Beyond the Udaipur Killing Lies the Spectre of Blasphemy. It’s Time to Banish the Ghost.

Blasphemy laws in many countries raise a big question mark in respect of their own credentials as well as their international legal obligations.

The ghastly killings of Kanhaiya Lal, a tailor in Udaipur, and Umesh Kolhe in Amravati have sent shock waves across the country. Lal was hacked to death by Riyaz Attari and Ghouse Mohammad in the wake of his sharing a social media post in support of Nupur Sharma, the former BJP spokesperson who made disparaging comments on Prophet Muhammed. There was widespread condemnation of the gruesome murders, particularly from different sections of the Muslim community, including the All-India Muslim Personal Law Board.

Even as the heat and dust began to settle down – after the initial condemnation and comments on Sharma’s remarks from a number of countries in the Muslim world – the domestic scenario witnessed further mobilisation with sections of the Muslim community keeping it alive for political or social mileage. Lal’s murder was obviously a sequel to this mobilisation. Though there are reports of a ‘Pakistan connection’ to the killing, these things need extensive investigation.

Meanwhile, the Supreme Court of India accused Sharma of “igniting emotions across the country.” Apparently, the issue has the potential of vitiating the festering wounds. Whether Sharma apologises to the nation or not – in deference to the apex court’s oral remarks – the Muslim community also needs to rise to the occasion by turning down the heat and dust generated. 

Anti-blasphemy waves across the world 

The killings have brought renewed focus on the place of blasphemy in Islam and in India as a whole. Allegations of blasphemy – with accompanying violence – are occasionally reported in many countries. Just three months back, a 21-year-old woman was beheaded in Pakistan by three women who accused her of blasphemy. There were several such instances in the past few years. Such incidents are often linked to laws and regulations in place, and how states impose such regulations.

Laws outlawing blasphemy were the norm in many countries for centuries, particularly where Semitic religions dominated. Blasphemy laws were in place in both Judaism and Christianity long before Islam emerged in the 7th century. In the modern era, blasphemy laws have gained a certain salience with ruling dispensations resorting to tactics that could sustain their regime interests and legitimacy.

The West Asia and North Africa region has the highest share of countries which have outlawed blasphemy. Many Sub-Saharan African countries have laws prohibiting blasphemy, proselytisation, or similar conduct, though the extent of their implementation is not frequently reported.

Many countries in the Asia-Pacific region also have anti-blasphemy laws, including India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Indonesia, Iran, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Maldives, Singapore and Turkey. Similarly, a report by the US Congress says that some countries in Western Europe have blasphemy-related laws. Though such regulations are rarely implemented, there have been prosecutions, of late, in Austria, Finland, Germany, Greece, Switzerland, and Turkey. In countries such as Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, there are laws banning proselytisation or insulting religion. There are only a few countries in Latin America and the Caribbean which have blasphemy laws. Canada has a blasphemy law, but it is not enforced.

In South Asia, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Afghanistan have blasphemy laws that are rigorously enforced. The Indian Penal Code (IPC) still has the provisions of the British Indian Penal Code that outlaws blasphemy, without using that specific word, of course. Sections 295, 295A, 296, 297 and 298 of the IPC provide for imprisonment ranging from one year to three years to deal with an insult to a religious group or communal tension and violence.

Over the years, there have been attacks and fatwas on writers and media personnel on charges of blasphemy. Salman Rushdie’s The Satanic Verses sparked off a blasphemy heat wave which continued for several years. After the novel came out in 1989, Ayatollah Khomeini, the spiritual and political leader of Iran, issued a fatwa for the death penalty as well as a reward of several million dollars for the assassination of Rushdie.

There were similar incidents associated with blasphemy. The Japanese translator of The Satanic Verses was killed in 1991. The Italian translator of the novel was also attacked, but somehow survived. The Norwegian publisher of Rushdie’s work also suffered serious injuries in a firing.

Salman Rushdie. Photo: Reuters

A terror attack on the office of French satirical publication Charlie Hebdo, in early 2015, resulted in the death of a dozen people. This follows the publication of a cartoon on the Prophet Muhammad. There were other attacks on magazine and newspaper offices in Europe. The publication of drawings of Prophet Muhammad in a Denmark newspaper also resulted in attacks. Since then, an International Blasphemy Rights Day  (September 30) is observed every year to show solidarity with those who resist ruthless laws and regulations against free expression and to support the right to challenge prevailing religious beliefs without fear of violence, arrest, or persecution.

