Despite Supreme Court Order, Brazil Prosecutors Charge US Scribe Glenn Greenwald With Cybercrime

The journalist’s investigations cast doubts on the impartiality of former judge Sérgio Moro in corruption investigation, ‘Operation Car Wash’, that led to jailing of several figures, including former president Lula.

New Delhi: Brazilian prosecutors have charged US journalist Glenn Greenwald with being part of a “criminal organisation” that allegedly hacked into phones – and which orchestrated the leak of a trove of electronic messages showing the partisan role of an anti-corruption task force.

The prosecutors went ahead with the charges against Greenwald despite a Supreme Court order barring federal police from investigating the journalist’s role in dissemination of the hacked messages.

Greenwald, who is based in Brazil, is particularly well-known for his reporting of documents describing surveillance programmes of the US’s National Security Agency, which had been leaked by former contractor, Edward Snowden. 

The articles, published by Intercept Brasil last year, cast doubts on the impartiality of former judge Sérgio Moro and other prosecutors involved in corruption investigation, ‘Operation Car Wash’, that led to jailing of several important figures, including former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.


Lula’s conviction led to the rise and election of Jair Bolsonaro, who subsequently made Moro his minister of justice.

At the time of publishing the articles, Intercept had said that the stories were based on archives of “audio recordings, videos, photos, court proceedings, and other documentation” provided by an anonymous source.

“They reveal serious wrongdoing, unethical behaviour, and systematic deceit about which the public, both in Brazil and internationally, has the right to know,” The Intercept had said on June 10, 2019.

According to BBC, while the federal public prosecutors have proposed the charges, a judge has to still decide whether to formally indict him or not.

Associated Press noted in its report that Supreme Court’s order last year that “constitutional secrecy” around sources used in journalism had so far prevented the government from taking “coercive measures against Greenwald”. 

“Because of that, a judge would have to authorise any attempt by prosecutors to formally investigate the journalist or bring charges. Judge Ricardo Leite will analyse the unusual accusation against Greenwald and the group of six alleged hackers. There is no deadline for a decision,” AP reported.

Besides Greenwald, six other individuals have also been accused of illegal telephone interceptions and conspiracy, among other related crimes.

Prosecutors claim that Greenwald played a “clear role in facilitating the commission of a crime”. They citied alleged intercepted messages that showed Greenwald reportedly encouraging hackers to delete archives shared with the media group, reported The New York Times. They also stated that Greenwald was communicating with the hackers, while they were actively monitoring private chats on the messaging app Telegram.

In a statement released through Intercept, Greenwald described the charges as “an obvious attempt to attack a free press in retaliation for the revelations we reported about Minister Moro and the Bolsonaro government”. He pointed out that the charges were brought by the same prosecutor, Wellington Divino Marques de Oliveira, who tried to criminally prosecute the head of the Brazilian Bar Association for criticising Moro.

Also read: A Convenient Crash? Death of a Judge in Brazil May Kill ‘Operation Car Wash’

“We will not be intimidated by these tyrannical attempts to silence journalists,” Greenwald added.


The Intercept pointed out that that evidence cited by the Brazilian Public Ministry is the “same that was rigorously analysed by the country’s Federal Police, leading the agency to conclude that Greenwald did not commit any crimes in his contacts with the alleged source of our Secret Brazil Archive stories”.

“Glenn Greenwald was not formally investigated by the Federal Police, but they concluded that there was no indication of wrongdoing committed by him,” the statement said.

Following the publication of the reports, Bolsonaro had asserted publicly in July 2018 that Greenwald “might wind up in jail”.

According to Washington Post, Greenwald’s case “is seen as a test for freedom of journalists under Bolsonaro, a right-wing former military officer elected last year while appealing to nationalism, homophobia, nostalgia for Brazil’s previous military dictatorship and attacking the media.”

As per Times, Greenwald said that he had been methodical in his dealings with the source who gave him the leaked chats, mindful of the lessons he had learned in the Snowden case. “The one thing I could not do is give direction,” Greenwald said.

That’s crossing a line. I was very careful.”

Along with Lula, Snowden too tweeted against the charges against Greenwald.

Several US lawmakers have also expressed deep concern about the Brazilian prosecutors’ intention to bring charges against Greenwald.

