India’s Silence Continues as Afghan Scholarship Students Face Brutal Future After Studies

There has been no word on whether India’s scholarship to Afghan students – once publicised enthusiastically – will be given this year. Those who have completed their studies have been running from pillar to post.

New Delhi: About 700 Afghan nationals, who completed their educational programmes through Indian scholarships earlier this year, find themselves in a state of uncertainty. With their homeland now under Taliban rule and severely hindered by visa regulations, they are trapped in a state of limbo, unable to return or proceed with further studies or get work.

India usually offers over 1,000 scholarships annually to Afghan students. However, this year, no relevant announcements have been made, plunging these individuals’ lives into turmoil.

Having recently concluded their studies, they are reluctant to return to an Afghanistan governed by the Taliban, who pose significant challenges for their education and careers. Even if scholarships aren’t forthcoming, many students are not averse to funding their own courses. But universities are hesitant to admit them without approval from the Union government.

Among the 700-odd students, nearly 200 are women, who face being confined to the four walls of their houses if they go back to Afghanistan.

Also read: India Expresses ‘Concern’ at Taliban’s Ban on Women Accessing Higher Education

Twenty three-year-old Ruma Mohebi completed her Bachelors of Business Administration earlier this year. Since then, she has been shuttling between Pune and Delhi, working with other compatriots in a similar situation, in an effort to catch the ear of any relevant authority.

“We have been sending emails, and contacting and meeting anybody who we think can help us. There has been no response so far,” said Mohebi, who met The Wire in a central Delhi lane outside the headquarters of Ministry of External Affairs’ cultural wing, Indian Council for Cultural Relations.

She, along with a group of 20 to 30 other students, had come to ICCR to meet with officials to persuade them to understand their situation. She was not too hopeful.

“There has been no response. It is not safe to go back to Kabul. You know how it is for girls out there. I won’t be allowed to do anything. It is not safe,” she said, tugging at her white scarf. With her visa set to expire next month, time is running out.

According to the UN, Afghanistan is the only country in the world where girls are banned from going to high school and effectively barred from political participation. Afghan women are now mostly restricted from working outside the home, they must cover their faces in public, and they have to be accompanied by a male chaperone when they travel, it noted.

Last week, around 100 Afghan women who had secured education scholarships in UAE were not allowed to leave when they arrived at the airport.

Parwana Hussaini, a 25-year-old who completed her masters in sociology in Chandigarh, is also at her wit’s end. “I know from my friends who had finished and gone back earlier before the Taliban came back that the situation is very difficult…they can’t leave the house at all. They are all trapped. I know that I can’t go back,” she told The Wire on phone.

With her visa running out in December, she still has a little bit of time to remain in India. But such a temporal buffer is not a cause for celebration to her. “One of my teachers suggested that I apply for a course. I know that I may not get in as it is already too late, but that may help me to stay on,” she said helplessly.

India had used the scholarships as a way to leverage influence in the years of the Afghan Republic. It used to give 500 scholarships per year, which increased to 1,000 from 2012-2013. 

In his 2017 book on India’s involvement in Afghanistan, Avinash Paliwal described the higher education scholarships offered by New Delhi as a diplomatic tool “co-opt provincial Afghan politicians”.

Less than a year before the Taliban rolled into Kabul, Indian external affairs minister S. Jaishankar had boasted about the Indian education scholarships for Afghans. “More than 65,000 Afghan students have studied in India under various scholarship programmes and while I speak 15,000 students are presently [at present] studying in India. Three thousand scholarships so far have been granted to young Afghan women to pursue higher studies in India,” he told a donors conference in November 2020.

Also read: Course Conducted by MEA for Taliban Staff in Kabul Angers Afghan Students: Report

Many of those who got these scholarships are now left stumped by the silence of the Indian government.

Most have spent the last few months on repetitive rounds of visits to local ICCR offices, lawmakers, the Afghan embassy and the MEA. In Delhi, particularly, students say they have had multiple meetings with ICCR officials. But that has shed little clarity on their situation.

“They tell us that no scholarships will be given this year. That’s the decision till now, but that could also change. Then they also tell us that we should go back as the situation is now normal. How can they say that it is normal there, when we know the ground situation. How can the women students be told to go back with the knowledge of what is happening there?” asked Ishaq Sarwari, who completed his masters from Punjab University.

Sarwari, who is coordinating the lobbying efforts of the students, highlighted that they are finding it impossible to get admission on their own anywhere. “In my own university, I told them, ‘Give me seat and that I will finance it myself’. But they said that they can’t give it to an Afghan till there was clearance from government.  Is our studying illegal?” he asked.

For the majority of the students, their financial situation was so dire that a scholarship was key to funding their further studies. Most of their families in Afghanistan are facing their own challenges to survive back home.

“Those who could leave Afghanistan have left. It’s only those who don’t have money who are trapped in here,” said Mohebi.

With every passing day spent without a response from the Indian government, the students lose more time from the brief window to apply for courses in this academic year.

“We don’t have work permits. We don’t have visa. Our future is completely dark,” said another student, Mustafa Bahadurzada.

Kapila Vatsyayan: The Visionary Who Defined Indian Aesthetic Theory

Kapila Vatsyayan’s vision was driven by a necessity to develop a terminology to be able to examine Indian art in its own art history.

In 2011, I was commissioned to curate an exhibition on ‘The Body in Indian Art and Thought’. The show was put on the road in 2013 with a grand opening by the president of India and the king of the Belgians at the Palais des Beaux Arts in Brussels. Only five years earlier, however, the very same venue had hosted another exhibition of Indian art called ‘Tejas’, curated by Kapila Vatsyayan.

And with all the bureaucratic clout, people imagined Kapila wielded with the Congress party high command. However, the truth was that the ineffectiveness of the National Museum and the bureaucracy in India’s Ministry of Culture led to a terrible embarrassment for her and the country on the exhibition’s opening night: several pedestals, especially created for Indian sculptures, lay empty.

Delays at the National Museum, the nodal agency appointed to organise the paperwork for the loan and export of the artworks, had apparently let us down. Prime ministers and heads of state walked through her exhibition on the opening night muttering why this was so typical of India?

If this had been the fate of a curator and administrator of Kapila’s stature, what chance had I, then a mere 35-year-old fledgling in the field, to negotiate any constructive responses from the corridors of Shastri Bhavan? I was frank about my apprehensions when I went to ask her for advice, and she warned me about what I needed to be cautious of at the National Museum, the ministry in Shastri Bhavan, and the Indian Council of Cultural Relations (ICCR).

I learned very quickly to negotiate those corridors knotted in red tape. I leveraged the embarrassment she had been subjected to at every stage, reminding administrators of what their departments had failed to do just a few years back; that they could well cost India its reputation once again. That was not, of course, the first time I had witnessed how she was being undermined.

The last 15 years of her life had been tough. She responded with determination to protect the institutions she had helped create and their ideological basis from being erased out of public memory.

Some of my teachers, who later became colleagues and even friends, told me how important her voice was in the landmark exhibition, ‘In the Image of Man’, as the lead show for the 1982 Festival of India at the Hayward Gallery in London. But they also remarked that what she had written was excessive in its quotations of vedic texts, on the bounty of nature and metaphysics, and simply cut off her essays where the page designer could not accommodate any more text.

Here then, was another cautionary tale of how Indian philosophy was being instrumentalised for consumption by a western audience as a ticket to bolster the image of India, and Kapila was being used, at times disrespected, as the agent to deliver that.

It was the same with the Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts (IGNCA). She was entrusted with the task of providing a conceptual framework for the enterprise, and her long-held dictum of ‘sarvam sarvaatmakam’, that everything in its detail is related to the whole, in the end, proved just too much to administer, or for many to even understand. She was acutely aware of a need to have a more capacious definition of ‘art’ that was sensitive to Indian culture, and not limited by separations of classical and folk, Sanskritic and vernacular.

She was also aware that those living traditions of India that were fragile could not be preserved or documented without respect for their natural habitat. Invitations to bring those traditions to the national capital and showcase them in alien venues were fraught with problems one of the biggest being an inability to showcase their context and natural habitat, or allocate the venues to erect dwellings and spaces as they wished, on the open land that the Central Vista Mess on Janpath, provided.

Kapila, who had curated an identity for the Indian vernacular and folk to be introduced in the Republic Day parade in the 1950s, knew all too well that there was a grander requirement to place the living cultures of India at the very heart of the national capital where visitors from the provinces could mix with the intellectuals. As stated earlier, regrettably, few administrators could countenance such a requirement for space or vision.