The horrific murder of a French school teacher in a Paris suburb in October 2020 was another manifestation of the violence blasphemy allegations often engender.

In India, the cases filed and the calls for violence against filmmaker Leena Manimekalai for her depiction of the Hindu goddess Kali underline the fact that ‘blasphemy obsession’ is not confined to Islam.

Blasphemy law in Islam

Evidently, there are different interpretations of laws that impose a punishment (including the death penalty) for insulting Islam or the Prophet Muhammad. The Quran and Sunnah are the fundamental sources of Islamic laws, but various schools of Islamic theology have taken different positions on the question of blasphemy. Islamic jurisprudence involves a multitude of interpretations of the Quranic text and contexts. Islamic scholars point out that the Quran symbolises several allegories, metaphors as well as ambiguities that call for interpretations based on appropriate principles of justice, fairness and virtues of a good life. They also underline that there are no direct references to blasphemy in the Holy Book. The subject did not figure anywhere in the history of Islamic jurisprudence.

However, there were instances in the Quran when opponents resorted to deriding and mocking the Prophet. But, there was no specific command for punishing those who ridiculed him. Rather the Quran asks Muhammad to leave the punishment to God for such acts of insults and derogatory remarks. The Quran also tells believers to invoke God’s mercy and grace for the Prophet.

Those who believe that the Islamic traditions have laws for blasphemy since its beginning will argue that such laws are based on the Sunnah (sayings and practices) of the Prophet. They cite the example of a Jewish woman, who was apparently killed for writing provocative poems against the Prophet and Islam. There is hardly any authenticity to this narrative that says that the Prophet ‘praised the man’ who killed her. But there is another account that states that the Jewish woman was in fact killed for sedition for breaking the covenant signed in Medina, and not for any blasphemous comments. It may be recalled that whenever the Prophet was in Mecca, it was not quite unusual for the people to abuse and show disrespect or dishonour him for his uncompromising position. In the background of establishing an Islamic state, it was quite usual that there were many rivals to the Prophet. Yet, he stood firm and exhibited incredible patience. The Quran itself affords several such instances.  

The Surah 5:13 reads: 

“But because of their breach of their Covenant We cursed them and made their hearts grow hard: they change the words from their (right) places and forget a good part of the Message that was sent them nor wilt thou cease to find them barring a few ever bent on (new) deceits: but forgive them and overlook (their misdeeds): for Allah loveth those who are kind” (Al-Maida, translation by Yusuf Ali).

The Surah 21:41 reads,  

“Mocked were (many) apostles before thee; but their scoffers were hemmed in by the thing that they mocked” (Al-Anbiyaa – translation by Yusuf Ali). 

The Surah 25:63 is rather firm: 

“And the servants of (Allah) Most Gracious are those who walk on the earth in humility and when the ignorant address them they say “Peace!” (Al-Furqan translation by Yusuf Ali).

The Surah 38:4 says, 

“So, they wonder that a Warner has come to them from among themselves! and the Unbelievers say, “This is a sorcerer telling lies!” (Sad – translation by Yusuf Ali).

In spite of such attacks and ridicules, the Quran (Surah 73:10), in fact, advises the Prophet to “have patience with what they say and leave them with noble (dignity)” (Al-Muzzammil translation by Yusuf Ali). 

The most widely quoted Surah (2: 256) runs like this: “Let there be no compulsion in religion. Truth stands out clear from error; whoever rejects evil and believes in Allah hath grasped the most trustworthy hand-hold that never breaks. And Allah heareth and knoweth all things (Al-Baqara translation by Yusuf Ali).

Evidently, the texts of Islamic jurisprudence cannot disregard such examples of compassion, humility and patience displayed by the Prophet during his time. According to Ziauddin Sardar, blasphemy laws have hardly any basis in the Quran and that “there are better ways than demanding death sentences to show love and respect for the Prophet.”

