidarity. But instead, most are satisfied with just the clanging of empty vessels as if to celebrate our collective failure.

The caste system continues to “reserve” sewer and sanitation work for Dalits be it is Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation or Nagar Parishad Dehri or the private sector. For instance, around 30,000 sanitation workers are employed by the Greater Mumbai Municipal Corporation and all 30,000 are Dalits. Estimates say that 40-60% of the six million households of Dalit sub-castes are engaged in sanitation work.

The Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Rules, 2013, (under section 4 and 5 of the rules) mandates that the person getting the job done must provide workers with ‘protective gear’. Despite the efforts of many organisations, unions, and activists, the government is not following the mandated law.

The casteist apathy continues and has, in fact, been amplified in the face of the coronavirus pandemic. When municipal workers expressed the need for sanitisers, given the nature of their work in the national capital, they were provided with fluorescent jackets so that they can be identified as ‘essential’ workers from a distance. Sooner or later scientists will develop a vaccine for the coronavirus, but as a society, we are far from confronting the viral casteism that continues to determine the fate of millions over generations.

Also read: Sanitation Workers Holding the Fort Against COVID-19 Have No Protective Equipment

“Sab log corona ke dar se ghar me hai, hum to yaha pe usise ladh rahe hai firbhi humari koi kadar nahi hai (Everybody is at home because of coronavirus, but we are here fighting it. Even then, there is no appreciation)”, said Radharani, a sanitation worker at Panna, MP. Much like Ambedkar lamented in front of Gandhi decades back, it is for us to ponder if Radharani has a homeland – one that cares?

Hundreds of crores were spent to welcome the US President in February but the government is unable to provide proper protective gears to sanitation workers during this pandemic because in India the cheapest product is the life of a Dalit.

Sagar Kumbhare is a researcher at the Centre for Equity Studies.

COVID-19: 10 Ways We Can Minimise Health and Safety Risks for Sanitation Workers

The scope of the guidelines issued by ministries neglects the risk of infection posed to those involved in domestic waste collection and segregation.

Over the last few weeks, several efforts have been taken by the national and state governments to check the spread of coronavirus in India. Despite these, those who are at the forefront of these efforts, including health workers, sanitation workers, persons involved in the supply of essential commodities, etc. are at high risk. Amongst these, sanitation workers – usually poor and from specific caste groups – are one of the most vulnerable groups.

In addition to the known challenges that they face in daily lives, a positive diagnosis of the coronavirus infection could potentially add to their burdens, such as the concerns around the rapid spread of the disease within their community, and an added layer of stigma and discrimination which can lead to loss of livelihood and difficulties in availing proper health care services.

The advisory on the rational use of personal protective equipment (PPE) issued by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (MoHFW) puts sanitation workers at moderate risk of contracting the infection, amongst various frontline workers. Use of personal protective equipment such as gloves, masks, boots, etc. can help in minimising exposure to hazards.

The MoHFW guidelines on disinfection of common public places not only includes a list of various PPE to be used by sanitation workers involved in disinfection of public places but also suggests hand-washing technique and use of masks by these persons. The Central Pollution Control Board (CBCB) has released guidelines for handling, treatment and disposal of waste generated during treatment, diagnosis and quarantine of COVID-19 patients, which too underscores the importance of using PPE. However, various reports suggest that sanitation workers in many parts of the country have either not been provided with such PPE, or what has been provided is far from adequate.

Moreover, the scope of the guidelines by the MoHFW and CPCB is limited to certain categories of sanitation workers who are involved in various tasks in public spaces, health-care facilities, diagnostics centres, quarantine centres, and home-quarantine facilities and misses out some of the other essential categories.

For example, there could be several persons at home who have been infected but are yet to develop symptoms, or have not been tested. The waste generated from such households, such as contaminated tissues, masks etc. too could lead to a risk of infection for sanitation workers involved in domestic waste collection and segregation. Similarly, the emergency emptying of sewers or septic tanks involving human entry can be a concern in the current situation. Other categories of sanitation workers, like those involved in cleaning of drains, can be at risk as well.

Also read: Sanitation Workers Holding the Fort Against COVID-19 Have No Protective Equipment

Thus we have at hand a pressing need to undertake measures to ensure the health and safety of sanitation workers, with an equal emphasis on dignified and respectful treatment for these workers. The following are ten measures suggested for a wide range of actors in both urban and rural areas – including national and state governments; district administrations; urban local bodies, and resident welfare associations (RWAs).

1) Clarity on PPE and provision of proper PPE, soaps, sanitisers: Ensure that all sanitation workers are provided with adequate personal protective equipment which is appropriate for the nature of their work, along with soaps and hand sanitisers. All these provisions need to be replenished on a regular basis, to ensure continued usage. Since a shortage of PPE is being reported widely, the national and state governments should implement strategies to address the requirements across the country on an urgent basis. Here, it is important to note that different categories of sanitation workers have different PPE requirements subject to the nature of their work. This must be taken into account during the procurement and supply of such equipment. There is also an urgent need to build clarity on the list of PPE for sanitation workers, as the suggestions for this on the MoHFW and CPCB guidelines are different.