The India office of the British Library in London, and the American Institute of Indian Studies, had performed the yeoman role in the documentation of Indian art and culture as we did not have the comparable repositories or libraries that had been developed by India. The arts of India needed documentation such that the intellectual property and administration lay with India and not abroad.

Kapila knew that archives had to be built with the financial capacity to buy the letters, papers and documentation of great scholars that was available abroad, as much as by funding scholars to document collections, festivals, and performances.

As I began to research, write and curate the exhibition on the ‘Body’, I found my approach was different from, but built upon and in response to, the many postulates contained in her conception of ‘In the Image of Man’. Kapila was concerned with the philosophical base of Hindu and Buddhist art history, while my own work has been more on the sociological side of aesthetics and iconography. Hers was not restricted to the subject of anthropomorphism even though ‘Man’ was the show’s title.

It was not, in sum, very different from her better titled show, ‘Tejas’. I had tried to incorporate greater historicism and articulated the social and political crises of our times than her exhibition had, even though I had included contemporary art and aspects of living culture alongside ancient art. She saw the difference, we talked about it.

For my research, I had relied heavily on the very useful libraries and documentation available at the IGNCA. It was really, by far, the only archive in India that provided what I needed. And none can deny that the ideas that went into all that this institution has sought to document was enabled by her vision.

Indira Gandhi National Center for Arts, New Delhi. Photo: Aashish Bhatnagar/CC BY-SA 3.0/Wikimedia Commons

Constituting a vision

Kapila Vatsyayan’s vision was driven by a necessity to develop a terminology to be able to examine Indian art in its own art history. The conflicts inherent in this were far greater than what the pioneering art historians defining the field: Josef Strzygowski, Heinrich Zimmer, Ananda Coomaraswamy, among others, had encountered.

By the time of the next generation, including Indian art historians Stella Kramrisch, Alice Boner and Kapila Vatsyayan, this enterprise remained in danger of imposing on culture the prejudiced mindsets that those terms once carried – whether they were used a hundred years before colonial rule, or seven hundred years earlier in the Hindu kingdoms. Soon enough, the predictable fractures emerged – a cacophonous plurality of positions. The oft-repeated question remained: was there ever a unified, single way to define ‘Indian’ aesthetic theory?

These were critically important questions for those defining India in a post-colonial world. Kapila Vatsyayan stuck to what has been called a ‘Nehruvian’ position of the nation and region, in which the unifying thread across the diversity of cultures held greater significance rather than the space given to celebrate difference for fear of the fissiparous tendencies inherent in the country. That is not to say that diversity and difference were not showcased. However, the vocabulary used to register that difference was primarily located in Sanskrit.

Kapila inherited the debates of older generations on art versus craft, ‘margi’ and ‘desi’, ‘shastriya’ and ‘loka’, and spent much of her career exploring this through the many documentation projects enabled by the IGNCA. She sought out the sanskritist Vasudeva Sharan Agrawal to guide her in Indian art, and V. Raghavan and Thakur Jaideva Singh for aesthetics, musicology and Kashmir Shaivism.

One of the grandest projects of the IGNCA, the Kalatattvakosha, is a marvellous idea that few who are looking for the philosophical depth and meaning of the arts in India can manage without. It is now in seven volumes; each volume deals with a detailed lexicon of select terms in Indian art: chhaya, rupa, lakshana, sharira, shilpa, taala, aakaara, and anukarana, for instance, are some of the key terms that I find myself having to refer to again and again, each so rich that some of them need elaboration over 200 pages of a volume.

Information on each conceptual term was collated by a team of researchers (under the direction of assigned editors) that she curated into a set. Enlightened and rich as each enterprise is, the Kalatattvakosha really does not explain the context for the shifts in the meaning of the terms, historically. Embedded in her writings, are her reasons for not.

Also read: A Journey Through Botanical Art in Colonial India – and Beauty

The historiography against which she located some of her writings, were defining parameters for those working in field of modern art in the 1940s and ’50s. She never really crossed the hurdle from a position of philosophy to the parlance of social history, or more lately, of the sort of critical theory that became de rigeur after the 1980s. The work remained branded by the kudos Hindu philosophy earned from its claim to command a living tradition that was millennia old.

Atavism and ahistoricism were charges levied against her; charges which she took on board and, importantly, maintained clarity about her perspective. She addressed her position straightforwardly in her introduction to Bharata’s Natyashastra, when she said what was valuable “…about the attitude of the author, [was] the nature of the relationship between the celestial and the terrestrial, the different orders of knowledge, the requirement of discipline and training and a final goal which must be [a] transpersonal-self.” She continued, “It is… an attitude of mind which is more important and basic than mere historical dating and identity of individual authorship.”

Kapila Vatsyayan was enamoured by the richness of the Indian Sanskritic tradition. She was sensitive to, and honest about the fact that this was not a static tradition and had undergone many changes. Dating those changes, and the wider political and social forces that enabled them, the whys and when, were both uncomfortable impediments for her macro engagements. This made her scholarly enterprise one-sided, but what a rich and important side it was.

This was a one-sidedness, constantly provoked by everything being said on the other side. And this position was enabled by the most powerful financial and administrative powers in the field of Indian culture for decades. This makes the oeuvre of what she has sponsored, commissioned, and even written, too important to be ignored.

She was not a theoretical art historian alone. She handled, with equal strength, the other side of the world of art history that comes from practical doing: the rhythms of dancing, the melodic sway of the music, the percussion of the looms that wove textiles, the gestures of the masks that defined the many iconographies of Indian art.

She gained sound foundations first through Kathak under Acchan Maharaj, and then went on to learn Bharatanatyam under Meenakshi Sundaram Pillai, Manipuri from Amubi Singh and learnt much from guru Ammannur Madhava Chakyar in Kerala. In fact, the time she spent at the Kerala Kalamandalam, made clearer her quest to use practice to write history and inform policy.

Ever an ‘Indian modernist’, she spent time amongst modern writers in Hindi and English, and various Indian languages. She found inspiration in the kindred spirits of Mulk Raj Anand, Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay, Hazari Prasad Dwivedi, Jiwan Pani and Baidyanath Saraswati, each of whom worked at bringing the voices of India’s rural and vernacular traditions to the world stage.

Each of these people were confronted by the burning divide between the many cultures of the marginalised, and by finding the means for Indian institutions to learn to respectfully live with difference without absorbing them all in a Brahmanical Hindu hegemony. This was never going to be easy, because the linguistic arc and accretive nature of thousands of years of Sanskrit would forever colour it as being a one-sided affair. Maintaining a balance between these was going to be tough for the IGNCA.

Also read: Rajasaurus Narmadensis and Other Mementoes of Ancient Indian Culture

Finding ways to deal with pluralism

A collection of her essays and lectures on the demands of the state came out seven years ago under the title, Plural Cultures and Monolithic Structures. I reviewed it for the India International Centre’s journal, the very institution that she was patron of. I had an opportunity to discuss how her expectations of policy towards the arts were belied, the processes and ideas she wanted to develop, and her critique of the failure of the state and institutions she had helped create.

The book and its review provided a springboard for several informative discussions. And it may be pertinent to put down some of what I paraphrased and quoted of her position in that review.

India has been at the intellectual vanguard of defining the very nature of pluralism within a secular state. Can pluralism be achieved without secularism as a framework, and can respect for pluralism be avoided in the administration of India? She presented her essays in response to these questions, because majoritarian accommodation necessarily devolves into something hegemonic – in danger of a patronising accommodation of difference, rather than seeing the difference as a constitutive or defining quality.

Kapila Vatsyayan’s locus standi recognised pluralism as an imperative. She said, “Plurality and diversity demand organisational systems and institutional frameworks, which respond to the nature of plurality and multi-identities.” Thus, several of the essays presume knowledge, or in some cases provide information that demonstrate the complex nature of Indian plural identities. The question she poses for her book is: “Do the institutional frameworks in India allow for and recognise this?”

She continued, “The issue of structure, content and pedagogical methods of education cannot be disassociated from the administrative system that a country adopts for governance… Gandhi wished to completely rehaul, if not reject, the system. Jawaharlal Nehru wanted to reform the system. Morarji Desai headed an administrative reforms commission. Indira Gandhi had a love-hate relationship with it, and therefore, often bypassed the system. Rajiv Gandhi wanted radical changes. And yet the strongest monolithic structure is the administrative system with or without the rusted iron frame of the administrative services.”

“The impersonal plethora of rules and regulations are, to [say] the least, archaic and anachronistic. Anyone who has handled the administrative system from the inside is aware of the multiple hierarchies. The antiquated rules largely evolved during the ‘Raj’ are ill-suited for the new goals. Comments have been made by national and international experts and the UNDP human development report calls the system flabby and unmanageable.”

