‘Why is Remission Being Applied Selectively?’ SC Questions Gujarat Govt in Bilkis Bano Case

Justice B.V. Nagarathna also said the Gujarat government was on “thin ice” in not following the CBI’s opinion while granting remission to the 11 convicts in the case.

New Delhi: While hearing a batch of petitions challenging the early release of Bilkis Bano’s rapists, the Supreme Court has questioned the Gujarat government’s decision to remit their life sentence and set aside recommendations by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI).

The convicts concerned are 11 men who gangraped a pregnant 19-year-old Bano and killed her relatives during the 2002 Gujarat violence.

After their trial was transferred to a court in neighbouring Maharashtra state, the 11 men were sentenced to life in prison in 2008.

Fifteen years later, the Supreme Court said it was up to the Gujarat government to decide whether to release the men early.

Ultimately, the state government release them from prison after considering the remission policy that was in force at the time they committed their offence.

Appearing in the Supreme Court on Thursday (August 17) for the Gujarat government, additional solicitor general S.V. Raju argued that even those who committed heinous crimes such as the accused in Bano’s case have a right to rehabilitate themselves.

He put the following questions to a two-judge bench comprising Justices B.V. Nagarathna and Ujjal Bhuyan.

“Is the purpose of remission punishment? Does committing a heinous crime debar a convict from getting its benefit, even if the convict has reformed themselves, has displayed remorse and wants to start a new life again? Should the past always be dangling above your head? Should these convicts be condemned for all times to come?” LiveLaw quoted him as saying.

Also Read: Understanding the Remission Policy That Led to the Release of Bilkis Bano’s Rapists

Raju also argued that the fact that the men were not given the death penalty seemed to suggest that there was scope for their reformation.

“The law does not say that every convict should be hanged, or even punished perpetually … the law speaks about giving a chance to even the most hardened criminal to reform themselves,” he added.

But Justice Nagarathna doubted this was the only reason why these 11 men were given a remission.

“How far is this law being applied to inmates in jail? Why are our jails overcrowded? Particularly with undertrials? Why is the policy of remission being applied selectively?” she asked Raju.

She raised this question again during another point in the hearing.

“But how far is the remission policy being implemented in cases where convicts have completed 14 years? Is remission policy being implemented in all such cases, subject of course to their eligibility?” LiveLaw quoted her as saying.

Raju agreed that all eligible convicts must be given the opportunity to rehabilitate themselves, but said he did not have the statistics to answer Justice Nagarathna’s question at that point in time.

“On the basis of the facts of a case, I may be able to answer … you will have to have the statistics. The state-wise statistics. The opportunity to reform should be given to every prisoner. Not only to a few prisoners,” he said according to LiveLaw.

Bano’s three-year-old daughter was also brutally killed during the 2002 Gujarat violence. Pictured here is the skyline of the state’s Ahmedabad city as the riots were going on. Photo: Aksi great/Wikimedia Commons. CC BY-SA 3.0.

‘On thin ice’

Justice Nagarathna asked the Gujarat government why it did not consider the CBI’s opinion when giving remission to the 11 convicts.

“All said and done, it was investigated by the CBI,” she said, referring to the case being transferred to the Union government agency after Bano had petitioned the apex court.

“There’s no dispute. You are on thin ice. To discuss whether CBI needed to be consulted is also academic. There was consultation … What opinion did the agency give?” she asked.

Raju responded that the CBI was against remission for all 11 convicts but argued that it was not the best authority to consult on the matter.

“If CBI investigates an offence in Godhra sitting in Navi Mumbai, it will not know anything about the ground realities whether a witness is being threatened by the accused. In peculiar facts of this case, the local superintendent of police will be the right person to give such opinion,” the Hindustan Times quoted him as saying.

He also said that the CBI’s submission involved “no application of mind”, LiveLaw reported.

Bano’s rapists were released from prison in August last year. They were greeted with much celebration by their relatives, and a member of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh also felicitated them, causing national outrage.

Petitions were filed against the remission by Trinamool Congress MP Mahua Moitra, CPI(M) leader Subhashini Ali, independent journalist Revati Laul, activist Roop Rekh Varma, former IPS officer Meeran Chadha Borwankar and some others.