2) Training of workers on PPE use: Train and inform of sanitation workers about the need for PPE and how it must be used and handled; in addition to hand-washing techniques, the protocol for handling waste, and norms for physical distancing and respiratory hygiene and cough etiquette must also be conveyed. Such sessions should focus on convincing them to use these PPE.

3) Orientation on COVID-19 prevention: Conduct orientations for sanitation workers and their families on important aspects such as the means by which coronavirus is spread; the symptoms of COVID-19; specific precautions to be taken considering their work environment and living conditions; when, how and whom to seek help from; etc.

4) Adequate hand washing facilities at the place of work: Provide adequate hand washing facilities with regular supply of water, soap and sanitisers at the site of work. In case the worksite does not have these, temporary mechanisms such as foot-operated hand washing systems may be installed. Depending upon the nature of work, bathing facilities close to the place of work may also be required.

5) Proper waste management and a ban on sewer/septic tank entry to reduce exposure: Designate officials for regular inspection with proper documentation, to ensure that protocols for waste segregation, containment and handling are being followed at hospitals, diagnostic labs, quarantine centres, and home-quarantine facilities, as prescribed under the CPCB guidelines on COVID-19, in order to reduce exposure of sanitation workers to hazardous waste. Also, strict measures must be undertaken to necessarily avoid any human entry in sewers and septic tanks, during the pandemic.

6) Regular health check-ups: Ensure regular health check-up of sanitation workers for symptoms of COVID-19, at least once every three days.

7) Financial and material support: Ensure that an assured pay or a lumpsum compensation including groceries and other essential supplies are provided to sanitation workers who have been quarantined with symptoms or diagnosed with COVID-19, and are thus unable to work.

8) Insurance coverage: Expand the coverage of the insurance scheme for health care workers to sanitation workers as well. Here, the coverage of all sanitation workers must be ensured, irrespective of the type of work, or nature of their employment such regular, contractual or informal. Moreover, coverage under medical insurance schemes such as Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (PMJAY) must be ensured for all sanitation workers and their families not covered already.

9) Timely medical attention with dignified approach: Provide clear instructions to hospitals and diagnostics centres, to provide timely and adequate care and attention to sanitation workers, without any undignified treatment or discrimination.

10) Counselling support: Put in place systems for providing counselling and support to sanitation workers and their families, who are under quarantine or have been diagnosed with COVID-19. Such persons may also be informed about the existing helpline and support services by the government and other institutions.

India is currently at a crucial juncture in its efforts to contain and manage the pandemic. The critical role of sanitation workers, who continue to work despite the risks involved, must be recognised and appreciated. It is important that proactive efforts be taken up urgently to ensure their health and safety.

Kanika Singh is the policy officer at WaterAid India. She works on issues of sanitation and waste management, with a focus on social inclusion and sustainability.

The Murky Underbelly of Sanitation During the Pandemic

The sanitation workers have no option but to expose themselves to dirt, bacteria, germs and viruses, while others physically and socially distance themselves from this ‘novel’ coronavirus.

COVID-19 may be caused by a novel coronavirus, but there is nothing which will stop it from permeating the labyrinthine of deep-rooted socio-economic inequalities of Indian society.

Like doctors and nurses, who are struggling every day to protect the nation and its patients, sanitation workers and ragpickers in cities are also performing a similar feat. The only difference is that the latter has always been untouchable, face stigma and, by default, have been socially distanced from the rest of the society. These invisibilised bodies today are pertinent and ‘essential’ for our sustenance amidst the crisis.

Social distancing has become a buzz word in Indian society today. Everyone is seemingly adamant about following it. Ironically, given the prevalence of the caste system, social distancing has always been a part of Indian society. Socially segregated spaces are a part of old historical practices in Delhi. Most of the sanitation workers’ colonies such as Shahbad Dairy, Sultanpuri, Mongolpuri, 100 quarter (popularly known as ‘sau’ quarter) at Delhi Gate have been systematically ghettoised in the city.

Thus, today what we are practising is rather physical distancing, from anyone and everyone. However, the cleaners of our society, the safai karamcharis (sanitation workers), have a tough task to perform at their end. Although already socially distanced, sanitation workers do not have the privilege to physically distance themselves and sit at home.

Given the precarity of time, they are forced to be out on the streets and maintain hygienic and sanitised spaces for the rest. Mala*, a 40-year-old woman, hailing from the Valmiki community, has been sweeping the streets of Rohini in North West Delhi. Noticeably, she does not wear a mask to protect herself from the dust, dirt and the contagious virus. Rather she has chosen to cover her face with her dupatta.

Workers are unsure if masks can be used repeatedly, given that they are exposed to dust and waste daily. Few others have complained that they have been provided with masks but not gloves and sanitisers. Many workers expressed the need for sanitisers given the nature of their work.

Also read: Sanitation Workers Holding the Fort Against COVID-19 Have No Protective Equipment

Instead, they have been provided with fluorescent jackets so that they can be identified as ‘essential’ workers and are not harassed by the police. Given the hazardous nature of their work, sanitation workers ought to receive safety equipment and protective gear throughout the year, yet all they receive is more rebuke, stigma and precarious work conditions.