Kapila Vatsyayan (1925-2020) seen here with Jawaharlal Nehru in an undated photograph. Source: Personal collection

“The fundamental question is whether the uniform administrative system takes into account plurality, and whether there is space and place for flexibility and initiative. The answers to both questions are unfortunately in the negative. The system is an outstanding example of a wooden monolithic structure …governing, regulating and facilitating plurality by the adoption of uniform models is difficult if not impossible. Either the plurality of cultures is pushed to a controlled homogeneity, or the norms and regulations are twisted and turned, even distorted and misused.”

Vatsyayan was clear that the plural position is enshrined in Indian sacred literature, “the recognition of the principles of the one and the many, the containment of opposites in a framework of complementarity and not competition, the emergence of the principles of non-duality, the flowering of a system and sub-systems not based on binary opposites but on triads and foursomes, the movements of creating dissent within a framework of the legitimisation of departures by finding detour paths of acceptance, all comprise a cultural history yet to be written or taught.”

However, most saw her as subscribing to India’s eternal transcendental wisdom, while “a second deeper look” at the violence on account of difference (and in pluralism) she acknowledged, “invariably brings to surface the neatly camouflaged economic inequalities and motivations of power which are the implicit and explicit levels of tension and conflict.” The core of a socialist thus emerges – one that was aware of the problems and had stuck with conviction, to the only real path she knew could work.

Undated file photograph of Kapila Vatsyayan at a reception in Delhi with Jawaharlal Nehru. Photo: Personal collection

In order to demonstrate the plurality she lists a few complexities in language, race, social organisation and caste, regionalism, and the whole matter of culture. She went back to the terms she had selected for the Kalatattvakosha, like shastra, prayoga and loka in particular, which had defined the department of IGNCA called ‘Janapada-sampada’. This brought in other terms like ‘margi’ and ‘desi’, ‘nagara’ and ‘graama’ and the changing parameters of the engagement of man (as ‘purusha’) within these spaces, languages, cultural blocs.

She noted the long acknowledgement of these terms in Indian pedagogy, and therefore, the pains taken by Indian aestheticians, who had tried to redefine these words for centuries. The crisis in finding a plural way of living and defining society is not one we face only now, but the desire for finding the terms for a plural and inclusive state have been long-standing.

The presence of this on-going discourse is also indicative of the fact that there has never been a utopian state of a harmonious plural condition, but one that the intelligentsia has always aspired to.

Distance can sharpen vision

A capacity to look at India from the outside was intrinsic to understanding what needed to be done on the inside. Educated in Santiniketan, Delhi University, Banaras Hindu University, and at Ann Arbor, Michigan, she was much respected internationally, having been an advisor to several departments of higher learning on Indian culture. Germane to her growth was not just the time she had spent abroad on her education, but the experience she gathered as the director of the newly shaped Indian Council of Cultural Relations (ICCR) in the 1950s and ’60s.

There was a requirement for an organisation to take over and look into presenting Indian culture to the world. Without a private sector or individuals who could fill that role anymore, it was recognised that it would need to act as its own impresario and patronise its art worldwide.

The older agents who had helped take Uday Shankar and others to the world stage in the 1930s were gone, and India was now espousing an international cultural policy on its own, as an independent republic that had to ensure that the variety of India’s cultures were given a platform. This meant also giving an opportunity to artistes from parts of India that had never received international (or even national) exposure.

Criteria for selection had to be established, and here, in came the bureaucracy again. It also required interpreters and curators, a respectful briefing of the artists to organise their repertoire for the countries they were to perform in, without diminishing either the veracity of their tradition, or letting the new viewing public down, or leaving the artistes themselves dissatisfied. The curation of that repertoire became a formula for, and even a defining canon of ‘shastriya’ Indian performing arts, one that in time justifiably laid itself open to question and needed to be reformed.

Also read: The Book on Pakistan to Read if You Like Coke Studio 

Vatsyayan took on board the conversation around how finding the changing definitions of what constitutes ‘shaastra’, or the shifting definitions of the idea of a ‘loka’ in the intellectual history of India, was indicative of the ‘concessions’ that the high-minded sanskritists were willing to admit to. After all, what happens to those many other voices, like in the Tamil tradition, which have an equally long set of aesthetic terms that seek to define the changing nature of the constituents of culture differently from the Sanskrit tradition?

And then, there are the many ‘others’ who may not have had a developed literary tradition and have not left a record of their cultural annihilation in their own voice, all of whom comprise the most vulnerable elements of a plural ideal? And herein lies the double-bind: can we only hear the minoritarian voice through the language of the dominant elite? Is the history of pluralism bound to follow the well-charted power dynamics of a mainstream peoples terms of engagement with the minoritarian?

Pluralism is a high-minded ideal, necessary, and one that needs to be constantly safeguarded, but with the best of intentions it is nigh impossible to maintain without collapsing difference. This leads to the impression of subsuming difference, or bringing difference to a common platform. Not bringing difference to the common discussion table, equally, has the effect of exclusion and marginalisation.

I voiced this problem in my review of her book and I think Kapila understood this problem well. English and Hindi apart, she spoke Bangla and Punjabi fluently, and had a deep engagement with Sanskrit, Tamil, Oriya and Malayalam. She had researched ‘Jatra’ theatrical traditions in Bengal and Odisha, ‘Yakshagana’ in Karnataka, ‘Sattariya’ and ‘Lai Haroba’ in Assam and Manipur.

She made an important contribution for the Indian state to formally start recognising that its majoritarian Sanskritic history itself has been aware of this engagement with plural traditions, and given the significance she laid on the documentation of the many traditions of India, it was clear that the path she wished to forge ahead was to give their perspectives centre stage as well.

Her work on the Kerala Kshetram and the Gita Govinda were to prove instrumental in this growth. She produced five separate books on the Gita Govinda of Darbhanga, Mewar, Gujarat, Bundi each, of course, referencing Jayadeva’s famous tradition of Odisha. This opened up an all too important case of regional discourse being mediated via, or needing recourse to, Sankrit. It showed how canon formation could take place in the vernacular, while still remaining in a symbiotic relationship with Sanskrit.

My next real cause for engagement with her was as the editor of Marg as she was a trustee of the Marg Foundation. Her faith in the publication came not only from her old association with Mulk Raj Anand or her knowledge of Indian art, but because she knew that only if India maintained and valued its own journals and publishing of art and culture at the highest international intellectual levels, would the rest of the world’s shrinking attention to this subject be revived and even sustained.

The fate of other publications like Rupa-Lekha, Rupam, the Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, Modern Review and even Lalit Kala’s attention to historical art had diminished, scholarship was waning, and India was failing in maintaining a profile and outlet for discourse in the field. Having been at the forefront of nation-building through the arts, and with experience in why the many institutions that had been created to sustain that vision fail, she came across with profound concern and even grief at the current situation. The administrative or public ignorance apart, the stab that caused this grief was another, more personal one as well.

Time and again she would tell me, as I’m sure she did to herself, that at the end one must practice one’s art and profession for ‘svaanta sukhaay’, a personal peace. In her essay titled, This Matter of Education and Culture Again, she makes a strong plea to revive Gandhi’s model of basic education that tried to see economic and cultural freedom as one that could only emerge from a completely different attitude to work – one reliant on deriving joy from, and thus respect towards craft and manual labour.

Accolades and audiences, sponsorship and the administration of the arts, she knew only too well by then, had caused one to suffer. For all her successes in creating things, she had seen them twist and morph into something ungovernable and often misunderstood. These were not failures of a vision, but of the knotted problem of finding resolution or an acceptance of what constitutes the idea of, and the very nature of work in the field of the arts, in a highly competitive state where employment opportunities remained scarce.

Her vision had guided the creation of many institutions and enabled generations of scholarship on the arts. Her involvement with the IGNCA and ICCR apart, she had been instrumental in the creation and maintenance of the Centre for Cultural Resources and Training (CCRT) and the India International Centre in Delhi, she served in an advisory capacity for the formation of the School of Arts and Aesthetics at JNU, and in her roles as joint and additional secretary in the Ministry of Education and Culture of the government, she had been involved in establishing the Sangeet Natak Akademi, Lalilt Kala Akademi and Sahitya Akademi.

A member of the Rajya Sabha, awarded a fellowship of the Sangeet Natak Akademi, Padma Shri and a Padma Vibhushan, she was amongst the truly pioneering women that shaped India. Raised by social reformers in the national movement, she learned to carve out a niche for herself through a life of the mind, but remained a committed artist all her life.