The US civil society group, ACLU said that US government must “immediately condemn this outrageous assault on the freedom of the press, and recognise that its attacks on press freedoms at home have consequences for American journalists doing their jobs abroad, like Glenn Greenwald”.


The San Francisco-based Freedom of the Press foundation called on the Brazilian government to halt the prosecution and respect press freedom, as the Brazilian Supreme Court has already ordered them to do.In the meantime, we dearly hope Glenn is safe and is able to continue doing his job as a journalist,” the statement said.

Bolsonaro’s son, Eduardo, who is also a lawmaker, welcomed the charges with a sarcastic tweet. 

Brazil: IFJ Condemns Attempts to Harass Journalist Glenn Greenwald

Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro has suggested that Glenn Greenwald “might be imprisoned” over the revelations published in The Intercept.

New Delhi: The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) has released a statement condemning the persecution of Glenn Greenwald after far-right Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro publicly threatened to imprison the journalist.

The IFJ, in conjunction with its Brazilian affiliate FENAJ, said Greenwald, an American investigative journalist, was being threatened and condemned attempts to muzzle press freedom.

During a military ceremony on July 27, Bolsonaro suggested that Greenwald “might be imprisoned” over the revelations published in The Intercept. A few days before, members of his party had said the journalist was “aligned with criminal hackers”.

IFJ general secretary, Anthony Bellanger said, “We strongly condemn any attempt to intimidate Glenn Greenwald and salute his courage in reporting in an increasingly hostile political environment. Brazilian authorities must immediately stop harassing him and other media workers and guarantee journalists’ safety and fundamental rights”.

In a statement released by FENAJ, the organisation warned of “the danger of restrictions on press freedom, which are always used by autocratic governments” and added that “FENAJ reaffirms its commitment to the defence of journalists’ freedom and their right to keep their sources secret”.

Greenwald published a series of reports in The Intercept in June 2019, which precipitated a political storm in Brazil. The reports leaked communication chats compromising the then-presiding judge and current minister of justice Sergio Moro. According to reports in The Intercept, Moro allegedly communicated with the lead prosecutor in the case, Deltan Dallagnol, and gave strategic tips and advice in the corruption probe known as “Operation Car Wash”.

Also Read: Intercept Reports Show How Brazil’s Top Prosecutors Conspired Against Former President Lula

The five-year sweeping corruption investigation resulted in the conviction of former two-time Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, better known as Lula, of the centre-left Workers Party (PT). The probe also resulted in the impeachment of his successor and protégé Dilma Rousseff.

In 2018, before the Brazilian presidential elections, Lula was declared ineligible to run for office under the “Clean Slate” law which prohibits politicians from contesting elections if they have been convicted of a crime and the conviction has been upheld, as in the case of Lula. The disqualification of Lula, who was a front runner at the time, from seeking office is believed to have benefitted far-right leader Bolsonaro in ascending to the presidency. Moro later became the justice minister in Bolsonaro’s cabinet.

Brazil's new President Jair Bolsonaro and his wife Michelle wave as they drive past before his swear-in ceremony, in Brasilia, Brazil January 1, 2019. Credit: REUTERS/Ricardo Moraes

Brazil’s new President Jair Bolsonaro and his wife Michelle wave as they drive past before his swear-in ceremony, in Brasilia, Brazil January 1, 2019. Credit: Reuters/Ricardo Moraes

Also read: Latin America: ‘The Mechanism’ and the Cost of Corruption

Greenwald, who is one of three co-founding editors of The Intercept and won the Pulitzer prize in 2014 for his reportage for The Guardian on Edward Snowden’s revelations about NSA’s surveillance programmes, has since been at the receiving end of a violent online harassment campaign called #DeportGlennGreenwald coordinated by supporters of Bolsonaro. Greenwald, along with his husband and leftist congressman David Miranda, has also received death threats because of his reporting and the federal police are also probing Greenwald’s finances.

The Committee to Protect Journalists also condemned the efforts to intimidate Greenwald and called upon “Brazilian authorities must respect journalists’ constitutional right to do investigative reporting and hold power to account.” CPJ Central and South America Program Coordinator Natalie Southwick said, “The latest statements from President Bolsonaro threatening Glenn Greenwald with jail time are an inappropriate and dangerous escalation of the Brazilian government’s troubling response to The Intercept Brasil’s reporting”.