This situation is further aggravated by the journey they undertake to reach the workplace. Many workers have to travel for a few kilometres to reach their workplaces. At a time when public transport is not available, many are forced to use their own vehicles or walk in order to keep the city clean.

The BJP-led Central government has invested substantially in the Swachh Bharat Abhiyan or Clean India campaign (12,644 crore 2019-20 budget) but they have simply failed to incorporate the demands of sanitation workers. For many years now, a lot of workers have been working on a contractual basis with a meagre salary of Rs 12,000 per month. Most of the workers get permanent employment towards the end of their service, nearing the age of retirement.

The burgeoning contractualisation of sanitation workers has furthered their exploitation and worsened their living conditions in Delhi. Hukkum Singh*, a safai karamchari in the East Delhi Municipal corporation said, “we are as good as dead”, “what do we do in this meagre salary of Rs 12,000. We have to pay our house rent; we have to educate our children. Is that even possible to do in a city like Delhi?”. These conditions have worsened in the abnormal situation created by the pandemic and the nationwide lockdown wherein sanitation workers have no option besides working.

The dhalao located in North-West Delhi is a perfect representation of the distortions in society today. Photo: Aparna Agarwal

Once a ragpicker said to me, even when everything comes to an end “our ‘Bharat Mill’-aka landfill will never stop working, because there simply can be no end to waste production”.

However, today a rather glaring, poverty-stricken and helpless situation is looming large on the face of ragpickers around Bhalswa landfill. Ragpickers who renew urban life and sustain the city’s metabolism, are pushed to the margins. Unable to access landfills and sell the accumulated waste (due to failure of the supply-chain system), many sit empty-handed, waiting for government-led welfarist measures.

Also read: The Coronavirus Pandemic Has Strengthened Class Segregation in India

Maidul*, a 35-year-old ragpicker-turned-kabadi dealer (waste dealer), hailing from the Medinipur district in West Bengal, has not yet received any food or subsidised ration from the Delhi government. He owns a small shack behind Bhalswa landfill and deals in plastic waste. Given the unlikely circumstances, he has no option but to sustain on the meagre amount he has saved from the previous month.

Additionally, a very legitimate fear from the impending NRC (National Register of Citizens) still haunts him. When a group of volunteers approached him with welfarist measures, he was asked to provide his Aadhar card (Unique Identity proof). Scared and sceptical of their intentions, believing this was to be an exercise relating to the NRC, Maidul chose not to show them his documents. He remarked, “they cannot treat us like pests. Whatever we earn, we can make a living for ourselves. Allah will take care of our needs”.

Unlike Maidul, there are many informal ragpickers who survive on daily wages. They ferry their carts to middle class and upper-middle-class areas to collect household waste and sell it to waste dealers like Maidul. Today, they cannot possibly sell waste to the dealers, but they are still out on the streets to collect waste at the mercy of their middle-class colony residents, who might give them payments out of sympathy.

Altaf*, a 30-year-old guy hailing from Murshidabad in West Bengal, has been visiting colonies in Rohini in North West Delhi. Procuring his own masks and gloves, Altaf segregates the wet waste from the dry waste daily, exposing himself to potential viruses. Residing next to the Bhalswa dairy, he has no option but to dodge the police to come to work or else, he will not be able to survive. His ration card is registered at the Jahangirpuri area, which is located 3-4 kilometres away from the Bhalswa Dairy.

By the time he reaches Jahangirpuri, ‘flouting the lockdown’, all the subsidised ration is over. In such dire conditions, Altaf has only two options. Either to quarantine himself and his family amidst the foothills of the toxic landfill or to step out and pick up waste, in order to feed his family.

Also read: Social Distancing and the Pandemic of Caste 

Sanitation workers and ragpickers have always been at the lowest rung of our economy. Their bare and harsh living conditions are nothing new. Today, many retired sanitation workers are reminded of the 1994 plague, when workers were consigned to extended working hours without much protection. Nothing much has changed since. Forced by the unequal socio-economic conditions, and the unprecedented outbreak of the coronavirus, the cleaning workforce has no option but to expose themselves to the dirt, bacteria, germs and viruses, while others physically and socially distance themselves from this ‘novel’ virus.

*Names have been changed to protect their identities.

Aparna Agarwal is a PhD scholar at the University of Oxford. Her research focuses on ‘Politics of Waste’ in Delhi.

Only Gender Transformative Approaches Can Bridge Water, Sanitation Inequalities

Given that women are the primary ‘users, providers, and managers’ of water and sanitation facilities, their participation in such programmes is necessary.

Worldwide women are primarily responsible for ‘care work’ which includes fetching water, cooking, cleaning, washing, and taking care of children, elderly or ill. This gendered division of labour typically purports that women and girls shoulder a series of roles in the ‘private sphere’ that, for the most part, men do not share.

According to an ILO report, in 2018, women in India spend 312 minutes every day in urban areas and 291 minutes per day in rural areas on unpaid care work. In contrast, men barely spent 29 minutes every day (in urban) and 32 minutes every day (in rural areas) on care work.