A man holds The Holy Quran sitting on his prayer mat. Photo: Tarushi Aswani

Asghar Ali Engineer wrote that the Prophet was “so spiritual that he would never indulge in seeking revenge for personal insult.” He was “a model human being to be followed by others.” Engineer cited an instance of a Jewish woman who used to insult the Prophet by throwing garbage at him whenever he passed her house. But the Prophet never sought to punish her. One day, when the woman did not turn up with garbage, the Prophet asked why she did not. When heard that she fell ill, the Prophet straightaway went to see her. The woman felt ashamed of herself for misbehaving with such a person and immediately embraced Islam. Engineer says that to “avenge an insult is not a sign of religiosity but betrays worst human instincts.”

In the next two centuries after Prophet Mohammad, there was nothing like a blasphemy law. However, during Abbasid rule, at the beginning of the 9th century, the concept began to gain legitimacy, especially in the context of rebellion against Islam and the state. Conceivably, the idea took new dimensions as means of legitimizing the political power of the ruling dispensations. When a military general like Zia-ul-Haq tightened the blasphemy law in Pakistan, its purpose was only to legitimise his authoritarian regime under the garb of an ‘Islamic state.’ Zia also acquiesced to the agenda of orthodox ulama in Pakistan with a view to making inroads into the society through his military dictatorship. The condition has not changed since then, even after the transition to democracy. 

In sum, blasphemy laws in many countries raise a big question mark in respect of their own credentials as well as their international legal obligations. Such states have scant respect for protection for freedom of religion or belief, freedom of opinion and expression, equality before the law, the prevention of discrimination, and, above all, ensuring fair trial rights. The blasphemy laws have obvious repercussions for religious and ethnic minorities and create situations of religious intolerance, fundamentalism, and Islamic radicalism. Even as countries like Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Iran have come under international pressure of countering terrorism and religious extremism, the question is whether the ruling dispensations in these countries will revisit their draconian blasphemy laws, and annul or radically revise all infringements related to religion in line with their international human rights obligations. 

In India, the Udaipur and Amravati killings have set in motion a new wave of reactions that, if not guarded, will spell disaster for the secular fabric of the polity and its multicultural environs. By universally condemning the killings, Indian Muslims have sent a message to the world that the Prophetic tradition of compassion, humility, and patience is the only way to deal with insults to their faith. The onus is on all Indians, including Hindus, to dial back the tension and hatred we see all around us.

The author, an ICSSR Senior Fellow, is Director, Inter University Centre for Social Science Research and Extension (IUCSSRE), Mahatma Gandhi University, Kerala.

Pakistani Academic Junaid Hafeez Sentenced to Death for Blasphemy

The academic was arrested in 2013, having been accused of using a fake Facebook profile to insult the Prophet Muhammad in a closed group called “So-Called Liberals of Pakistan”.


Pakistani university lecturer Junaid Hafeez, 33, was sentenced to death on Saturday on blasphemy charges. He has been in prison, mostly in solitary confinement, while awaiting trial for six years.

“This is a vile and gross miscarriage of justice,” Amnesty International’s Rabia Mehmood wrote on Twitter.

Asad Jamal, Hafeez’s lawyer, told Reuters news agency that he would appeal against the ruling in a higher court.

“There can’t be a fair trial in blasphemy cases in Pakistan,” Jamal said. “We have a spineless system. No one can stand up to a blasphemy charge.”

Government lawyer Airaz Ali hailed the decision as a “victory of truthfulness and righteousness.”

Hafeez’s ordeal

Hafeez was a lecturer in English literature at Bahauddin Zakariya University in the city of Multan. Shortly after he began working there as a graduate student in 2011, he found himself targeted by an Islamist student group who took issue with what they considered Hafeez’s “liberal” teaching.

The academic was arrested on March 13, 2013, having been accused of using a fake Facebook profile to insult the Prophet Muhammad in a closed group called “So-Called Liberals of Pakistan”.

Also read: Pakistani Christian Woman Freed After Blasphemy Death Sentence Reversed

His father has said he was set up by the Islamists on campus, who wanted to get one of their own into an open position at the university.

“In 2013, the university advertised a post for a lecturer. The members of the Islamist Jamiat-e-Talaba organization told him to not apply for the job as they wanted their own people to get it,” Hafeez-ul Naseer told DW.