She used her physical training as a dancer to complement not just theory, but recognised how outer form articulated an inner vision that held India’s arts together. She sought to create spaces for the diversity of these visions that shaped how the world saw Indian culture for decades.

Naman P. Ahuja is professor of Art History and Dean of the School of Arts and Aesthetics at JNU.

This obituary was first published in Seminar magazine.

India Does Not Agree With Trump’s ‘Me First’ Approach: Swaraj

Referring to Trump’s speech at the UN in September last year, she quipped that the world was reeling under a storm of protectionism but India believed in the concept of we, us and ourselves.

New Delhi: External affairs minister Sushma Swaraj today warned that the world was reeling under a storm of protectionism and said India did not agree with American President Donald Trump’s “me first” approach on the issue.

India, she stressed, believed in the concept of “we, us and ourselves”.

“I was sad when President Trump, in the UN General Assembly, said his slogan was me first,” the external affairs minister said.

She was referring to Trump’s speech at the UN in September last year when he had said, “As president of the United States, I will always put America first, just like you, as the leaders of your countries will always, and should always, put your countries first.”

“There is a storm of protectionism at the global level which is centred around the concept of me and myself but India believes in the concept of we, us and ourselves. If everyone views the other as equal then there is no place for protectionism in it,” she said.

Swaraj was delivering the first Pandit Deen Dayal Upadhyay Memorial international lecture on ‘soft power diplomacy: strength of india’, organised by the ICCR.

After Trump’s speech, Swaraj said she had a meeting with ministers of Latin American and Caribbean states.

“A foreign minister of a small country spoke about President Trump’s speech of ‘me first’. She said if everyone says (and follows the policy) of ‘me first’ then how will my country sustain.”

Swaraj said she pointed out that India had a different approach.

“I said India does not have the tradition of (following the policy of) ‘me first’. I said my speech will have (the concept of) Om Sarve Bhavantu Sukhinah,” she said, quoting a sloka from the Vedas that translates into “May everyone be happy”. “When everyone is happy then everyone will have the provision of food and security,” she said.

The minister said India believed in the policy of assisting other countries, especially those who required a helping hand. “If we don’t do this, then developed countries will continue to grow and under-developed countries will remain under-developed. So how will economic disparity reduce,” she asked.

Swaraj also said that Indian culture, yoga, classical dance, movies, cuisine and information technology were a “treasure of soft power”.

Narrating anecdotes about the craze for Indian films abroad, the external affairs minister said the passion was not restricted to Hindi cinema but extended to regional language films such as ‘Bahubali’.

“Chinese President Xi Jinping wanted Dangal to be screened at the BRICS summit at Xiamen. The Indian ambassador in Mongolia wanted the movie dubbed in Mongolian as wrestling is the national sport of that country. When I met Prime Minister Ukhnaagiin Khurelsukh of Mongolia , he said he wanted to be an actor in Bollywood. To this, I quipped we need handsome leaders in politics too,” she said.

Swaraj said during bilateral meetings, foreign delegations proposed that the Bollywood industry shoot in their countries as it boosted tourism.

She also shared an anecdote on how leaders in the recently held India-ASEAN Commemorative Summit came up with a demand for a song from the Shah Rukh Khan-starrer Kuch Kuch Hota Hai‘ and for ‘Bol Radha Bol Sangam‘ from the 1964 Raj Kapoor-starrer ‘Sangam‘.

Memories of Writer, Dance Critic, Journalist Shanta Serbjeet Singh

Shanta, a sharp and witty critic, spotted the core concerns in the art and performance scene, and wrote about the issues of preserving and propagating dance and music forms.

Shanta, a sharp and witty critic, spotted the core concerns in the art and performance scene, and wrote about the issues of preserving and propagating dance and music forms.

Shanta Serbjeet Singh

Shanta Serbjeet Singh. Credit: Karamjeet Singh

I first read an article by Shanta Serbjeet Singh in the Economic Times in early 1970. It was written under the pseudonym Lily. I was impressed by her excellent command of English. Those days I was writing dance reviews for the Evening News of India in Bombay. I did not know much about the Delhi dance or art scene.

Although I would visit Delhi to attend events at the Sangeet Natak Akademi (SNA), I was not acquainted with any dance critic in the city. The editor of ET was kind enough to give me Shanta’s address. I wrote to her asking if we could meet the next time I was in Delhi. She wrote back saying she would like that and mentioned that she had read my cover stories in the Illustrated Weekly of India on dance forms like Odissi and Mohini Attam.

When we met at her well-appointed apartment in Defence Colony, my attention was drawn to the many oil paintings of the Himalayas adorning one wall, by her husband Serbjeet Singh. He joined us as we talked about various dancers in Mumbai like Sitara Devi, Roshan Kumari, Damayanti Joshi, Gopi Krishna, Vyjayantimala and the Jhaveri Sisters. We also talked about Yamini Krishnamurthy, who was making a name for herself.

In the early 1970s and 1980s, classical Indian dance forms were gaining popularity. Government support was being extended to institutions in a big way, among them the SNA, its constituent body, Kathak Kendra, Bharatiya Kala Kendra (which later became the Sri Ram Bharatiya Kala Kendra), Triveni Kala Sangam, Sangeet Bharati and Kamala Lal’s Natya Ballet Centre. These institutions produced dance-dramas on various themes, including the Ram Leela and Krishna Leela. Solo dance performances were held at Sapru House and dancers like Indrani Rahaman, Birju Maharaj, Maya Rao, Uma Sharma, Urmila Nagar, Rani Karna, Devilal and Durgalal and Yamini Krishnamurthy were part of the growing dance scene. I came to know Sumitra Charataram through Kumudini Lakhia and attended many a soiree at her Curzon Road apartment.

At the time, Shanta was writing not only on classical dance but also on cinema, art and theatre in her regular column in ET. Her pieces were always very readable. As she remarked in an interview in a special issue of Nartanam quarterly on dance criticism and photography (Vol XIV No. 3), that she preferred a conversational style as the reader wanted to be informed about what was happening.

Soon she realised that “writing is about what happens, but what happens is because of what is written. Through it, I was influencing what was being done. So much, that you get a sense of responsibility. You can’t take your writing lightly.” She further said, “With the passage of time, a conscious, deliberate sense of responsibility did come in … Much later came an awareness that these traditional arts have survived because they were never searching for newness as such. They are searching for the self which will always be you.”

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Shanta wrote about classical dance, cinema, art and theatre in her regular column in ET. Credit: Karamjeet Singh

Those decades were a golden era for classical dance forms. Critics were asked to write 500 or 600 word reviews following the performance to make it for the next day’s edition. That generated a great deal of excitement and dancers looked forward to knowing what the critic had to say.

There were other critics like Subbudu, V.V. Prasad, K. Srinivasan, S.V. Rajan, all of whom had their own style and approach. Shanta was the dance critic of Hindustan Times from 1970 till 1995 and her style was to guide budding dancers, spot talent and encourage the artistes. She used to say that for a performer to hold an audience for an hour-and-a-half to two hours was something.

By then, besides Bharatanatyam and Kathak, Odissi and Kuchipudi dance forms were gaining popularity. Guru Kelucharan Mahapatra trained Madhavi Mudgal, Sonal Mansingh, Sanjukta Panigrahi, Kum Kum Mohanty (nee Das), and Raja and Radha Reddy won critical appreciation for Kuchipudi.

Ashoka hotel’s convention hall was a regular venue for performances by leading classical dancers. The Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) sent dancers and troupes under cultural exchange programmes to foreign countries. Well-regarded critics were put on committees constituted to select dancers for performances in foreign countries and to receive grants based on their reputation.

When the era of television arrived and dance performances began to be recorded and telecast, critics were asked to their join selection panels as well. Critics played an important part in consultations for the festivals of India held abroad. Shanta contributed a great deal in all these areas.

Her writing was witty, crisp and sharp, be it in the form of reviews, essays or profiles. She had an ability to convey her viewpoint in a measured manner. She gained the reputation of a critic who was able to unerringly spot core concerns in the art and performance scene. The problems faced by institutions with regard to the issue of preserving and propagating dance and music forms was one such area of concern. Shanta wrote about such issues in an incisive manner.

In 1984, Max Mueller Bhavan’s dynamic director Georg Lechner arranged a conference – the East West Dance Encounter – in Mumbai, in collaboration with the National Centre for the Performing Arts. Shanta attended the conference. She was impressed by the radical approach of dancer Chandralekha and her innovative choreographic works. In fact, in the early 1970s, Shanta was the first critic, in fact only critic, to write a very perceptive piece about Chandralekha’s work Navagraha, performed with Kamadev in Delhi. Her insights into what Chandralekha was attempting to do in terms of her innovative work are still remembered.

The East West Dance Encounter was a historic conference which drew the attention of audiences to dancers who were working alone, without any institutional support, to look at traditional forms, seek new directions in Indian dance. Chandralekha’s observations on the interrelationship of physical traditions like Yoga and Kalaripayattu, the martial arts of Kerala, were a revelation to dancers, critics and observers of dance. Shanta’s column communicated the excitement she felt. Her reputation for a nuanced perspective and openness to new ideas was well deserved.

Her nuanced views were also sought by individuals such as Keshav Kothari when he was secretary, SNA, and by his successor Jayant Kastuar. In the last six years Shanta’s career entered a new phase – she was elected vice-president, SNA and chairperson, Kathak Kendra. Due to her efforts institutions promoting forms like Kuttiyatam, Chhau and the Sattriya dance of Assam were given enough freedom to train the young generation without undue interference from the parent body. They were also provided with the requisite infrastructure as well.

Whether it was committee meetings at ICCR, SNA or Doordarshan, Shanta’s voice of wisdom was much respected. Dancers such as Birju Maharaj, Uma Sharma, Shobha Deepak Singh and Prathibha Prahlad to name a few shared a good rapport with her. She encouraged young writers and poets like Lada Gurden Singh and ensured that a biography of senior critic Subbudu was commissioned by the BharatiyaVidya Bhavan. She nurtured young writers.

For a decade Shanta helmed the Asia Pacific Performing Arts Network (APPAN), founded by UNESCO in 1999. She was an indefatigable organiser. I remember performances by great masters such as Ammanur Madhav Chakiyar (Kuttiyattam) at her Dalhousie bungalow with a focus on how performing arts can be an ideal medium ‘to attain and sustain mental and psychological health along with physical well- being’. Under the aegis of APPAN, she organised events all over Asia. When the tsunami of 2004 unleashed its trail of devastation, Shanta started a project focusing on ways to bring relief to the worst sufferers in the four affected Asian countries of India, Sri Lanka, Thailand and Indonesia.

As a woman journalist, Shanta was among the senior journalists who established the Indian Women’s Press Corps (IWPC) in 1994, serving one term as president of the body and playing an active role in its affairs. The IWPC was conducive to interesting talks and conferences and to the formation of strong friendships. I have spent many a sunny afternoon as her guest in the IWPC’s pleasant environs.

We were good friends and often agreed to disagree. She held me in esteem as a research scholar, author and a fellow critic. It was a mutual feeling. She responded positively to my works on dance. We shared space in ET for 17 years writing on dance and allied subjects.

Before Serbjeet Singh’s demise, Shanta’s home was a meeting place for writers, dancers and critics, with Serbjeet Singh contributing his brand of humorous comments on dance and dancers.

When Shanta was taken ill, I visited her in Dalhousie. We reminisced about the four decades of Indian dance that we had witnessed – in Delhi, all over India and abroad. She wanted to edit her reviews and publish them in the form of a book. Sadly she was not able to do that. Had that happened, it would have given the reader a valuable glimpse of four decades of the dance scene in Delhi and India. Reviews from the pre-internet age are not easy to come by.

Shanta’s published works include Indian Dance: The Ultimate Metaphor (2000), which she edited; The Fifth Milestone: A Feminine Critique (1998), Nanak, The Guru (1970) and America and You (1957).

Shanta is survived by her two sons, Karamjeet (his wife Niru and grandson Rohan) and Vishwajeet. Those who knew her well will always cherish happy memories of a brilliant writer, dance critic, woman journalist and a warm human being.

Sunil Kothari is a dance historian, author and critic, and fellow, Sangeet Natak Akademi.

Breaking the Mould of a ‘Sarkari’ Festival in Australia

The Confluence Festival of India has managed to stand apart through collaborations between Australian and Indian artists, hosting events at iconic venues and bringing in a professional production company.

The Confluence Festival of India has managed to stand apart through collaborations between Australian and Indian artists, hosting events at iconic venues and bringing in a professional production company.

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The Raghu Dixit Project performs at Confluence Festival of India at Sydney Opera House on Sep 18. Credit: Facebook/Festival of India in Oz

Sydney: On a recent breezy spring evening, the iconic Sydney Opera House was completely packed. As the didgeridoo blended with the conch sounds and as the a cappella vocals of a local award-winning choir segued into Amir Khusro’s ‘Man Kunto Maula’, the applause nearly brought the house down.

For two days, the Hindi heartland version of the Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night got a standing ovation at the Opera House’s more intimate venue, Playhouse.

The sarkari festival of India abroad has been forced to try a new template, with corporate contributions and a professional production company brought in, which could not have been easy at a time when the government is cutting spending on culture.

Organising the Confluence Festival of India was a learning, and sometimes, a humbling experience, especially for Indian High Commissioner to Australia Navdeep Suri.

After Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the festival in 2014, one of the first challenges for the newly-arrived high commissioner was to convince the headquarters that the festival could not be held in 2015. The logic behind his decision was simple: the big venues – Sydney Opera House, Brisbane’s Queensland Performing Arts Centre (QPAC) and the like – were booked much in advance and they would not have been available at a few months’ notice.

“If we have to do truly what [the] PM says, which is use festivals to build brand India, we have to go to premium venues with premium performances,” Suri said as way of reasoning when I met him in Sydney.

In a sophisticated and highly competitive art market, government-to-government nudges are not always effective. Therefore, getting a professional production company on board was an important move. As many Indian diplomats have learnt, a member of the artistic fraternity has greater sway with the high-end venues. Hiring a professional production company was another thing that would not have occurred in the old-school ‘festivals’.

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A performance from Confluence Festival of India at Sydney Opera House on September 18. Credit: Facebook/Festival of India in Oz

“Earlier, we would get a cultural troupe, but there was no further support. Nobody looks at sound, lighting or backdrop,” Suri said.

Australian production firms were considered, but their cost was budget-busting.

Ultimately, Delhi-based Teamwork Arts was roped in. The presence of a professional production firm helped loosen the schedule and get dates at the big venues.

“All the venues barring the Sydney Opera House, which was provided by the government, are a collaboration. It was all about convincing them that this show will work for you in this particular way. They had to invest time, energy [and] resources towards this. It’s not a simple rental or hire,” said Sanjoy Roy, the managing director of Teamwork Art.

The venues

In order to get the venues, the programming had to be right. “What do we want to showcase? At one level, it is the ancient heritage, so we have Nrityagram and Kalakshetra. At another level, we wanted to bring in acts which show contemporary India [that is] comfortable in its own skin, comfortable in experimenting,” said Suri.

Roy added that “doing something” in Sydney Opera House was very different from staging an act in Parramatta, the Sydney suburb with the highest concentration of Indian origin citizens.

“Of course the venues would definitely like the diaspora to come, because they don’t. So it ticks their box. But for us, it important to reach out to the average joe who [goes to] Sydney opera house or QPAC or Melbourne Playhouse.”

It was also about breaking stereotypes. “They think that India is exotic, or they have a derived information from Bollywood. How do you get beyond that?”

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A performance at the Sydney Opera House. Credit: Facebook/Festival of India in Oz

So, the playbill included The Company Theatre’s acclaimed production of Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night and ‘ Piya Behrupiya’ or the Raghu Dixit Project, and the response to both has been gratifying.

When they performed at Sydney’s Opera House on September 18, they nearly brought the roof down. Their high-energy interactive performance, with a signature selfie with the audience, was a new experience for most of their audience, made up largely of the Indian diaspora.

Interspersed with friendly admonishments from Raghu Dixit at requests for popular film songs and banter about life, the show was refreshingly Bollywood-free, but that didn’t stop from them getting mobbed by fans after the show.

A day earlier, the rousing desi avatar of a Shakespearean caper had sold out at the Playhouse. Many from the audience had driven for hours after hearing rave reviews of their earlier performances.

Credit: Special arrangement

A performance at Confluence Festival of India. Credit: Special arrangement

There were also striking collaborations between Australian and Indian artists, which were showcased at the main gala event.

Less than a month after they won the Australian Choral Grand Prix, the all-women Sydney-based Endeavour Harmony Chorus had gotten an e-mail requesting them to perform at the event. After practicing for just two days, they sang ‘Hallelujah’ with Indian singer Sonam Kalra and the classic Australian song, ‘My Island Home’.

“Since time was very short, I asked the members what they thought about the offer to sing with Indian artists. Everybody was very keen as it was something new. It has been a wonderful experience,” said Lea Baker, founder and musical director of Australia’s premier a cappella choral group.

The performance is, however, not the only criterion when bringing an act all the way from India – the ability to create a buzz around it is also important.

“For us, the festival was not just about performances themselves, but [also about] how to create the buzz and get the word out. We wanted people who can be articulate. To get the most from the festival, can I take an artist to ABC or Sydney Morning Herald?” said Suri.

Getting the Australian media on board had been a big part of the outreach. The Indian high commission had signed a memorandum of understanding with Australia’s public broadcaster ABC, which allowed Indian artists to get a platform across multi-media channels from radio and television to internet.

In all, 25 productions are being showcased over 65 different events across seven cities for ten weeks from August to November.

Budget for the festival

A big budget is the key behind mounting such an ambitious festival. India’s cultural diplomacy organisation, the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR), has not been in the best of financial health lately. In a report released in April, the Standing Committee on External Affairs had pointed that most of ICCR’s “quantifiable” activities, like organising number of festivals, have gone down, whose “sole reason” was resource crunch.

Since the event has been classified as a ‘festival of India’, the culture ministry also pitched in about Rs 2.5 crore. The Australian government also contributed a grant of 250,000 Australian dollars (Rs 1.27 crore).

But, the main breakthrough was getting the private sector involved in the project.

“The challenge was whether we could build it as a private-public partnership, recognising that resources from Delhi will not be enough. Also, rules would not have allowed us to do things that we wanted to do like receptions and media launches,” he said.

Here, working with the Australian government at local levels has become important to stretch the budget. “We worked very closely with city councils like Brisbane. Many helped us in kind like free venues whose rentals began from 25,000 dollars to the the New South Wales Premiere’s office hosting a reception”.

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The finale performance of Confluence Festival of India at Sydney Opera House on September 18. Credit: Devirupa Mitra

The relative autonomy from Delhi, in terms of finance, also allowed for greater freedom in mounting quality shows. For example, the production firm Teamwork Arts were not being paid from the money given by the Indian government, but from the incoming funds from the sponsors. It also allowed for better treatment of the artists, which isn’t usually the norm.

“I hope that what we will be able to do with the festival is to break a model that government has,” said Suri.

The festival is still only mid-way, but he is already planning for next year. “We are putting in place an architecture which is a self-sustaining private-public partnership and private production company… We are already negotiating with venues for next year, so that we get a tighter cluster of dates which will also be less expensive”.

Under Shadow of Attacks on African Students, Envoys Attend MEA-Organised Africa Day Event

Their decision to attend came as a result of the foreign ministry’s frantic damage control efforts.

Their decision to attend came as a result of the foreign ministry’s frantic damage control efforts.

ICCR Director General C. Rajasekhar, ICCR president Lokesh Chandra, former Foreign Secretary, Shashank , Dean of Group of African Heads of Mission Alem Tsehaye Woldemariam observe silence for Congolese student Masonda Ketada Olivier who was beaten to death by a group of men in Delhi last week, during the Africa Day Celebration at ICCR in New Delhi on Thursday. Credit: PTI

ICCR Director General C. Rajasekhar, ICCR president Lokesh Chandra, former Foreign Secretary, Shashank , Dean of Group of African Heads of Mission Alem Tsehaye Woldemariam observe silence for Congolese student Masonda Ketada Olivier who was beaten to death by a group of men in Delhi last week, during the Africa Day Celebration at ICCR in New Delhi on Thursday. Credit: PTI

New Delhi: One by one, the Mercedes and BMW cars glided in front of the marigold doorway inside Azad Bhawan in central Delhi, the occupants alighting into the warm Thursday afternoon and averting a potential diplomatic loss of face for India.

African heads of missions arrived to attend the Africa Day event organised by the foreign ministry’s cultural wing, Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR), after their ‘request’ to postpone the event over the murder of Congolese student Masonda Ketada Oliver led to frantic damage-control efforts by the Ministry of External Affairs on Wednesday.

As sources had indicated to The Wire on Wednesday night, the African envoys agreed to join the MEA-organised function with the formal endorsement by a meeting of the Group of African Heads of Mission late morning.

The second statement to be issued this week by Eritrean Ambassador A.T. Woldemariam, dean of the Group of African Heads of Mission, said that the decision to attend the inaugural ceremony of the ICCR event, including the panel discussion, came after the Indian government “demonstrated a positive and warm disposition,” as well as a “strong, public condemnation of the killing of Mr Olivier”

The statement stressed that the “earlier decision to request a postponement does and should not have been construed as a boycott”. The May 24 press release from the African group had asked for a postponement of the ICCR function as the African community was in a “state of mourning in memory of the slain African students in the past few years, including Mr Olivier”.

External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj had taken to Twitter on Wednesday morning to lead the damage control, with Minister of State for External Affairs V.K. Singh chairing an urgent meeting in the afternoon.

The African group reiterated that African students in India “constitute the essential pillars” of the building of diplomatic relationships. Earlier this week, the African envoys had claimed to have “little option” but to recommend to their capitals to stop sending new students to India.

In their latest statement, the African ambassadors said they “took very seriously the firm assurances by the Government of India in its determination to ensure that India continues to serve as a safe, secure and friendly destination for Africa students”.

Not surprisingly, the issue of African students facing discrimination in frequent incidents across India was raised by nearly by all the ambassadors who spoke at the panel discussion.

The bluntest words were from the acting high commissioner of Nigeria, Sola Enikanolaiye. “Ideas like partnership, brotherhood, friendship and solidarity will continue to ring hollow as long as Africans feel generally unsafe in streets and campuses of India,” he asserted.

“Racism against black Africans in India is a major concern. Ugly incidents like what we consider barbaric attacks on Africans, murder in cold blood have met with outrage. Recent incidents in Bangalore, Hyderabad and Delhi last week – are part several instances in last three years like in Goa – give cause for very serious concern for safety of Africa youth in your great country,” Eninkanolaiye said.

While stressing on the need to bring the perpetrators to “speedy justice,” he also underlined for the Indian police to be more sensitive. “In many complaints, police were called, but they took forever to arrive”.

The veteran Nigerian diplomat asked provocatively, “Do Africans, black Africans, have any great future in this country beyond education and acquisition of skills. Would it to not be best for them to acquire these skills and move on.. I am afraid, I don’t have the answer”.

Former Indian ambassador Virender Singh, who has spent nearly 14 years in Africa on diplomatic postings, also felt that this relationship of educational ties between Africa and India cannot be vitiated. “One of the defining features of post-colonial India-African ties has been emphasis on Human Resources Development and Capacity development. India is not flush with cash reserves. Nobody is expecting India to put money on table,” he said.

ICCR Director General C. Rajashekar pointed out that one of the key demands of the African countries – to issue student visas co-terminus with the period of their course – may soon be approved by the home ministry.

The minister of state later dropped in to inaugurate an exhibition and cultural function, and also acknowledged the most immediate concerns of the African envoys. “I deeply condemn the brutal killing of the young Oliver in a fit of crime and anger. It has shocked all of us. It has saddened us. We sympathise with Oliver’s family. And condemn this type of heinous crime. Hope this never happens again,” he said.

Ghanaian High Commissioner Samuel Panyin Yalley read out a poem dedicated to the slain student – “hear my cry, Africa”.

Meanwhile, a few kilometres away, foreign ministry spokesperson Vikas Swarup had to face questions about the handling of the death of the Congolese student.

“Certainly, I will not deny…. The fact that African heads of missions were forced to issue a statement shows that there was depth of concern on their part,” he said.

Swarup admitted that there had been a backlash against Indians in Congo, with shops attacks and gunshots fired at Indians “possibly in reaction to the murder of the Congolese student in Delhi”.

The Wire had reported that the attacks against Indian shops began from Monday, but that the situation had improved after the assurances given by the Congolese government.

Swarup said a note verbale was issued to Congo’s foreign ministry with a copy to the Ministry of Interior and the police authorities to ensure safety of Indians in Congo. Nearly 10,000 Indians live in Congo.

Speaking to The Wire over phone from Kinshasa, an Indian businessman said that all markets had been closed down on Thursday due to large opposition rallies against the government. “There were no incidents today as we had shut down our shops in anticipation of the rallies. The city had closed down. We will get an idea if situation is normal by tomorrow morning,” he said.

African Envoys Boycott Africa Day, Seek Strong Action Against Racial Attacks

African heads of mission have “strongly” urged India to take urgent steps to guarantee the safety and security of Africans in India.

African heads of mission have “strongly” urged India to take urgent steps to guarantee the safety and security of Africans in India.

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New Delhi: The African diplomatic community have decided to stay away from this year’s ‘Africa Day’ celebrations on May 25 in protest against the increasing racial attacks on its nationals, while also seeking action over the murder of a Congolese national in Delhi.

African heads of missions, who met in emergency session on May 24, said the climate of fear and insecurity in Delhi was forcing the African heads of mission ” with little option than to consider recommending their governments not to send new students to India, unless and until their safety can be granted”.

“The Group of African Heads of Mission have met and deliberated extensively on this latest incidence in the series of attacks to which members of the African community have been subjected to in the last several years,” said a statement by Ambassador of Eritrea Alem Tsehage Woldemariam, who is also dean of the Group of African Heads of Mission.

Masonda Ketada Oliver, 29, was beaten to death by three youths around 11.30 pm on May 20 after a verbal altercation over the hiring of an auto-rickshaw near Kishangarh village in Vasant Kunj area in south Delhi.

External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj has reached out to the African envoys, assuring them of safety and security. “I have asked my colleague Gen V K Singh to meet the heads of missions of African countries in Delhi and assure them of Indian Government’s commitment to the safety and security of African nationals in India,” she tweeted.

The press release from the African heads of Mission had “strongly” urged India to take urgent steps to guarantee the safety and security of Africans in India.

The Africa Day event, scheduled for May 26, has been postponed. “This is because the African Community in India are in a state of mourning,” Woldemariam said.

He also called upon the media, civil society, think tanks, research institutions, parliamentarians, politicians and community leaders to play major roles in addressing the stereotypes and prejudices against Africans in India.

AYUSH Ministry Claim is Wrong, Says Journalist Who Filed Yoga RTI

I have documents proving my claim right, says journalist Pushp Sharma

File picture of Prime Minister Narendra Modi participating in yoga in Delhi. Credit: PTI

File picture of Prime Minister Narendra Modi participating in yoga in Delhi. Credit: PTI

New Delhi: In the eye of a storm over his RTI-based story on the government allegedly discriminating against Muslims in selecting them as Yoga teachers for International Yoga Day last year – AYUSH minister Sripad Naik has termed the claim false and defamatory –  journalist Pushp Sharma has hit back, stating that he has all the relevant government RTI replies as well as the envelopes in which they were sent to prove their  authenticity.

A day after Sharma wrote a story in the Milli Gazette about how he learnt through an RTI reply in October 2015 that the government was not inviting, selecting or sending abroad Muslims to serve as trainers/teachers during International Yoga Day 2015, the BJP government has accused him of running a smear campaign.

AYUSH Minister Naik, to whom The Wire had also sent a query last night on the issue, was quoted by news channel ANI as saying the story was “totally false”. Condemning it, he had said, “It’s an attempt to defame us, I will order a probe into this.”

On his part, Pushp Sharma told The Wire that none of the documents he had quoted from to back his claim that the government did not appoint Muslims as Yoga trainers or teachers  as a matter of policy were fabricated. “Due to lack of staff, we could not upload all the documents on the Milli Gazette website yesterday. But late this evening we have uploaded all 40 of them and these establish the truth.”

The investigative journalist said it was “wrong” of Naik to say that the story was false and was an attempt to defame the government. “I have been getting information on AYUSH since it was formed and before that since 2010, when the UPA government was there. I had made several discoveries through my RTI applications filed with the Indian Council for Cultural Relations, which handled these departments. So it is wrong to believe that I am going after any particular government.”

As for the facts of the matter, he said the documents uploaded on the Milli Gazette site clearly showed  a brown envelope in which he had received four papers in October 2015. “One of them is a letter from the ministry, another is Annexure I and then there are two computer generated printouts with details which are usually never sent to RTI applicants. It is quite obvious that since the ministry is new and so is the staff, someone has inadvertently passed on to me not only the two computer generated papers but also the annexure.”

On its part, Milli Gazette too is standing by its story.

Claiming that he has several years of experience as an investigative journalist, Sharma said he had learnt of discrimination in the appointments and filed several RTI applications. “There were almost 50 questions in these applications but only two which sought to extract information on which the story was based.” He said once the information he quoted came out, most probably because of a “clerical error” in the ministry – which has nearly 250 daily wagers working for it – the government has “gone into denial mode.”

As for the minister’s allegation that the document he had cited was a “fabrication” and and his threat that he would “take action”, Sharma said he had earlier also exposed a case involving Baba Ramdev after which the Central Bureau of Investigation had got after him. “I am not going to get cowed down like this. They cannot prove me wrong,” he said.

“The ministry itself sends papers and then targets the journalist” for publicising them, Sharma said. “This is just a case of shooting the messenger.”

The Modi Government, and RSS, Are Keen to Claim the Roma as Indians, and Hindus

The government recently organised a conference that officially validated – for the first time – the Indian origin of the Romas, raising their hopes of being a part of the Indian diaspora. But the decision is not free of Hindutva politics

The government recently organised a conference that officially validated – for the first time – the Indian origin of the Romas, raising their hopes of being a part of the Indian diaspora. But the decision is not free of Hindutva politics

External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj at the inauguration of International Roma Conference and Culture Festival 2016, organized by ICCR and ARSP, in New Delhi on Friday. Credit: PTI Photo by Manvender Vashist

External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj at the inauguration of International Roma Conference and Culture Festival 2016, organized by ICCR and ARSP, in New Delhi on Friday. Credit: PTI Photo by Manvender Vashist

New Delhi: The Roma community spread across as many as 30 countries in 5 continents has just got a huge boost in its fight for an identity. Few would have thought – even among the Romas – that a day would come when the Indian government would make a tectonic shift to own them for their “Hindi and Hindu origin’’ and pave the way to welcome them “home”.

The Narendra Modi government did just that by hosting a number of prominent Romas from 15 countries in New Delhi to deliberate on issues surrounding the community – including its Indian origin – thus validating a historical claim besides raising the hope of being recognised as a part of the Indian diaspora.

The Romas, about 20 milllion of them scattered across West Asia, Europe, the Americas and Australia, are believed to have migrated from northern India from the 5th Century onwards, beginning with the invasion of Alexander who carried with him a large number of iron smiths from nomadic groups like the Chauhans, Doms, Banjaras, Gujjars, Sanchis, Dhangars and Sikligars. However, their “motherland” never acknowledged the Roma claim officially nor did it mention their migration in its history books. Obviously then, the Modi government’s move has come as a historic change of stance for the community, particularly when it continues to face persecution and discrimiantion in many European countries.

But there is a catch here. Though the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) hosted the International Roma Conference and Cultural Festival through its cultural wing, the Indian Council for Cultural relations (ICCR), the ground work for it was done by the Antar Rashtriya Sahyog Parishad – Bharat (ARSP), one of the major organisations that nurture the overseas footprint of the Bharatiya Janata Party’s fountainhead, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Eight of the 18 Indian scholars who spoke at the conference were office bearers of the ARSP. All of them underlined the Hindu origin of the community and therefore the need to “reintegrate them to Bharat.” An exhibition to highlight the Hindu cultural identity of the Romas was also curated by the organisation at the event.

So is the Modi Government responding to the Romas’ long-held plea for recognition of their Indian origin only because of their Hindu roots? ARSP Secretary General Keshav Govind Parande and ICCR President Lokesh Chandra agree there’s the possibility of adding 20 million Romas to the Hindu fold through measures like granting People of Indian Origin (PIO) status to them but say it is wrong to see the issue only from the Hindutva angle.

Says Chandra, “There has been enough historical evidence to prove the Indian origin of the Romas. Municipal records in many European countries as old as the 10th century mention their country of origin. For centuries, the Romas had carried the art of steelware of ancient India through classical Europe. They have been the steel smiths of Europe besides singers, dancers and fortune tellers. So there is nothing Hindutva there. The government shouldn’t be questioned about it.”

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Artists performing at the Roma Cultural Festival. Credit: ICCR

The Roma dialect has about 1500 Hindi words, he adds. “They have lovingly preserved an early phase of the Hindi language.” Since many Romas are in important positions in various countries now, he feels, this will also help India.

In his speech at the conference, Chandra said, “When Greek scholar Paspati heard the Romas call the cross ‘Trishul’ under the clear sky of Constantinople, he realised that it refers to Trishul, the Trident of Shiva, the God of Cosmic Dance. Long ago, here was their origin… Roma scholar Dr. Vania of Paris termed his people ‘Ramno chave’ or the ‘sons of Rama’.”

Parande tells The Wire that the ARSP was waiting for “the right moment” to raise the issue of reintegrating the Romas to their motherland even though it has been in touch with community members living in different countries for the past 15-16 years.

“We have raised it now because of the friendly government at the centre,” he says, but doesn’t want it to be seen as an issue of right-wing interest alone.

“Indira Gandhi was also very keen on the Roma issue. That is why, we have put in the concept note not only what Atal Bihari Vajpayee said during his meeting with some Roma leaders in 2001 but also what Indira said while inaugurating the first Roma conference held by an organisation in Chandigarh in 1983. She said that she feels kinship with the Romas,” he says. Chandra recalls inviting Indira Gandhi to a performance by a Roma dance troupe at the Turkish embassy in New Delhi in the 1970s (Turkey has the largest Roma population in the world). “She came there to everyone’s surprise and watched the dance. Thereafter, she went to the first Roma conference in Chandigarh,” he recalls.

ARSP’s interest in the Romas goes back a long time. Lokesh Chandra’s father, Dharma Vira, who was associated with the ARSP, wrote a book on the Romas’ Hindu origin many years ago.

Inaugurating the conference at Azad Bhawan on February 12, External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj too called the Romas “children of India” who migrated and lived in “challenging circumstances in foreign lands for centuries.’’

Most Indians are unaware of the Indian origin of the Romas. So this time, Parande took a Roma delegation to meet HRD Minister Smriti Irani too. “We have put across a few requests to her, such as inclusion of a page, if not a chapter, on the Indian origin of the Romas and their forced migration in our school and college history books; to institute scholarships to Roma students to come to India to study and set aside grants to pursue research on the origin of the Romas.”

Among the conference resolutions to be submitted to Swaraj is the need to set up a cell in the MEA to study and research the origin of the Romas and examine what status can be accorded to them by India. Chandra says, “Measures like these may take a while but what can come sooner than that is their cultural and social engagement with the people of India.”

Among the visiting leaders of Romas, it was not difficult to find a willingness to engage. And more.

“I appeal to the Indian government to build a political consensus on the recognition of the Romas as a linguistic, historical and cultural minority and to demand from the United Nations that their authoritative organs raise at the General Assembly the question of the legal and political position of the Romas,” said Bajram Haliti, Secretary General, the World Roma Organisation. Belgrade-based Haliti, also a poet who has published a collection on Bollywood actor Aishwarya Rai Bachchan, said, “If it is a prerequisite to change our name from Roma to Hindu, I suggest we do so. Because one of the conditions to solve the Roma issue is, as per international laws, that a minority should have a distinctive home country.”

On a lighter note, if Romas become a part of the Indian diaspora someday, Indian film and music lovers would also get to own the likes of Charlie Chaplin, Michael Caine and Elvis Presley, because the conference organisers and participants also highlighted their ‘Indian origin’ via their purportedly Roma heritage.

The Stature and Reputation of FTII Must be Restored

As teachers, scholars and researchers of the media we are deeply disturbed by the obduracy and high-handedness shown by the authorities to the legitimate issues and questions raised by the students of FTII who have been on strike since June 12, 2015.

It has now been established that Gajendra Chauhan, an official member of the BJP since 2004, was chosen to be the Chairman of the Governing Council and consequently, President of the FTII Society for his loyalty to the party and not because he has any credentials to occupy these posts. A “star campaigner” for the BJP during the Lok Sabha elections, Chauhan’s only claim to visibility has been his role as Yudhisthra in the TV series Mahabharata and his role in the current controversy. He does not possess any professional or academic qualification that makes him remotely eligible for the job. It is a an absolute travesty that Chauhan should be handed a chair that has in the past been occupied by nationally and internationally recognised personalities like UR Ananthamurthy, Girish Karnad, Shyam Benegal, Saeed Akhtar Mirza, Adoor Gopalakrishnan, Mahesh Bhatt and Mrinal Sen.

Chauhan’s is not the only scandalous appointment. Four out of the eight appointees to the FTII society, Anagha Ghaisas, Rahul Solapurkar, Narendra Pathak and Pranjal Saikia, have strong Hindutva links and believe that a “new thought process” should be introduced into FTII.  Ghaisas, who made a hagiographic film on Narendra Modi called `A Tale of Extraordinary Leadership’, has declared that FTII should instil “nationalistic feelings” in its students. Narendra Pathak who believes that “mischief makers working against the government should be suitably punished”, is former president of the ABVP, the organisation that physically assaulted some FTII students and others after a screening of Anand Patwardhan’s Jai Bhim Comrade at the National Film Archive of India, Pune, organised by some Dalit organisations. Both Ghaisas and Pathak were appointed under the ‘person of eminence category’.

Through its dubious appointments not just in FTII but other key institutions like ICHR, ICCR, NFDC, NBT, CBFC, Prasar Bharati, the IIMs and the IITs, the current government has made it amply clear that they have no respect for qualifications, eligibility criteria, academic accomplishment or professional reputation. What is important for them, it appears, is that their appointees should be loyalists of the Sangh Parivar. This brazen political imposition is a frontal attack on the idea of institutional autonomy and academic excellence.

The FTII is a premier institution whose alumni have distinguished themselves not only in India but all over the world. Today the Bombay film industry is literally run by the expertise of professionals who have passed out of this institute. A traditional strength of FTII education has been that it imparts professional training in an environment that is intellectually vibrant. Despite persistent problems that have plagued the institute, the students share a progressive vision that today has come to collide with that of the current government.

We urge the government against taking any steps that would harm the career and interests of the students. We suggest that the current Governing Council is held passive till the FTII society is reconstituted. Till such time an interim body, acceptable to all stakeholders, should be constituted to supervise the transition.

We sincerely hope that the government will pay heed to the legitimate concerns of the students and alumni of the FTII and take constructive steps that will break the impasse and win back the confidence of the students.

Shohini Ghosh, Sajjad Zaheer Professor, AJK Mass Communication Research Centre, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi
Ravi Vasudevan, Professor, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, New Delhi
Ranjani Mazumdar, Professor, Department of Cinema Studies, School of Arts and Aesthetics, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
K.P. Jayasankar, Professor and Dean, School of Media and Cultural Studies, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai
Moinak Biswas, Professor, Department of Film Studies, Jadavpur University, Kolkata
Anjali Monteiro, Professor, School of Media and Cultural Studies, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai
Sabeena Gadihoke, Associate Professor, AJK Mass Communication Research Centre, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi
Ira Bhaskar, Professor, Department of Cinema Studies, School of Arts and Aesthetics, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
Ravi Sundaram, Professor, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, New Delhi
Patricia Uberoi, Formerly Professor of Sociology, Institute of Economic Growth, Delhi
Veena Hariharan, Assistant Professor, Department of Cinema Studies, School of Arts and Aesthetics, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
Shikha Jhingan, Assistant Professor, Department of Journalism, Lady Shri Ram College, New Delhi
Venkatesh Chakravarthy, Regional Director, L.V. Prasad Film & Television Academy, Chennai
Madhavi Reddy, Associate Professor and Head, Department of Communication Studies, Savitribai Phule Pune University, Pune
Alka Hingorani, Associate Professor, IDC, IIT-Bombay, Mumbai
Shaibani Azam, Professor, Digital Graphics and Animation, AJK Mass Communication Research Centre, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi
Kaushik Bhaumik, Associate Professor, Department of Cinema Studies, School of Arts and Aesthetics, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
Sabina Kidwai, Associate Professor, AJK Mass Communication Research Centre, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi
Madhav Prasad, Professor, English and Foreign Languages University, Hyderabad
Sohail Akbar, Associate Professor, AJK Mass Communication Research Centre, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi
Sujithkumar Parayil, Assistant Professor, Centre For Media Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
Gayatri Chatterjee, independent film critic, and Faculty, Symbiosis School for Liberal Arts, Pune
Shuddhabrata Sengupta, Raqs media Collective, co-initiator, SARAI, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies
Satish Poduval, Professor, Department of Cultural Studies, English and Foreign Languages University, Hyderabad
Rashmi Doraiswamy, Professor, MMAJ Academy of International Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia
Jeebesh Bagchi, Raqs media Collective, co-initiator, SARAI, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies
Faiz Ullah, Assistant Professor, School of Media & Cultural Studies, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai
S.V. Srinivas, Professor, Azim Premji University, Bangalore
Uma Bhurgubanda, Assistant Professor, Department of Cultural Studies, The English and Foreign Languages University, Hyderabad.

Disclaimer: The views expressed in the statement belong to that of the signatories and do not represent the position of their affiliated institutions.