These socially allocated roles are effort-heavy but ‘invisible’, ‘unrecognised’ and ‘unpaid’. While performing these traditional social roles, women make sizeable contributions to the family economy, which is unaccounted for both within the family and as a part of our national accounts. The unpaid labour is often observed to be higher in developing countries where women compensate for the absence of or inadequate public infrastructure and services including water and sanitation services. This traditional gender role places a double burden on women and adolescent girls.

In the last five years, while there has been thrust on the creation of sanitation infrastructure, it has led to a simultaneous increase in the burden on women for Water and Sanitation (WATSAN) related activities.

Also read: Inclusion Is Key to Any Sanitation Goal India Sets

Gender-based inequalities in WATSAN roles

A study by the Centre for Policy Research in collaboration with Kalinga Institute of Rural Management, KIIT Bhubaneswar on Gender and urban sanitation in ten slums in Bhubaneswar revealed that women are disproportionately burdened by ‘care work’.

Findings revealed that in 79% households women fetch water, in 69% households women are responsible for solid waste disposal, in 68% households women clean individual household latrine (IHHL), and in 82% of households they take care of the ill.

Time burden in fetching water

Study findings also reveal that more than half of those who reported difficulty in accessing IHHL, also reported that IHHL has increased the burden of fetching water. Nearly three-fourth respondents disclosed that women and girls were responsible for fetching water. They spend close to one to two hours daily securing water for the entire household.

In Kedarpalli basti, also known as the ‘sweeper’s colony’, water access and conflict are critical concerns. While piped water connections were provided by the government nearly a year ago but, these taps have since run dry. Residents largely rely on common water connection points to collect water for household use. Inadequate supply, access and availability of water creates an insecurity amongst slum residents. It often leads to water conflicts in Kedarpalli slum. Residents revealed that the main inter-personal disturbance in the slum was based on water sharing. For instance, a woman respondent shared that:

“if I go and fill my buckets with water and the person after me in the queue does not get water, they would blame me. They would say – you will cook and eat today but, what about us?”

In fact, the burden of fetching water is a critical factor for sustained usage of IHHL and women carry this burden for the family and the community. Moreover, women perform ‘care functions’ including taking care of children and are also responsible for washing clothes at community toilets – they are often ridiculed by caretakers for taking more time, using too much water and dirtying the community toilets more than men.

Resultantly, at some community toilets they end up paying more for consuming more water. To ensure that the operation of CTs and PTs are sustainable, an adequate and equitable tariff structure should be built-in based on principles of equity and justice. The user charge can be differential and yet inclusive. It can be arrived at through a consultative process involving women, transgender, persons with disabilities, aged, and other urban poor and marginalised groups.

Also read: For Many Indians, the Right to Sanitation Is Coming at the Cost of Other Human Rights

Case for more thrust on IHHL construction

The evidence from the study strengthens the rationale for the construction of IHHL vis-à-vis community toilets (CT). Women have disclosed that during periods of heavy footfall, men enter women’s toilet wings. They have complained that male caretakers have been assigned to clean the facility, that community toilets have broken locks and doors and there is no provision for safe menstrual hygiene management (MHM).

Some 250,000 of India’s 649,481 villages have been declared open defecation free. Credit: Reuters

Representative image. Photo: Reuters

For members of the transgender community, community toilets are sites of harassment and ‘unsafe zones’ and hence, they completely avoid them. In contrast, IHHL brings security and dignity to them. Transgender revealed that after the construction of IHHL, they feel safer in accessing toilets. There is no physical or psychological threat of harassment. Given that CTs are non-operational at night, the toilets remain inaccessible to the community for at least 10 hours a day, thereby undermining the SDG goal of providing sanitation for all at all times.

Low WATSAN related decision-making power of women

Despite the increasing role of women in maintaining and providing sanitation infrastructure facilities for household usage, the study reveals that women and members of the transgender community are under-represented in the decision-making process (of planning and implementation) related to location and design of sanitation infrastructure at boththe household and community level. At the household level, while most of the ‘care wok’ is predominantly undertaken by women, their role when it comes to decision making surrounding sanitation is negligible.

Need to re-imagine WATSAN community forums for gender-transformative outcomes

Given that women are the primary ‘users, providers, and managers’ of water and sanitation facilities, their participation in the water and sanitation programmes are often deemed as necessary to increase the efficiency of the project. Resultantly, often WATSAN is perceived to be a ‘feminine function’.

On the ground, women collectives are formed. For instance, study findings reveal that basti committees in slums are male-dominated addressing broader issues of slum development including housing and other infrastructures, often seen as ‘masculine functions’ while Mahila Arogya Samiti – a women’s collective is responsible for WASH which is perceived to be a ‘feminine function’.

Also read: Budget 2020 Sets India on the Path to Meet SDG Targets for Water and Sanitation

However, these collectives based on a gendered division of ‘care roles’, rarely translates into improving women’s participation and ability to influence decisions, both at the household and community level. Their participation is usually either tokenistic or passive and rarely ever interactive or substantive. Moreover, it contributes to creating socio-cultural realities that perpetuate gender stereotypes.

Unless men’s collectives are also promoted to work on issues of water and sanitation, it is likely that the burden on women will continue to remain high. Hence, there is a need to bring about change in the structure of these forums to ensure gender-transformative outcomes both at the community and household level.

For ensuring gender transformation, it is vital to first recognise the gender-based complexities and vulnerabilities women and girls face and to develop gender-responsive strategies so that men’s and women’s group no longer work in silos. There is a need to find synergies and make concerted efforts to engage more with men and boys in WATSAN community forums. To achieve sanitation outcomes enshrined in the SDGs by 2030, it is necessary to interlink SDG 5 (Gender Equality), with SDG 6 (Water and Sanitation) and, SDG 10 (Reduced Inequalities).

Tripti Singh and Anju Dwivedi work with the Centre for Policy Research.

Global Civil Society Alliance Condemns Gates Foundation Decision to Award Modi

CIVICUS, an alliance “dedicated to strengthening citizen action and civil society throughout the world”, said that the decision to give Modi the Global Goalkeeper Award “sends the wrong message”.

New Delhi: A global alliance of civil society organisations and activists called CIVICUS has expressed disapproval over the decision by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation to award Prime Minister Narendra Modi the Global Goalkeeper Award and decided “in principle not to attend the awards ceremony”. CIVICUS is a partner of the Goalkeepers Youth Action Accelerator.

The alliance, which describes itself as an alliance “dedicated to strengthening citizen action and civil society throughout the world”, in a press statement said that the decision to give Modi the Global Goalkeeper Award “sends the wrong message”.

CIVICUS noted that Modi’s violation of civic freedoms and his government’s dismal human rights record “should not be overlooked” and expressed concern over the impact that the presentation of the award would have on global philanthropic endeavours and the collective advancement of human rights

The statement also pointed out that Modi, who is being awarded the Global Goalkeeper Award in recognition of his work to improve sanitation through the Clean India Programme, had persecuted activists and undermined “the watchdog roles of the media and civil society groups”.

Taking into account the Foundation’s efforts and contributions to enhance livelihood around the world in the fields of health and sanitation, CIVICUS pointed out that awarding Modi would mean ignoring “serious concerns raised by civil society on the decline of civic freedoms in India”.

Also read: Gates Cambridge Scholars, Alumni Call on Foundation to Revoke Modi’s Award

The press statement further said that failing to implement commitments related to public access to information, inclusive decision making and fostering civil society partnerships, the Modi government was in breach of the democratic ideals recognised under the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals.

Chief programmes officer at CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation, Mandeep Tiwana said that all 17 sustainable development goals were interdependent and co-related. “The Modi government has a lot of ground to cover with regards to the fulfillment of SDG commitments on inclusive governance, civil society partnerships, access to information and fundamental freedoms. In fact, it has deliberately suppressed these,” he said.

CIVICUS cited a slew of anti-democratic measures and a pattern of attacks and violations against freedoms of expression including the recent clampdown in Kashmir, raids on the offices of Lawyers Collective, Amnesty International, and a crackdown on journalists and members of the civil society.

The CIVICUS Monitor, which rates the degree of civic freedom in 196 countries, rates India as ‘obstructed’.

Gates Cambridge Scholars, Alumni Call on Foundation to Revoke Modi’s Award

In an open letter, over 70 signatories have called on the foundation to revoke the award in light of the ‘current climate of violence, intimidation and fear in India’.

New Delhi: Gates Cambridge scholars and alumni have written an open letter to the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation in connection with its decision to award Prime Minister Narendra Modi the Global Goalkeeper Award.

In the letter, over 70 Gates Cambridge scholars and alumni condemned the decision taken by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation to present Narendra Modi with the Global Goalkeeper Award for the Swachh Bharat Mission while ignoring human rights violations that have taken place under his regime.

Pointing out that the Indian government under Narendra Modi has “brazenly pursued an agenda of persecuting minorities” the letter goes on to say that there has been “an exponential rise in hate crimes against minorities”.

Alluding to the intimidation of civil society activists and the arrests and censorship of public intellectuals, the letter notes that the “most recent illustrations of this government’s espousal of Hindu nationalist ideology” was its decision to withdraw the special status of the state of Jammu and Kashmir and the proposal to “to effectively strip the citizenship of 1.9 million citizens” in Assam.

Also read: Riz Ahmed, Jameela Jamil Pull Out of Gates Foundation Event Awarding Modi

The letter further draws attention to curfew and clampdown in Kashmir and reports of house arrests, detentions and complete isolation of Kashmiris. Referring to the National Register for Citizens, the signatories of the letter point out that the “draconian measure” to render 1.9 million citizens stateless was in keeping with the home minister Amit Shah’s proclamation that ‘immigrants’ were akin to ‘termites’.

Addressing the Modi government’s Swachh Bharat Mission, the letter states that the programme was “reliant in large measure on media publicity rather than social change” and that it had failed to remove the widespread practice of manual scavenging.

The letter concludes by noting that as Gates Cambridge scholars and alumni, with a ‘commitment to improving the lives of others’, the signatories have called on the foundation to revoke the award in light of the “current climate of violence, intimidation, and fear in India”.

The full text of the letter is reproduced below:

§

An Open Letter from Gates Cambridge Scholars and Alumni to the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation for Awarding Narendra Modi with the Global Goalkeeper Award

As Gates Cambridge scholars and alumni, we unequivocally condemn the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation’s decision to present the Global Goalkeeper Award to the Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi. Lauding PM Modi for the Swachh Bharat Mission (Clean India Mission) while ignoring the gross violation of human rights under his regime is reprehensible.

Since 2014, the Modi-led regime has brazenly pursued an agenda of persecuting minorities, particularly Muslims and Dalits, damaging the democratic and secular fabric of India. In the last five years, there has been an exponential rise in hate crimes against minorities, intimidation of civil society activists, use of brute majority power to pass controversial legislation, significant dilution of the autonomy of academic and judicial institutions, and arrests and censorship of public intellectuals. The most recent illustrations of this government’s espousal of Hindu nationalist ideology include withdrawal of the semi-autonomous status of Jammu and Kashmir, the only Muslim majority state in India, and proposals to effectively strip the citizenship of 1.9 million citizens, mostly Muslims, in the north-eastern state of Assam.

In an unprecedented move on 5 August 2019, the Modi-led government announced the withdrawal of the special status accorded to the disputed territory of Jammu and Kashmir. The announcement was followed by a curfew, complete clampdown on communication in the state, and arrest of democratically elected representatives. At the time of writing this letter, there are seven million Kashmiris under military siege lasting for over 40 days. Several media sources have reported on the inhuman conditions in the state, including house arrests, detentions, humiliation, and complete isolation of Kashmiris (The New York Times, The Guardian).

In Assam, on the other hand, the government has launched a bid to identify and drive out ‘illegal immigrants’ through the implementation of a National Register for Citizens, potentially rendering 1.9 million citizens stateless. This draconian measure, which would impact people who are living in poverty in flood-prone areas (Deutsche Welle), is in keeping with Home Minister Amit Shah’s proclamation that ‘immigrants’ are akin to ‘termites’ (Reuters). PM Narendra Modi continually fails to address and indeed, through his silence, abets the rise of Hindu nationalist sentiments and consequent violence against minorities in the country. Indeed, the government is emboldened by Modi’s rise to power despite the 2002 large-scale violence against Muslims in the state of Gujarat under his watch as Chief Minister.

Programmes, such as Swachh Bharat Mission, are then only diversionary tactics, reliant in large measure on media publicity rather than social change. While the Swachh Bharat Mission has been promoted through photos of PM Modi washing feet of sanitation workers, there is negligible effort to address the widespread practice of manual scavenging in the country. Indeed, the initiative perpetuates the historical reliance on the most marginalised castes to clean human excreta, sewage and septic tanks with their bare hands and bodies. The Ramon Magasaysay Awardee and founder of Safai Karamchari Andolan (SKA or the Sanitation Workers’ Movement), Bezwada Wilson, has condemned the Swacch Bharat Mission for its disregard of institutional discrimination against Dalits and their deaths from manual scavenging. He says, ‘Toilet construction will not help us and will, in fact, push us back into manual scavenging, unless the entire exercise is mechanised and well thought out with proper planning’ (The Wire). Regardless of the debatable scope of the initiative, its promise of welfare and dignity for all is at odds with the unprecedented marginalisation of minorities under PM Modi’s government.

As Gates Cambridge scholars and alumni, with ‘commitment to improving the lives of others’, we cannot stand in silence as the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation supports and encourages the Modi-led authoritarian regime responsible for gross human rights violations in India. By embracing Modi with the Global Goalkeeper Award, the Foundation is indeed going against its own principle that ‘all lives have equal value’. Given the current climate of violence, intimidation, and fear in India, the Foundation needs to condemn and not reward PM Modi’s leadership.

A recent petition by Stop Genocide already reached over 100,000 signatures expressing strong opposition to choosing Modi for the Global Goalkeeper Award. Through this letter, we add our voices to this opposition and call upon the Foundation to revoke the award, allowing us to continue to take pride in Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation’s work for the improvement of living conditions and the promotion of human rights for all across the world.

Sincerely,

  1. Divya Venkatesh, PhD Pathology, 2011-16, Queens’ College
  2. Sagnik Dutta, PhD Politics and International Studies, 2016-2020
  3. Ananya Mishra, MPhil Modern South Asian Studies, 2014-2015; PhD English, 2016- 2020, Corpus Christi College
  4. Draško Kašćelan, PhD Linguistics, 2015-2019
  5. Asiya Islam, PhD Sociology, 2015-2019; Junior Research Fellow, Newnham College
  6. Arif Naveed, PhD Education 2014-18, Lecturer, University of Bath, UK
  7. Callie Vandewiele, PhD Latin American Studies 2014-2018; Lecturer, University of Auckland
  8. Dena Qaddumi, PhD Architecture, 2016-2020
  9. Stephanie Gabriela Lopez, MPhil Latin American Studies 2014-2015
  10. Reetika Subramanian, PhD in Multi-disciplinary Gender Studies 2019-22, Queens’ College, University of Cambridge
  11. Peter Sutoris, PhD Education, 2015-2019, Clare Hall College
  12. Berenice Guyot-Rechard, PhD History, 2009-2013, Trinity College
  13. Maria Hengeveld, PhD Development Studies -2017-20 King’s College
  14. Safwan Aziz Khan, MPhil Public Policy, 2016-17, Christ’s College
  15. Joshua Feinzig, MPhil Criminology, 2016-2017, Pembroke College
  16. Surabhi Ranganathan, PhD Law 2008-2012; University Lecturer, King’s College
  17. Sheina Lew-Levy, PhD Psychology, King’s College; Postdoctoral researcher, Simon Fraser University
  18. Nayanika Mathur, PhD Social Anthropology 2005-2010, Associate Professor in the Anthropology of South Asia, University of Oxford
  19. Gregory Wilsenach, PhD Mathematical Logic, 2014-2018, Postdoctoral researcher, University of Cambridge
  20. Njoki Wamai, PhD Politics and International Studies 2012-2016; Assistant Professor, United States International University – Africa
  21. Tariq Desai, PhD Genetics 2014-2019, Magdalene College
  22. Juliana Broad, MPhil History and Philosophy of Science 2018-2019, Darwin College
  23. Rebecca Love, PhD Medical Science, 2015-2019, King’s College
  24. Margaret Comer, PhD Archaeology, 2015-2019, Jesus College; Postdoctoral Researcher, University of Cambridge
  25. Caitlin Casey, PhD Astronomy, 2007-2010, St John’s College; Professor at University of Texas at Austin
  26. Marina Veličković, PhD Law 2017-2020, Pembroke College
  27. Nicholas Barber, PhD Earth Science, 2018-2022, Churchill College
  28. Solange Manche, PhD French, 2018-2021, King’s College
  29. Elizabeth Walsh, MPhil Social Anthropology, 2015-2016, King’s College
  30. Monica Petrescu, MPhil Economics, 2011-2012
  31. Zoe Stewart, PhD Clinical Biochemistry, 2014-2018, Clare College; Academic Clinical Lecturer, University of Leicester
  32. Collin VanBuren, PhD Earth Sciences, 2013-2017, Christ’s College; Postdoctoral Researcher, the Ohio State University
  33. Anjali B Datta, PhD History, 2009-2014, Trinity College
  34. Ana Maria Guay, MPhil Classics, 2015-2016, Newnham College
  35. Zenobia Ismail, PhD Politics 2013-2017, Wolfson College
  36. Hanna Danbolt Ajer, MPhil Theoretical and Applied Linguistics 2014-2015, PhD Linguistics 2015-present, Trinity Hall
  37. Justin G. Park, MPhil Anglo-Saxon, Norse and Celtic Studies, 2013-2014, Wolfson College
  38. Bhaskaran Nair, PhD Materials Science 2014-2019, Trinity College
  39. Aliya Khalid, PhD Education 2015-2019, Newnham College
  40. Cansu Karabiyik, PhD Medical Science, 2016-2020, Pembroke College
  41. Nandini Chatterjee, PhD History, 2002-2007, St Catharine’s College
  42. Neha Kinariwalla, MPhil Modern Society & Global Transformations 2014-2015, King’s College
  43. Paulo Savaget, PhD in Engineering, 2015-2019, Hughes Hall
  44. Akhila Denduluri, PhD Chemistry, 2017-2021, Murray Edwards College
  45. Minaam Abbas, MB/PhD Medicine and Pathology, 2017-2020, St. John’s College
  46. Sara Kazmi, PhD English, 2017-2021 Queens College
  47. Eddie Cano Gamez, PhD Biological Science, 2017-2020, Selwyn College
  48. Elinor Lieber, PhD Criminology, 2018-2021, Pembroke College
  49. Julia Bolotina, MPhil & PhD Anglo-Saxon, Norse and Celtic, 2011–2016, St John’s College
  50. Saba Sharma, PhD Geography, 2015-19
  51. Lena Dorfschmidt, PhD Psychiatry, 2018-2021, Darwin College
  52. Ramana Kumar, PhD Computer Science, 2011-2015, Peterhouse
  53. Noor Shahzad, MPhil Modern South Asian Studies, 2016-2017, Christ’s College
  54. Leor Zmigrod, PhD Psychology 2016-2019, Downing College; Junior Research Fellow, Churchill College
  55. Hanna Baumann, PhD Architecture, 2012-17, King’s College
  56. Darinee Alagirisamy, MPhil Modern South Asian Studies, 2011-2012, PhD History, Lucy Cavendish
  57. Michael Pashkevich, PhD Zoology, 2017-2021, Jesus College
  58. Dino Kadich, MPhil Geographical Research 2018-19 and PhD Geography 2019- 2023, Emmanuel College
  59. Dorien Braam, PhD Veterinary Medicine, 2018-2021, St John’s College
  60. Anija Dokter, PhD Music 2012-18, Queens’ College
  61. Edyth Parker, PhD Veterinary Medicine, 2016-, Clare College
  62. Paula Haas, PhD Social Anthropology 2008-2012, Murray Edwards College
  63. Anindya Sharma, MSci Systems biology, 2014-2018, Corpus Christi College
  64. Samuel Kebede, MPhil Epidemiology, 2018-2019, Sidney Sussex College
  65. Fahad Rahman, MPhil Social Anthropology, 2015-16, St. Edmunds College
  66. Surrin Deen, PhD Radiology, 2014-2018, Trinity Hall
  67. Nikhita Mendis, MPhil Social Anthropology, 2018, Trinity Hall
  68. Jocelyn Perry, MPhil International Relations and Politics, 2015-2016, Corpus Christi College
  69. Cerianne Robertson, MPhil Sociology, 2016-2017, St Edmund’s College
  70. Anna Kendrick, PhD Spanish, 2011-2014, Emmanuel College
  71. Vincent Kim, PhD Physics, 2014-2018, Selwyn College
  72. Alex Kong, MPhil Biological Science, 2016-2017, Churchill College