In late November last year, Bilkis Bano herself approached the Supreme Court, challenging the premature release of the convicts and a review of the Supreme Court’s earlier judgment that allowed the Gujarat government to make a decision on the remission of the convicts.

The top court later dismissed her review petition.

Watch | Bilkis Bano’s Husband Says, ‘India Will Stand by Her as Fight for Justice Continues’

Speaking exclusively to ‘The Wire’, Yakub Rasul says members in the panel that recommended the early release of convicts must be brought to book.

Bilkis Bano’s husband, Yakub Rasul, says India will stand by his wife until she gets justice.

Although he says his family and those who supported Bilkis’ case were “shocked” to see the premature release of 11 convicts who gang-raped his wife and murdered several of their family members, including their three-year-old daughter, Rasul asserts that they will continue to fight till the moment that justice is done.

He spoke exclusively to The Wire‘s Arfa Khanum Sherwani, who is in Gujarat to cover the last leg of campaigning ahead of elections in the state. The state is going to polls in two phases on December 1 and 5, and the votes will be counted on December 8.

In addition to the 11 convicts, Rasul says members of the committee that recommended their early release must be brought to book. The 11 convicts walked out of the Godhra sub-jail on August 15, serving 18 years of their life term. Their premature release set off a huge controversy, with political parties and civil society organisations demanding the decision be rolled back.

What Does International Law Say About Remission Granted to Bilkis Bano’s Rapists?

In the International Criminal Court’s Statute, victims are placed at the heart of justice. In India, there appears to be no uniform legal compulsion to hear the victims’ views before granting remission to a convict.

The criminal offences committed against Bilkis Bano and her family members were no ordinary crimes. They were multiple crimes of rape and murder, including the murder of children. They were mass crimes committed in a context of an anti-Muslim pogrom – in a planned, organised and concerted manner through a systematic attack across many parts of Gujarat. Much has been written and spoken about the legality of the remission order issued to the eleven convicts in Bilkis Bano’s case last month, by critiquing the Indian law and procedure. This article attempts to add to the public discourse through an international law perspective.

The definition of ‘crimes against humanity’ has undergone various modifications since 1945, when it was first codified under the Charter of the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg. Notably, its nexus to war was removed, hence making it a criminal offence committed in wartime or peacetime. Decades later, the Statute of the International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the Statute of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), defined ‘crimes against humanity’ and explicitly included ‘rape’ as a crime against humanity. 

In 1998, the global community adopted the Rome Statute establishing the International Criminal Court (ICC), which spelt out ‘crimes against humanity’ as one of the four most heinous crimes under international law (along with genocide, war crimes and aggression), for which individuals are prosecuted in a permanent court. The Statute defined crimes against humanity in Article 7 as any of the acts listed in the provision, when committed as part of a “widespread or systematic attack, against a civilian population with knowledge of the attack”. The list includes murder, rape and other forms of sexual and gender-based violence. The communal pogrom in Gujarat – and the multiple rapes and murders committed on Bilkis’ family – falls within the purview of ‘crimes against humanity.’

Reformation in heinous crimes

In international criminal law, there is no provision for remission as an executive discretion. Once the ICC has convicted and sentenced the person, against the sentence, there is a provision for review (including for reduction of sentence). Rule 223 of the Rules of Procedure and Evidence gives power to three judges of the Appeals Chamber to review if the sentence should be reduced, based on a defined set of criteria including:

(a) The conduct of the sentenced person while in detention, which shows a genuine dissociation from his or her crime
(b) The
prospect of the resocialization and successful resettlement of the sentenced person;
(c) Whether the early release of the sentenced person would give rise to
significant social instability;
(d) Any significant action taken by the sentenced person for the benefit of the victims as well as
any impact on the victims and their families as a result of the early release;
(e) Individual circumstances of the sentenced person, including a worsening state of physical or mental health or advanced age. [Emphasis added]

The clear criteria prevent an arbitrary exercise of power in reducing the sentence awarded. In the ICC Statute, the reduction of a sentence remains a judicial mandate and not executive discretion.

One may ask – can convicts of heinous crimes undergo reform? India has firmly embedded itself in the retention of the death penalty – it has the highest number of death row prisoners (488) in the past 17 years in 2021 as per a report. The international community, meanwhile, has determinedly moved towards the abolition of the death penalty, even for the most serious offences, in support of the reformatory theory of punishment.

For instance, Article 77 of the ICC Statute provides for a maximum of thirty years imprisonment or “a term of life imprisonment when justified by the extreme gravity of the crime and the individual circumstances of the convicted person.” The drafters of the ICC Statute did not leave it open to the judges of the ICC to impose the death penalty (irrespective of how heinous the crime committed was). In the negotiations for the ICC Statute, a Working Group on Penalties had contentious discussions, with some delegations insisting on the inclusion of the death penalty due to the heinous nature of the crimes, while other delegations advocated for humane treatment of the convicts, and the possibility of their reformation and rehabilitation.

Article 77 was formulated as a compromise between the polarising viewpoints. Thus, the ICC Statute contemplates the possibility of reformation by an individual, even when convicted for the most serious crimes under international law. However, it is on the basis of the clear, intelligible and transparent criteria set out in Rule 223 (discussed above) that the reduction in the sentence will be determined by the judges of the Appeals Chamber.

Headquarters of the International Criminal Court in The Hague. Photo: Hypergio/CC BY-SA 4.0

Victims’ right to participation 

In international law, ‘victims’ have a very specific definition and a comprehensive set of rights. In the ICC Statute, victims are placed at the heart of international criminal justice, and their rights fall within three main categories: right to protection (from threat, intimidation, coercion and duress), participation (in the proceedings for justice) and reparations (to repair the harm caused). Victims’ rights in the ICC are discussed in detail elsewhere.  

Victims’ participation in the proceedings has been given utmost importance by the ICC Statute, by way of recognising victims as important stakeholders in the dispensation of criminal justice. By observing the practice at the ICC, one can deduce that victim participation is evident in stages including the following: when the prosecutor requests the pre-trial chamber to authorise the commencement of investigation; when the court deals with challenges to ICC’s jurisdiction and the admissibility of a case; when hearing is held for confirming the charges of a suspect; when a suspect is arrested and produced before the ICC for trial; during trial; during sentencing and in hearings for reparations.

In India, there appears to be no uniform legal compulsion to hear the victims’ views stated in the rules related to remission. The relevant law (Sections 432, 433 and 433A of the Code of Criminal Procedure) spells out that the Jail Advisory Board must mandatorily hear the trial court’s opinion. While the trial court’s opinion is imperative, this might not suffice as the trial court may not be in a position to put itself in the shoes of the victims and imagine their concerns several years after the conviction and sentencing are concluded.

Hence, hearing the victims’ or their representatives’ views in addition, prior to issuing the remission order, is an important aspect of the victims’ right to participation. If the victims’ views appear unsubstantiated, exaggerated, false, vengeful, frivolous or emotional, the Board may ignore their viewpoint with reasons given in writing. However, to deny them the opportunity of presenting their views while determining the issuance of remission undermines victims’ right to participation.

Also Read: Bilkis Has Struggled Long Enough. The Fight for Justice Is Now India’s Burden to Discharge.

Reparative justice 

There is often a misconception that reparations and compensation are synonymous. In international law, reparations involve much more than compensation, and consist of five key elements that would help ‘repair’ the harm done to the victim. These include restitution (restoring the victim to the situation prior to the crime), compensation (for economically assessable damage), rehabilitation (including medical and psychological care, legal aid and social support services), satisfaction (often entailing disclosure of the truth) and guarantees of non-repetition.

These elements have been defined in the Basic Principles and Guidelines on a Right to a Remedy and Reparations for Victims, adopted by the UN General Assembly in 2006. In the case of Bilkis Bano, except for compensation paid by the state government, other elements have hardly been met. The guarantee of non-repetition is intangible but has symbolic importance for victims. Where the convicts show no remorse for the horrific crimes they committed, and are instead, given a heroic welcome as celebrities, there can be no possible guarantee of non-repetition of the crimes, either to the victims or to other members of their community.

State obligations and due diligence

The UN Convention on Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), ratified by the Indian government in July 1993, is one of the core human rights treaties that mandates member states to discharge legal obligations for human rights. In relation to women’s human rights, CEDAW mandates that such legal obligations of the state include the duty to respect (to refrain from discrimination through its own actions); the duty to protect (including prevention, prosecution, punishment, provision of reparations and establishing legal and other mechanisms for redress) and the duty to fulfil (by creating an enabling environment for human rights, including by providing for budgetary allocations and infrastructural facilities). 

The UN Declaration on Elimination of Violence Against Women and CEDAW Committee’s General Recommendation 35 further mandate that states are responsible for acts of commission and omission by both state and non-state actors, and that states have a due diligence obligation – that is, to be duly diligent in regulating and protecting women from systemic forms of violence. The state’s due diligence obligation does not end with punishment to the guilty, but extends to providing reparations to victims and to taking “all appropriate measures to prevent acts of gender-based violence against women.” Any acts that provide tacit permission or encouragement to acts of gender-based violence against women would fall short of the due diligence obligation.  

Bilkis Bano, who was gangraped during the 2002 Gujarat riots, addresses a press conference in New Delhi on April 24. Photo: PTI

Through the lens of international law

A holistic perspective of the remission order through the lens of international law leads us to several conclusions. A premature release of the eleven persons convicted of multiple rapes and murders, without any clear indication of their reformatory potential, while disregarding the opinion of the trial judge, without giving an opportunity to Bilkis to have her concerns on the remission heard, and through an opaque and arbitrary exercise of executive power, woefully falls short of international legal standards.

In a country such as India, which believes in democracy and rule of law, an intelligible set of criteria that spells out the reformatory potential of a convict and other aspects such as ramifications on the victims, the community they belong to and on the law and order situation are imperative. These would act as guidelines for the Jail Advisory Board that considers pleas of remission from convicts, as well as for the public at large in understanding why an order of remission was issued in favour of some convicts and not others who had committed similarly heinous offences. 

Even if India is not a state party to the ICC, the law and rules related to the ICC form part of the body of international law that one must be mindful of. The state’s remission order has, on one hand, led to a chilling effect among victims and potential victims of sexual and gender-based violence, more so in contexts of mass crimes; on the other hand, it has emboldened the convicts and potential perpetrators by providing them tacit encouragement for such offences. These ramifications illustrate that the state has failed to discharge its due diligence obligation to respect, protect and fulfil women’s human rights in international law. As a result, Bilkis Bano has received nothing more than an iota of reparative justice.

Saumya Uma is a professor of law and Director of the Centre for Women’s Rights at Jindal Global Law School, O.P. Jindal Global University. She teaches, writes and speaks at the intersections of gender, human rights and the law. The opinions expressed in this article are her own.

‘Wrong; Very Bad Precedent Set’: Judge Who Convicted 11 Men in Bilkis Bano Case on Their Release

“This is an irony. Our prime minister spoke of women empowerment, and the state from where he comes, released these men, who gang-raped a helpless woman,” the former high court judge said.

New Delhi: Days after 11 convicts in the Bilkis Bano rape case were granted an early release under the Gujarat government’s remission policy, Justice U.D. Salvi, the former Bombay high court judge who had convicted them condemned the move, saying it ‘has set a very bad precedent’.

“A very bad precedent has been set. This is wrong, I would say. Now, convicts in other gang rape cases would seek similar reliefs,” he told Bar and Bench.

Justice Salvi added that the decision would have wide ramifications.

He further said that it is ironic that the state of Gujarat let the 11 men out of jail at a time when Prime Minister Narendra Modi is urging Indians to respect women and avoid demeaning them.

“Certainly, this is an irony. Our prime minister spoke of women empowerment, and the state from where he comes, released these men, who gang-raped a helpless woman,” the judge said.

Justice Salvi had convicted the 11 men and sentenced them to life imprisonment in 2008. He had also acquitted seven other accused men due to lack of evidence.

However, in May 2017, the Bombay high court bench of Justices Vijaya Tahilramani and Mridula Bhatkar upheld the conviction of the 11 accused, and also convicted the seven men acquitted by Justice Salvi.

The convicts were released under the remission policy of the Gujarat government made in 1992. However, these convicts would not have been released if the state government would have gone by the current remission policy, which was formulated in 2014.

Also read: ‘I Fear for Our Future’: Bilkis Bano’s Husband on Release of 11 Convicts

Added to that, the Union government’s new guidelines were also ignored while granting remission to these convicts in the rape case.

In June this year, the Union home ministry, as part of India’s 75th year of Independence, had issued guidelines that special remission was to be granted to prisoners on August 15, 2022, January 26, 2023 and August 15, 2023. However, the guidelines made it clear that rape and murder convicts cannot be released by the state government.

Criticising the use of the 1992 remission policy, Justice Salvi said, “I am given to understand that the Supreme Court had ordered the state government to consider the pleas of these convicts under the 1992 policy. Still…how can the top court of our nation can allow such a decision?”

He further pointed out as to how the 1992 policy was made applicable to these convicts.

“There is no clarity if the State has made amendments to Section 376(2)g of the Indian Penal Code and its definition. Has the State changed the definition of gravity of this offence of gangrape? If there is a modification in its definition, then the 1992 policy would be applicable. But if the definition and gravity of gangrape continues to be the same without amendment, then the policy of 2014 would be applicable, which would mean they shouldn’t be given remission,” he told the news outlet.

He further said, “Punishment is given to ensure that it dawns upon the accused that he has done something wrong. The accused must be remorseful and express repentance. There isn’t any clarity if these men have expressed such remorse or repentance in the present case. Have they expressed that they feel sorry and have realised their guilt?”

He condemned the convicts being welcomed with sweets and garlands outside the jail after they were released.

“This is bad in taste. I don’t know why people are welcoming them like this. I believe the people felicitating these convicts have political objectives and agenda. This shouldn’t happen at all,” he said.

Release of Bilkis Bano Case Convicts: Conflicting Remission Policies Raise Difficult Questions

While the Gujarat government says the convicts were released as per its 1992 policy, experts say many other factors should have convinced the authorities to reject the applications.

Mumbai: On Monday, August 15, the Gujarat government released 11 convicts who had been sentenced to life imprisonment in the Bilkis Bano gangrape and murder case during the 2002 Gujarat communal riots. The convicts walked out of the Godhra sub-jail after the Gujarat government approved their application for remission.

Following their conviction on January 21, 2008 by a special Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) court in Mumbai, the 11 men were sentenced to life imprisonment on charges of gang rape and the murder of 14 members of Bilkis Bano’s family – including a three-year-old. The Bombay high court upheld the conviction, and the convicts had served over 15 years in jail when one of them, Radheshyam Shah, approached the Supreme Court seeking premature release.

In May 2022, the top court directed the government of Gujarat to look into the question of remission since the crime was committed in the state and post-trial proceedings such as remission should be considered in terms of the relevant state’s policy. According to The Hindu, this 1992 remission policy was quoted in a 2012 order of the Gujarat high court, and “pertains to the early release of the life convicts who, on and after 18.12.1978, have served out 14 clear years imprisonment”.

The convict, Shah, had at the time of his petition undergone imprisonment for 15 years and 4 months as of April 1, 2022. Although the Gujarat government told the apex court that in this case, the appropriate authorities would be the state of Maharashtra since the trial was concluded there, the top court said that since the crime was committed in Gujarat, its remission policy would be valid.

Also Read: What Bilkis Bano Survived That Day in Gujarat, 2002

A bench headed by Justice Ajay Rastogi allowed the accused’s application for the state government to consider his release as per the Gujarat remission policy as on July 9, 1992. Holding that this was the policy in effect at the time of Shah’s and the other accused’s conviction, the court observed, “It has been settled by this court in State of Haryana vs Jagdish that the application for grant of premature release will have to be considered on the basis of the policy which stood on the date of conviction.”

Following this order, a committee headed by the Panchmahals collector, Sujal Mayatra, was formed. The committee thereafter took a unanimous decision to release all 11 convicts. The state government approved this decision.

Since law and order, police and prisons are state subjects as per the Seventh Schedule of the Indian constitution, the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) under section 432 grants state governments the power to remit sentences. However, under section 435 of the CrPC, consent of the Union government is a necessary prerequisite for the premature release of the prisoners, particularly in cases where the offence was investigated by a central agency such as the CBI. This was also upheld by the Delhi high court in a 2021 judgment which said that the Union government’s consent was mandatory before proceeding with remission under section 435 of the CrPC.

Earlier in June this year, the Union home ministry had issued guidelines to states pertaining to the release of convicted prisoners under a special policy formulated as part of ‘Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav’ or the celebration of 75 years of independence. As per the said guidelines, special remission was to be granted to prisoners on August 15, 2022, January 26, 2023 (Republic Day) and August 15, 2023. Notably, persons sentenced to life imprisonment and rape convicts are not entitled to be prematurely released as per these guidelines.

Legal experts have pointed out how the conflicting remission policies pose several difficult questions.

A view of Supreme Court of India in New Delhi. Credit: PTI

Supreme Court of India in New Delhi. Photo: PTI

Shobha Gupta, the lawyer for Bilkis Bano, referred to a 2005 judgement by a five-judge bench of the Supreme Court, which said that life imprisonment means “until the last breath”. “Further, there are two categories of remissions. With regard to heinous crimes, remission is not a matter of right and secondly, there are factors to be looked into such as the crime, the nature of crime and so on,” she said. Gupta also informed this reporter that she was not able to get a copy of the 1992 notice.

Pointing to the guidelines laid down in the 2008 judgment of the Swami Shraddananda vs State of Karnataka, Bano’s lawyer also said that the Supreme Court had then clearly said that the nature of crime is a factor to be looked into. Stressing the need for remission to focus on the impact on victims, she added, “The concerns and safety of the victim is one of the factors to be looked into. Remission is a favour to be earned by the accused, the question is, is the victim not a person to be called upon and notice served to her? If the top court itself in its order awarding Bilkis compensation has noted that she and her husband have been running from pillar to post seeking safety, then this shows how vulnerable they are.”

Also Read: ‘I Fear For Our Future’: Bilkis Bano’s Husband on Release of 11 Convicts

Senior advocate Mihir Desai also emphasised the conflict between the Gujarat government’s and Union government’s remission policies, saying that under section 435 of the CrPC, “they would have to consult the Union government. We don’t know whether this was done. It should have been.” He added that if consulted, the Union government should not have given consent “as their policy does not allow rapists to be given remission. In any event, it is crucial in all matters of remission to take views of families of victims.”

Speaking on the need for the state policy to consider a change, Justice Anjana Prakash said that though she found from the Gujarat policy that it does bar remissions in several offences of serious nature, it did not do so in cases of rape. She said she considers rape “a very serious offence”.

“Now that this omission has come to light, maybe the Gujarat government can petition to include it as well,” she said.

Senior lawyer Nitya Ramakrishnan further said that the power of premature release given to the executive was “meant to ensure an element of human or social justice, that may evade the letter of the law or the judicial process”.

She added that despite this, “We see that state governments routinely refuse a premature release, even in a crime done without premeditation, or where there is only a single act or a single victim. The release of the Bilkis convicts with such promptness in a case of gangrape and 7 murders – that is, multiple premeditated crimes and that too during communal riots – therefore shocks the people’s conscience.”

Ramakrishnan noted that in setting all 11 convicts free, the question was, “What was the social justice or human justice in this case to merit the same? One does want to see humanising trends in penology. But the stark truth is that people have been in jail or even on death row for decades without their pleas even being considered by courts or by the executive. Which is why this recent release shocks and evokes condemnation.”

Speaking to The Wire, Anand Yagnik, a senior lawyer practising in the Gujarat high court, said that the remission is inconsistent with the new criminal jurisprudence that has emerged in the post-Nirbhaya era.

“Both the state and Union government’s policies should have been amended in the post-Nirbhaya era, given the recommendations of the Justice Verma Committee, especially when it comes to such heinous crimes against women,” Yagnik pointed out.

Note: An earlier version incorrectly stated that seven members of Bilkis’s family were murdered. The actual number is 14.