“The group launched a malicious campaign against my son, distributing pamphlets and accusing him of blasphemy. They said he was an American agent,” Naseer said.

“My son, who came back from the US to serve his country, was later arrested by police on blasphemy charges,” he added.

Hafeez has been in solitary confinement, allegedly for his own protection from the general prison population, since 2014, when his first lawyer was murdered. His conditions have significantly deteriorated since 2018, according to reports.

Blasphemy persecution

Pakistan’s blasphemy laws have come under hefty criticism, as they have often been used to target minorities, activists, and to settle personal vendettas. Although no one has yet been executed under the laws, about 40 people are currently sitting on death row due to blasphemy convictions.

According to rights groups, around 1,549 blasphemy cases were registered in Pakistan between 1987 and 2017. More than 75 people have been killed extra-judicially after blasphemy allegations. Some of them were even targeted after being acquitted in blasphemy cases by courts.

Also read: Blasphemy Law Sounds Warning Bell Not Just for Punjab But All of India

In 2017, a 23-year-old journalism student in Pakistan was killed by a vigilante mob over allegations of blasphemy.

Last year, Asia Bibi, a Christian woman, was acquitted on appeal and left the country, provoking violent protests across Pakistan.

Pakistan’s Christians and other religious minorities have often complained of legal and social discrimination in the country. In the past few years, many Christians and Hindus have been brutally murdered over unproven blasphemy allegations.

In one case, a young Christian girl with Down syndrome was accused in August 2012 of burning pages upon which verses of the Koran were inscribed.

Rimsha Masih was taken into police custody and only released months later when charges were dropped. The case caused an uproar in her hometown and beyond, and sparked riots and violence against Christians in the region. In 2013, she and her family relocated to Canada.

In 2014, a Christian couple was beaten to death for allegedly desecrating a copy of the Koran. Their bodies were subsequently burned in a brick kiln.

In September last year, a Christian man in Pakistan was sentenced to death for sharing “blasphemous material” on WhatsApp.

The article was originally published on DWYou can read it here.

Blasphemy Law Sounds Warning Bell Not Just for Punjab But All of India

The state government’s attempt to make religious sentiments the basis of law is a deadly recipe for competitive political mobilisation.

The recent decision of the Congress government in Punjab to mandate a sentence of 10 years to life for those who commit sacrilege is an indication of the dangerous times that lie ahead for an otherwise liberal and progressive society.

An earlier such Bill passed by the assembly during the Akali regime in March 2016 was withdrawn a few months ago, as it could not get the president’s assent on the grounds that it spoke only of sacrilege of the Guru Granth Sahib. That Bill was introduced after several reports of the Sikh holy book being desecrated in 2015.

On June 1, 2015, a copy of the Guru Granth Sahib went missing from Burj Jawahar Singh Wala village, and was later found scattered in the streets of Bargari village on the Kotkapura-Bathinda highway. This resulted in mass protests and the police opened fire on the protestors, leading to the death of two people. Despite numerous political resignations, the state government under the Shiromani Akali Dal coalition failed to manage the situation, and peace and communal harmony in Punjab was severely affected. The desecrations continued, including in Aulakh village in Muktsar Sahib, Khalra village in Tarn Taran, Kohrian village in Faridkot, Mishriwala village in Ferozepur, Ludhiana, Gurusar Mehraj village in Bathinda and Sarai Naga village Muktsar.

A judicial probe was initiated by the Parkash Singh Badal government, but not much came of it. Neither were the culprits arrested, nor was the holy book restored. Though the tension died down for a few months, it was back with a vengeance around the time of the Punjab assembly elections in 2017. Both the Congress and the Aam Aadmi Party tried to use the issue for their political gains, and it was the Congress that got maximum mileage from the discontentment. Keeping his election promise, Captain Amarinder Singh, after becoming chief minister, constituted a new commission under former high court judge Ranjit Singh to look into the sacrilege incidents.