Riz Ahmed, Jameela Jamil Pull Out of Gates Foundation Event Awarding Modi

Ahmed, the first Emmy-winning actor of Asian descent, has been a key voice in speaking out against Islamophobia and discrimination, while Jamil is an outspoken advocate for stamping out body shaming.

New Delhi: Joining a chorus of voices that have out forth strong opposition against news that Prime Minister Narendra Modi is to be awarded by the the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation for the Swachh Bharat Abhiyan later this month are Hollywood actors Riz Ahmed and Jameela Jamil.

The Gates Foundation has confirmed that the two actors have pulled out of the fourth annual GoalKeepers Award ceremony where Modi is scheduled to receive the the ‘Global Goalkeeper Award’. Though no reason has been supplied, it is being speculated that the decision was taken in response to the ongoing situation in Jammu and Kashmir where an indefinite unofficial curfew and communication clampdown has cut Kashmiris off from the rest of the world for well over a month.

Ahmed and Jamil’s decision was initially tweeted by journalist Azad Essa on Monday.

Academics and activists have been trying to convince Gates Foundation to withdraw Modi’s award. There is  speculation that New Zealand’s Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern may have also pulled out of the event.

So far, 90 million toilets have been built to eliminate open defecation by October 2, 2019 and currently 98% of India’s villages have rural sanitation coverage instead of 38% four years ago.

Ahmed has been a key voice in speaking out against Islamophobia and discrimination, and recently took to Twitter to highlight an instance of “everyday racism” his brother encountered while on a trip to Australia. The first Emmy-winning actor of Asian descent, he is known for his role as Nasir Khan in the critically acclaimed HBO miniseries The Night Of. He also played Bodhi Rook in Rogue One: A Star Wars Story and starred alongside Tom Hardy in Marvel blockbuster Venom last year.

Jamil is an outspoken advocate for stamping out impossible beauty standards and body shaming. She stars as philanthropist-socialite Tahani Al-Jamil on the hit NBC series The Good Place, Michael Schur’s hilarious existential comedy about the afterlife. She’s also

Also read: Narendra Modi’s Style Is ‘Shock and Awe’, but That Strategy Doesn’t Always Work

The award ceremony, which is scheduled for September 25-26, is to go on as planned at Jazz at Lincoln Center in New York City. The annual awards, in five categories, are presented to leaders and individuals for their efforts in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

The categories are Progress, Changemaker, Campaign, Goalkeepers Voice and the Global Goalkeeper.

“These awards tell the extraordinary stories of remarkable individuals taking action to bring the Global Goals to life and help achieve them by 2030,” the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation said, adding that this year, Goalkeepers will focus on the challenge of fighting global inequality.

In previous years, speakers at the Goalkeepers event have included former US president Barack Obama, French President Emmanuel Macron, Deputy UN Secretary-General Amina Mohammed and Nobel Peace Prize winners like Malala Yousafzai and Nadia Murad.

This year, speakers at the event include the Foundation co-chairs, Bill and Melinda Gates, Mohammed and UNICEF executive director Henrietta Fore.

Modi will be attending the high-level UNGA session that begins later this month at the world body’s headquarters. He will address the world leaders at the 193-member UNGA’s general debate on September 27.

Also read: Trump Confirms Plan to Join Modi At Mega Houstan Rally Next Week

The prime minister will also be the keynote speaker at the Bloomberg Global Business Forum on September 25. During his visit to New York, Modi will also inaugurate the ‘Gandhi Peace Garden’, an innovative initiative to commemorate Mahatma Gandhi’s 150 birth anniversary.

Before arriving in New York for the UNGA session, Modi will visit Houston where he will address the Indian-American community on September 22.

‘Howdy, Modi!’, the Indian-American community mega-event, will be hosted by the Texas India Forum, Houston-based non-profit. The event is expected to be attended by tens of thousands of people as well as influential American lawmakers and political leaders.

(With inputs from PTI)