Washington Post Becomes First Paper to Call for Prosecuting Own Source – After Accepting Pulitzer

If the Post’s editors believe Edward Snowden should accept criminal responsibility for his actions, shouldn’t they return the Pulitzer won by publicising what he leaked?

If the Post‘s editors believe Edward Snowden should accept criminal responsibility for his actions, shouldn’t they return the Pulitzer won by publicising what he leaked?

Edward Snowden. Source: Vimeo

Edward Snowden. Source: Vimeo

This article was originally published in The Intercept.

Three of the four media outlets that received and published large numbers of secret NSA documents provided by Edward Snowden – The Guardian, the New York Times, and The Intercept – have called for the U.S. government to allow the NSA whistleblower to return to the U.S. with no charges. That’s the normal course for a news organisation, which owes its sources duties of protection, and which – by virtue of accepting the source’s materials and then publishing them – implicitly declares the source’s information to be in the public interest.

But not the Washington PostIn the face of a growing ACLU and Amnesty-led campaign to secure a pardon for Snowden, timed to this weekend’s release of the Oliver Stone biopic “Snowden,” the Post editorial page today not only argued in opposition to a pardon, but explicitly demanded that Snowden – the paper’s own source — stand trial on espionage charges or, as a “second-best solution,” accept “a measure of criminal responsibility for his excesses and the U.S. government offers a measure of leniency.”

In doing so, the Washington Post has achieved an ignominious feat in US media history: the first-ever paper to explicitly editorialise for the criminal prosecution of its own source – one on whose back the paper won and eagerly accepted a Pulitzer Prize for Public Service. But even more staggering than this act of journalistic treachery against the paper’s own source are the claims made to justify it.

The Post editors concede that one – and only one – of the programs that Snowden enabled to be revealed was justifiably exposed – namely, the domestic metadata program, because it “was a stretch, if not an outright violation, of federal surveillance law, and posed risks to privacy.” Regarding the “corrective legislation” that followed its exposure, the Post acknowledges: “We owe these necessary reforms to Mr. Snowden.” But that metadata program wasn’t revealed by the Post, but rather by The Guardian.

Other than that initial Snowden revelation, the Post suggests, there was no public interest whatsoever in revealing any of the other programs. In fact, the editors say, real harm was done by their exposure. That includes PRISM, about which the Post says this:

The complication is that Mr. Snowden did more than that. He also pilfered, and leaked, information about a separate overseas NSA Internet-monitoring program, PRISM, that was both clearly legal and not clearly threatening to privacy. (It was also not permanent; the law authorizing it expires next year.)

In arguing that no public interest was served by exposing PRISM, what did the Post editors forget to mention? That the newspaper that (simultaneously with The Guardian) made the choice to expose the PRISM program by spreading its operational details and top-secret manual all over its front page is called … the Washington Post. Then, once they made the choice to do so, they explicitly heralded their exposure of the PRISM program (along with other revelations) when they asked to be awarded the Pulitzer Prize.

If the Post editorial page editors really believe that PRISM was a totally legitimate program and no public interest was served by its exposure, shouldn’t they be attacking their own paper’s news editors for having chosen to make it public, apologising to the public for harming their security, and agitating for a return of the Pulitzer? If the Post editorial page editors had any intellectual honesty at all, this is what they would be doing – accepting institutional responsibility for what they apparently regard as a grievous error that endangered the public – rather than pretending that it was all the doing of their source as a means of advocating for his criminal prosecution.

Worse than the intellectual dishonesty of this editorial is its towering cowardice. After denouncing their own paper’s PRISM revelation, the editors proclaim: “Worse – far worse – he also leaked details of basically defensible international intelligence operations.” But what they inexcusably omit is that it was not Edward Snowden but the top editors of the Washington Post who decided to make these programs public. Again, just look at the stories for which the Post was cited when receiving a Pulitzer Prize:

postpulit-1000x465

Almost every one of those stories entailed the exposure of what the Post editors today call “details of international intelligence operations.” I personally think there were very solid justifications for the Post’s decision to reveal those. As Snowden explained in the first online interview with readers I conducted, in July 2013, he was not only concerned about privacy infringement of Americans but of all human beings, because – in his words – “suspicionless surveillance does not become okay simply because it’s only victimising 95 percent of the world instead of 100 percent. Our founders did not write that ‘We hold these Truths to be self-evident, that all US Persons are created equal.’”

So I support the decision of the Post back then to publish documents exposing “international intelligence operations.” That’s because I agree with what Post executive editor Marty Baron said in 2014, in an article in the Washington Post where they celebrated their own Pulitzer:

Post Executive Editor Martin Baron said Monday that the reporting exposed a national policy “with profound implications for American citizens’ constitutional rights” and the rights of individuals around the world (emphasis added). “Disclosing the massive expansion of the NSA’s surveillance network absolutely was a public service,” Baron said. “In constructing a surveillance system of breathtaking scope and intrusiveness, our government also sharply eroded individual privacy. All of this was done in secret, without public debate, and with clear weaknesses in oversight.”

The editorial page is separate from the news organisation and does not speak for the latter; I seriously doubt the journalists or editors at the Post who worked on these news stories would agree with any of that editorial. But still, if the Post editorial page editors now want to denounce these revelations, and even call for the imprisonment of their paper’s own source on this ground, then they should at least have the courage to acknowledge that it was the Washington Post – not Edward Snowden – who made the editorial and institutional choice to expose those programs to the public. They might want to denounce their own paper and even possibly call for its prosecution for revealing top-secret programs they now are bizarrely claiming should never have been revealed to the public in the first place.

But this highlights a chronic cowardice that often arises when establishment figures want to denounce Snowden. As has been amply documented, and as all newspapers involved in this reporting (including the Post) have made clear, Snowden himself played no role in deciding which of these programs would be exposed (beyond providing the materials to newspapers in the first place). He did not trust himself to make those journalistic determinations, and so he left it to the newspapers to decide which revelations would and would not serve the public interest. If a program ended up being revealed, one can argue that Snowden bears some responsibility (because he provided the documents in the first place), but the ultimate responsibility lies with the editors of the paper that made the choice to reveal it, presumably because they concluded that the public interest was served by doing so.

Yet over and over, Snowden critics – such as Slate’s Fred Kaplan and today’s Post editorial – omit this crucial fact, and are thus profoundly misleading. In attacking Snowden this week, for instance, Kaplan again makes the same point he has made over and over: that Snowden’s revelations extended beyond privacy infringements of Americans.

Leave aside the narcissistic and jingoistic view that whistleblowers and media outlets should only care about privacy infringements of American citizens, but not the 95 percent of the rest of the planet called “non-Americans.” And let’s also set to the side the fact that many of the most celebrated news stories in US media history were devoted to revealing secret foreign operations that had nothing to do with infringing the constitutional rights of US citizens (such as the Pentagon Papers, Abu Ghraib and the Post’s revelations of CIA black sites).

What’s critical here is that Kaplan’s list of Bad Snowden Revelations (just like the Post’s) invariably involves stories published not by Snowden (or even by The Intercept or The Guardian), but by the New York Times and the Washington Post. But like the Post editorial page editors, Kaplan is too much of a coward to accuse the nation’s top editors at those two papers of treason, helping terrorists, or endangering national security, so he pretends that it was Snowden, and Snowden alone, who made the choice to reveal these programs to the public. If Kaplan and the Post editors truly believe that all of these stories ought to have remained secret and have endangered people’s safety, why are they not attacking the editors and newspapers that made the ultimate decision to expose them? Snowden himself never publicly disclosed a single document, so any programs that were revealed were the ultimate doing of news organisations.

Whatever else may be true, one’s loyalty to US government officials has to be slavish in the extreme in order to consider oneself a journalist while simultaneously advocating the criminalisation of transparency, leaks, sources, and public debates. But that’s not new: There has long been in the US a large group that ought to call itself US Journalists Against Transparency: journalists whose loyalty lies far more with the US government than with the ostensible objectives of their own profession, and thus routinely take the side of those keeping official secrets rather than those who reveal them, even to the point of wanting to see sources imprisoned.

But what makes today’s Washington Post editorial so remarkable, such a tour de force, is that the editors are literally calling for the criminal prosecution of one of the most important sources in their own newspaper’s history. Having basked in the glory of awards and accolades, and benefited from untold millions of clicks, the editorial page editors of the Post now want to see the source who enabled all of that be put in an American cage and branded a felon. That is warped beyond anything that can be described.

This article was originally published in The Intercept. Read the original article here.