That the Bill would be passed unanimously during discussions on the Justice Ranjit Singh Commission report was not unexpected. The ruling party and opposition seem to be competing over who will get credit for the Bill. The Vidhan Sabha platform was used to accuse Akali leaders, particularly Parkash Singh Badal and his son Sukhbir Singh Badal, of being responsible for these incidents and hobnobbing with the controversial chief of Dera Sacha Sauda, who has been convicted of rape, for political gains. The Akali Dal legislators walked out of the house, making it even easier for both the government and other opposition parties to blame them for all of Punjab’s troubles. It proved to be an opportunity for the ruling party to play the Panthic card to garner political support in the upcoming panchayat elections and 2019 general elections, reminding the traditional Panthic voters of the Akali Dal’s failure to check repeated acts of sacrilege.

Religion has always been at the core of politics in Punjab, and the Sikhs have dominated the political scene since the 1966 reorganisation of the state. The state government’s attempt to make religious sentiments the basis of law is a deadly recipe for competitive political mobilisation. The people of Punjab have suffered for years thanks to the mixing of religion and politics. The rise of terrorist violence in the state in 1978 was not only the result of the conflict between the followers of the Nirankari faith and those of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, but also flowed from the dirty role played by the then Congress leadership in Punjab, which was meddling in Sikh religious affairs. The Amarinder Singh government’s plan to appropriate religious space in the state is a reminder of those days. It is nothing more than misdirected populism, which not only has the potential to backfire in the near future, but also risks intensifying religious intolerance and radicalism in the state. The blasphemy law is dangerously authoritarian, threatening the liberty of  individuals.

Also read: Retired Civil Servants Write Open Letter to Punjab CM on Expansion of Blasphemy Laws

The law also falls short on adhering to the secular principles listed in India’s constitution, as the Bill has only listed a few holy books of Hindus, Muslims, Christians and Sikhs, ignoring the other religions practiced in the country. It also does not define the term “sacrilege”, leaving it to be misused as a vague notion defined as “intention to hurt religious feelings,” which can be easily challenged in a court of a law. There are enough existing laws to deal with those who ignite hatred or enmity between different communities or hurt religious sentiments. This Bill, it appears, is not supposed to fill a legal gap, but rather to fit the political motivations of the lawmakers. It is even more worrisome that none of the participants in the debate opposed the Bill, or even parts of the Bill. Instead, there was a competitive agreement on pushing the state further into the domain of religion.

Even aside from the technical shortcomings of the Bill, it cannot be ignored that any sort of blasphemy law can have disastrous consequences in a multicultural country like India. While religion may have been used as a tool to woo voters for decades, this kind of law is a direct attack on the basic foundations of the nation. Many critics have equated it with the blasphemy law in Pakistan, where it has been used by the state and religious groups to terrorise minorities on the one hand and shield the system against any sort of rational analysis or criticism. The world-over, blasphemy laws are seen as tools of oppression rather than a symbol of cultural and religious affirmation.

It is likely that the Punjab government has raised this issue now, in the run-up to the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, in order to benefit from it politically. This will likely disturb the present peace and lead to communal tensions in the state. The Justice Ranjit Singh Commission constituted by the Congress government has explicitly accused ex-chief minister Badal of not only mismanaging the issue, but also pressurising the head granthi of the Takht Damdama Sahib and other Sikh priests to pardon the Dera Sacha Sauda chief after he was accused of blasphemy for impersonating Guru Gobind Singh, in order to win the votes of Dera followers. This has put the Akalis on the back foot in the coming general elections, and been a blow to the traditional Panthic vote base of the SAD.

However, critics have accused the Congress party of exploiting this opportunity in order to overcome the 1984 massacres issue and project a secular character by misleading common people, using religious sentiments to polarise voters. These short-term gains for the party can lead to devastating outcomes in the coming years not only for Punjab, but across the country. Given that a blasphemy law can be used as a dangerous tool against minorities and the marginalised, the BJP government at the Centre may choose to follow in Punjab’s footsteps.

If this law becomes a reality, it will give a new impetus to fundamentalist forces and organisations in the state. Enforcing religious beliefs as societal norms has dangerous implications. The state government, while bringing religion into politics, does not seem to be addressing the root causes of what happened in 2015. What they have done, though, is create a law that can be misused for petty and narrow political interests, and create a chilling effect on the freedom of speech. The most disturbing dimension of this Bill is that it may be used against human rights activists, leaders of people’s movement and those who are demanding justice from the people in power.

Jagrup Singh Sekhon teaches political Science at Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar.