Tag: Gaurav Vivek Bhatnagar

Despite Laws in Place, Centre, RBI Have Made No Special Efforts to Promote e-Cheques

Although the government amended the Negotiable Instrument Act of 1881 in 2015 to promote e-cheques, no bank has so far enabled its customers to use these.

New Delhi: Despite the parliament legalising e-cheques in India by amending the Negotiable Instrument Act, 1881 in 2015, no bank has so far enabled its customers to use these, responses to questions raised in the Lok Sabha and Right to Information (RTI) queries have revealed.

The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) has not issued any reminder or direction with regard to the e-cheques despite the fact that it was the central bank which had in the first place asked the government to bring such an amendment.

‘Paper cheques suffer from frauds, and face practical issues’

A Delhi-based activist, who had filed an RTI application with RBI on December 31, 2022, to learn about the status of e-cheques, said “despite paper cheques being extremely inefficient financial instruments (due to frauds, physical issue, transport, and deposit)”, they continue to be in great use. He added that a large number of cases pending in courts in India are related to cheque transactions.

Pointing out that the 2015 amendment of the Negotiable Instruments Act was an effort by the Indian government to remove all inefficiencies in the traditional cheques while still promoting their use for small businesses, the activist said, “This reform is of utmost importance for small businesses in India.”

No information on the legal status of e-cheques: RBI

According to the activist, in his RTI application filed with the RBI, he had asked about the “legal status of ‘e-cheques’ or ‘cheques in electronic form’ in India (drawn and signed digitally/electronically)”. To this, he said, the central bank responded that it “does not have information in the matter” and asked the applicant to refer to Section 6 (a) of the Negotiable Instruments Act, 1881.

To what steps the RBI has taken to discourage the use of traditional paper cheques with electronic alternatives in the last 10 years, the reply said, “RBI has not taken any specific steps to discourage the use of traditional paper cheques with electronic alternatives.”

The RBI, in response to another question, said it has not issued any instructions to banks for requesting or advising them to opt for or enable their users to issue e-cheques or cheques in electronic form.

Further, the bank said it also had no information on banks which currently issue or have previously enabled their customers to issue e-cheques/cheques in electronic form.

Likewise, it added that it has not issued any instructions to banks or the National Payments Corporation of India to encourage the usage of National Automated Clearing House debit instead of traditional paper cheques.

Government on e-cheques

Meanwhile, a question on e-cheques was also raised by Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) MP Dushyant Singh and YSR Congress MP Lavu Sri Krishna Devarayalu in Lok Sabha on March 27. They asked whether e-cheques are legally valid and sought details on the steps taken to discourage the use of the traditional paper cheque system and promote the use of electronic alternatives.

Without providing a direct answer to the queries, the minister of state for finance, Bhagwat Karad, in his written reply, provided an explanation of what the expressions “a cheque in the electronic form” and “a truncated cheque” meant. He said they are clarified through Explanation I to Section 6 of the NI Act.

The minister added that as per this explanation “a cheque in the electronic form” means a cheque drawn in electronic form by using any computer resource and signed in a secure system with a digital signature (with or without biometrics signature) and asymmetric crypto system or with electronic signature, as the case may be”.

He added that “a truncated cheque” means a cheque that is truncated during the course of a clearing cycle, either by the clearing house or by the bank whether paying or receiving payment, immediately on the generation of an electronic image for transmission, substituting the further physical movement of the cheque in writing.

To the query on curbing the use of physical paper cheques system, the reply added that “the Cheque Truncation System (CTS) for clearing cheques, which was introduced by the Reserve Bank of India (RBI), is operational pan-India. Truncation is the process of stopping the flow of the physical cheque issued by a drawer at some point by the presenting bank en route to the paying bank branch. In its place, an electronic image of the cheque is transmitted to the paying branch through the clearing house, along with relevant information like data on the MICR band, date of presentation, presenting bank, etc”.

Therefore, the minister said, “cheque truncation thus obviates the need to move the physical instruments across bank branches. This eliminates the associated cost of movement of the physical cheques, reduces the time required for their collection and brings elegance to the entire activity of cheque processing.”

To another query from the MPs on whether the opinion of RBI was sought by the government to amend the Negotiable Instruments Act, 1881 in 2015 to include ‘e-cheques’, the minister replied that  “the new Explanation of the expression ‘a cheque in the electronic form’ was substituted for the prior existing Explanation as per the opinion of RBI. RBI had recommended an amendment to the earlier Explanation in the interests of legal certainty”.

The reply added that RBI’s directives and circulars are applicable to all Scheduled Commercial Banks including Regional Rural Banks (RRBs) as well as Cooperative Banks.

Reacting to the response of the ministry and the RBI in the matter, the RTI activist said they were “not doing anything substantial and just dodging the issue.”

Note: An earlier version of this article carried the name of the activist who filed the RTI application. It has been removed at their request.

Watch | Remembering the Time When Gandhi Spent at Delhi’s Valmiki Mandir to Teach Dalit Children

Today, a visit to the temple and the complex, now known as Valmiki Sadan, reveals how some things have changed the way Gandhi would have liked while others have changed for the worse.

This year on January 30 will be exactly 75 years to Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination at the hands of those against his message of non-violence and fierce defence of a syncretic India. In a series of articles and videos, The Wire takes stock of Gandhi’s murder, and delves deeper into the forces and ideas behind independent India’s first act of terror. Recent years have seen another attempt to kill Gandhi, his ideas, spirit and message. We hope to help unpack where India stands today and its future, through the lens of how the Father of the Nation’s legacy is being treated.

For 214 days between April 1, 1946, and June 10, 1947, Mahatma Gandhi stayed at Maharishi Valmiki Mandir at Mandir Marg, which was then known as Reading Road, in New Delhi. He wanted to teach the children of the adjoining Valmiki Colony which was largely inhabited by Dalits. Most of them were working as sweepers in nearby colonies.

Today, a visit to the temple and the complex, now known as Valmiki Sadan, reveals how some things have changed the way Gandhi would have liked while others have changed for the worse. Likewise, while his room has been kept as it was 75 years ago, the surroundings have changed drastically.

Posters Telling Hindus Not to Sell Properties to Muslims Surface in Delhi’s Brahmpuri

Attempts are being made to ‘vitiate atmosphere again’, said residents of northeast Delhi, where the posters came up. This particular part of Delhi witnessed riots in 2020, leading to the death of 53 people.

New Delhi: Over the last three years, residents of several parts of northeast Delhi have gone about repairing their lives following the riots that had left 53 dead – two-thirds of them Muslims – and hundreds injured and led to the loss of property worth thousands of crores. As people battled the Covid-19 pandemic and tried to piece their lives together following the economic upheaval it caused, the hope was that things would improve.

The riots also bred a sense of insecurity among several residents of the area, as they moved out of their homes to places which they perceived as safer localities.

But now posters have emerged in some parts of Brahmpuri in Shahdara asking Hindus not to sell their properties to Muslims and threatening that any registration of such a property would be opposed.

Issued in the name of an advocate, Pradeep Sharma of Lane No. 13, Brahmpuri, these posters also direct that all future transactions in the Brahmpuri area would be between Hindus alone.

‘Brahmpuri saw no violence as Muslims protected properties of Hindus’

It is ironic that these posters have come up in an area that was spared the spectre of violence, largely due to the approach of the majority of Muslims. Paediatrician Nafees Ahmed, who runs a clinic, on Lane No. 13, Brahmpuri, told The Wire that three years ago when there were riots in some parts of northeast Delhi, the Brahmpuri area remained untouched by the violence due to the efforts of the people here.

“This road, Lane No. 13, has a majority of shops owned by Muslims on one side while on the other side, most of the shops are owned by Hindus. However, if you would look at the overall population, the majority are Muslims. During the riots of 2020, the Muslims saved the shops of Hindus here. They supported them wholeheartedly. Many of the Muslim residents openly assured their Hindu brothers that they need not fear anything. At night, they even patrolled the area to ensure that miscreants did not cause any harm,” he elaborated.

Also read: Delhi Riots: ‘Delayed Deployment of Additional Forces Escalated Violence,’ Says Fact-Finding Panel

“So,” Dr. Ahmed said, “we have never had any kind of such communal tension in this area. As such, these posters only seek to communalise the atmosphere. Some people are engaged in such work. There is also a feeling that the ruling party may be behind this to increase the vote percentage in their favour. Whoever is putting these up is sending a clear message that he is a radical Hindu and will not let anyone sell their property to Muslims. But overall, there is not much tension in the area right now.”

Delhi riots

Security personnel walk past Bhagirathi Vihar area of the riot-affected northeast Delhi, February 26, 2020. Photo: PTI

The practicing pediatrician said in their locality they also have several peace committees that work with various communities to ensure that differences of any kind are resolved at the earliest.

“Our former MLA, Chaudhary Mateen Ahmed, is a prominent Congress leader. Despite being a Muslim, he used to get a lot of support from the Hindus. He used to also organise various events, like the largest Kanwar camp, for the Hindus. So when he was the legislator, there never used to be this kind of tension. Also, there is a large Hindu population on the other side of Brahmpuri and they used to support ‘Chaudhary sahab’ a great deal.”

But ever since Mateen Ahmed was defeated and got replaced, the situation appears to have changed a bit, he said, adding that “it is wrong”.

‘Muslims barred from buying properties’

As for the properties being sold in the area now, Dr. Ahmed said it is mostly the Muslims who are buying them. “The non-Muslims are gradually moving out. This is the reason why some people have now started saying that do not sell your properties to Muslims.”

Dr. Ahmed added that this was happening not only in Brahmpuri but also in several parts of North East Delhi. “This is an unauthorised area, but if you would go to even authorised areas like Yamuna Vihar, where I reside, there too you will observe this trend and mentality. Barring some blocks, Muslims are not allowed to make purchases elsewhere. I also wanted to purchase a property but was refused outright. Also, in Hindu areas, houses are not given on rent to Muslims.”

Also read: Two Years Later, Delhi Police Plans Reward to Identify Cops Who ‘Assaulted, Forced Muslims to Sing’

The doctor added that while posters have been put up to the effect in Brahmpuri, in several other areas, there is an unwritten diktat under which Hindus are not allowed to sell their properties to Muslims. “This has been happening a lot for the last four to five years and the situation took a turn for the worse post the February 2020 riots.”

‘Riots deepened the sense of insecurity’

“After the riots,” Dr. Ahmed said, “the few Muslims remaining in Hindu majority areas have also started their properties and so is the case with Hindus living in Muslim majority areas. There is a sense of unease and insecurity among many such residents.”

He added that the divisions and the mentality to stay away from Muslims appear to be increasing. Also, he said, a large number of people are now preferring moving to more developed and well-planned areas like Noida.

Meanwhile, Aam Aadmi Party leader from Brahmpuri, Gaurav Sharma – whose wife Chhaya, became the Councillor from the ward on the party ticket this time – said the posters have come up in an area which is part of the Gautam Puri ward.

“Since the 2020 riots people from both sides have been working to improve the situation and build confidence among the communities. But in between you find some such people come in who again create tension. They just want to spoil the atmosphere.”

Sharma said there was no need for anyone to put up such posters and in case, he had any grievance he should have consulted the resident welfare association (RWA) or other people in the neighbourhood.

“What happens because of such actions like putting up posters is that people who are working towards mediation or towards bringing people from both sides together, so that once again there is pyaar mohabbat between the two sides, they end up losing face.”

“When I learnt that posters have been put up in Brahmpuri, I checked up with the area residents. It was then I realised that the posters have been put up in the Gautam Puri area. I asked the local residents to ensure that we do not return to the situation which existed three years ago. It was time which we still find difficult to forget and come out of,” he said, explaining how attempts are being made to normalise the situation again.

“Some area residents have also tried to diffuse the situation, but all kinds of people exist in the society. Many listen and understand, while others don’t. They are the ones who harm everyone. People are struggling to find employment, and earn a livelihood, who has time for such non-sense. It is confirmed that Pradeep Sharma, who is an advocate, got these posters put up,” he said.

Meanwhile, Pradeep Sharma said he has not published or put out the posters. He told The Wire, “I have not taken action against those who have circulated these posters. However, if I get attacked I’ll complain against those people. I know them…I have found out who are the people behind this. I am going to sell my house but because there’s a temple in my house some people circulated this message so that Muslims don’t buy my property.”

While Sharma doesn’t have issues with the content of the posters, he feels that those who circulated this poster should not have added his name to it. Sharma further added that he would prefer to sell the house to Hindus but he has no issues about removing the temple so that Muslims can buy it.

No one has so far come forward to claim they have put up the posters. The local police, contacted over the phone, declined to make any comment.

Note: This copy was updated at 11:32 pm on January 14, 2023, with the reaction of Pradeep Sharma. The story was first published at 10:35 pm on January 13, 2023.  

(With inputs from Alishan Jafri)

Over 6.34 Lakh Aspirants Still Wait for Results of IAF Airmen X, Y Exam Held in July 2021

The Air Force authorities, in response to the RTI by an aggrieved aspirant, said that the recruitment process has been “withheld” due to the introduction of the controversial Agnipath scheme.

New Delhi: Candidates who appeared for the Airmen X and Y Group examination for induction into the Indian Air Force in July 2021 before the launch of the Agnipath scheme are left in the lurch as the results of the exam have never been released and their fees never refunded, a Right to Information (RTI) query filed by one of the aggrieved aspirants has revealed.

According to data gathered by the candidate, Mohammad Kamil, a resident of Uttar Pradesh’s Bulandshahr, as many as 6,34,249 candidates had applied for these examinations.

Kamil, who is now pursuing Law from Aligarh Muslim University, wrote that he was “one of the air force aspirants” who thought of serving in the Indian Air Force by appearing in the examination for Airmen X and Y trade.

Stating that this examination was earlier conducted twice a year but was only held once each in 2020 and 2021, Kamil added that the Union government then did away with this system of selection since it brought in the new Agnipath system of recruitment into the armed forces.

Recalling his own experience, Kamil wrote that he was preparing for the government exam right after he completed Class 12, when the vacancies for airmen were announced in January 2021.

“I enthusiastically prepared for the exam for about seven months,” he said, adding that in doing so, he had to take his time off the academic subjects of his law course.

However, the Airmen X and Y exam was postponed thereafter and was ultimately held from July 12 – July 18 last year. As per the notification, Kamil said, the result was to be declared within one month of the conduct of the examination but at the end of this period, a notice was put up on the website which stated that “the result is delaying due to administrative reasons”.

Thereafter, Kamil said all the Indian Air Force aspirants waited for the next eight to ten months to hear about the outcome of the examination. Ultimately, he said, it came to light that the Agniveer system had been implemented to select the candidates for Airmen X and Y group as well.

Members of Students Federation of India (SFI) and Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI) participate in protest rally against the Union government’s Agnipath scheme, in Kolkata, Friday, June 24, 2022. Photo: PTI.

Despite the announcement of the scheme, Kamil added that several questions remained in the minds of the candidates even as the new vacancies were sought to be filled through the Agnipath scheme.

Website not working

Kamil said the candidates were never informed why the result of the examination, held in July 2021, was never declared. Apart from this, he said the concerned website, too, was removed from the internet. Ideally, this website could have been used to provide the candidates with the necessary information on the outcome of the examination.

Kamil also said the government did not provide any information about the 01/2021 vacancies of the Air Force X and Y group exams. It also did not provide any reasons why the website was removed and why the result was not declared. Finally, he asked what happened to the Rs 15,85,62,250 that the government had collected from the students for the examination.

Searching for answers to these questions, Kamil filed an RTI application with the Air Force Headquarters on August 30, 2022 seeking information under five points.

In response to Mohammad Kamil’s queries, the Directorate of Personal Services, Air Head Quarters (Vayu Bhawan), New Delhi sent him a reply to all his queries on October 6, 2022 through its Central Public Information Officer.

In response to his first query on how many students submitted application forms for the Indian Air Force X and Y group examination, the Directorate replied saying, “Total number of candidates who submitted application form in response to notification for STAR 01/2021 is 6,34,249”.

Also read: The ‘Agnipath’ Military Recruitment Scheme Is Here but Questions About Efficacy Remain

On the total fees or funds collected from these candidates, the IAF reply stated that “as per Para 5 of advertisement/ notification for STAR 01/2021, an examination fee of Rs 250 was to be paid by the candidates at the time of registration through payment gateway or challan at an branch of Axis Bank”.

So, it acknowledged that a sum of Rs 250 each was collected from 634,249 candidates – leading to a total corpus of over Rs 15.85 crore.

Effect of the Agnipath scheme 

To the third query seeking information about the results of this examination, the Directorate acknowledged that the process was stalled in view of the Agnipath scheme. It wrote that the “process of enrolment for intake 01/2021 and subsequent activities has been withheld and selection process for induction into IAF is presently being done through ‘AGNIPATH’ scheme for enrolment of candidates as Agniveervayu”.

To another query from the candidate seeking the record of the website where Air Force X and Y group applicants 01/2021 submitted their applications, the Directorate replied that “as per Para 1 of the notification for STAR 01/2021 online registration was conducted at www.airmenselecction.cdac.in”.

The Directorate did not accede to Kamil’s final request to be provided with photocopies of the question paper of the Air Force X and Y group exam conducted from July 12-18, 2021. It only stated that the information sought was “vague in nature” and “not specific”.

High-Profile Contests and Rebel Candidates: How Kangra Alone Can Impact the Himachal Polls

Kangra is the largest district in the state, with 15 assembly constituencies out of 68. It has always been clear that whichever party secures the most seats in the district goes on to form the government at the state level.

New Delhi: Kangra, the largest of the eight districts of Himachal Pradesh, holds the key to the formation of the government in the state.

Of the 68 assembly seats, 15 segments fall in this district. The district usually ends up voting largely for the party which forms the government. In the 2017 assembly elections, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won 11 of the 15 seats and went on to get a complete majority by securing 44 seats in the 68-member Assembly.

Three ministers and the Assembly speaker in the fray

This time too the district is expected to witness some keen contests. At stake would be the future of the Assembly Speaker Vipin Singh Parmar, who is contesting from Sullah; and three ministers – Sarveen Chaudhary who would be defending his Shahpur seat, Bikram Thakur who would be against contesting from Jaswan Paragpur and Rakesh Pathania who was moved from Nurpur to contest from Fatehpur.

With the district having had a fair share of leaders from both the Congress and BJP who made it big in state politics by either holding ministerial berths or senior party positions, there was a big tussle for party tickets on both sides. This has also led to a situation where the two traditional rivals are seeing their rebel candidates in many of the seats.

Overall, there are a total of 13,34,542 voters in these 15 constituencies of the district put together.

When it comes to the demographics, nearly 34% of the voters are Rajputs, 32% belong to the Other Backward Classes, 18% are Brahmins, and 20% come from the Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe category.

Four of the 12 ministers came from the Kangra district

In the 2017 Assembly elections, when BJP had won 44 of the 68 Assembly seats, this district had contributed majorly to its win as it had bagged 11 of the 15 seats here. The Congress had won three seats while one had gone to an Independent.

Following the 2017 polls, four of the BJP MLAs were made ministers. This constituted a third of the total ministerial strength. The MLAs who became ministers were Kishan Kapoor from Kangra, Vipin Parmar from Sullah, Sarveen Chaudhary from Shahpur and Bikram Thakur from Jaswan Paragpur.

Also read: Himachal Polls: Why are Congress, AAP Banking on Govt Employees to Corner Ruling BJP?

Kishan Kapoor had successfully contested the Lok Sabha election from Kangra in 2019 and had thereafter vacated the Assembly seat. In Kapoor’s place, Rakesh Pathania was given a ministerial berth as a representative of the Kangra district. Also, Vipin Parmar was made the Speaker of the Himachal Pradesh Assembly.

Top BJP, Congress and AAP leaders line up to visit Kangra

In keeping with the importance of the district in the overall outcome of the elections, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has already held a rally in Dharamshala. Chief minister Jairam Thakur has already held rallies in all 15 constituencies. Besides BJP national president J.P. Nadda has also held meetings and road shows here. The district was also visited by Union ministers Smriti Irani and Rajnath Singh. Meanwhile, Congress leader Priyanka Gandhi is due to visit Kangra on November 3.

Earlier, Aam Aadmi Party national convener and Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal had kick-started his party’s Himachal campaign with a rally in Kangra in April this year itself.

BJP up against two of its ‘own’ in Fatehpur

The most keenly watched fight in the district would be in Fatehpur from where state forest minister, Rakesh Pathania of the BJP, would take on Bhawani Singh Pathania of the Congress. The Aam Aadmi Party candidate here, Rajan Sushant, is also a former BJP MP and his entry along with that of former BJP Rajya Sabha MP Kripal Parmar has made the contest extremely interesting.

At a campaign rally of Rakesh Pathania. Photo: Twitter/@irakeshpathania

Parmar turned into a rebel in Fatehpur and filed his nomination as an Independent after the saffron party moved forest minister Rakesh Pathania from Nurpur and gave him the ticket from Fatehpur. Meanwhile, the Congress has fielded Bhawani Singh Pathania, who won the by-election to the constituency in 2021 following the demise of his father Sujjan Singh Pathania. The senior Pathania was a former minister who had won the seat in 2017.

For the BJP, winning the Fatehpur seat, which it lost on three previous occasions, looks all the more tough as the AAP candidate and former Lok Sabha MP Rajan Sushant also comes from its own ilk. Sushant is a prominent face in Himachal politics.

He had won five Assembly elections and was also a minister in the Prem Kumar Dhumal-led BJP government from 1998 to 2000. In 2000, he won the Lok Sabha election from Kangra. However, he was suspended by the BJP in 2012 after he openly criticised Dhumal and the state party leadership.

Sushant, who had joined AAP ahead of the 2014 Lok Sabha polls but then left it, rejoined the party in September this year. His name was among the first four to be announced by the party, which after its poll success in Punjab, is hoping to make a statement in Himachal Pradesh as well.

BJP’s Kangra seat jinx?

From 1982 till 1998, BJP continuously won this seat but in the past nearly quarter of a century, it never managed to win it even once. The last BJP MLA from the constituency was Vidyasagar who won the seat in 1998. In the four previous elections, the Congress won it twice while on one occasion each it was bagged by a Bahujan Samaj Party candidate and an independent.

The incumbent MLA, Pawan Kajal, had won it as an Independent in 2012 and as a Congress candidate in 2017. This time he is contesting on a BJP ticket. This constituency has a large presence of OBC voters and especially those from the Ghirath sub-sect. Apart from that, it has a significant number of Rajput and Brahmin voters too.

While BJP is banking on the sitting MLA to win the seat, the Congress is going all out against its former legislator who shifted his loyalties. The party has fielded Surender Singh Kaku while the AAP candidate from the constituency is Rajkumar Jaswal.

Meanwhile, BJP is also facing rebellion from within its ranks in Kangra as its former MLA Praveen Sharma, who is considered a staunch loyalist of former chief minister Shanta Kumar, filed his nomination as an Independent after being denied the party ticket.

In 2017 too, Sharma contested as an Independent after BJP fielded Indu Goswami, who is now a Rajya Sabha MP. Meanwhile, BJP has been trying to placate Sharma and had sent its state in-charge Avinash Rai Khanna to meet him in the presence of Kumar.

Ticket denials and open rebellion

The saffron party is also facing rebellion from its former leaders in Jawali, Dehra and Dharamshala.

In Jawali, the party denied a ticket to its MLA Arjun Thakur and gave it instead to Sanjay Guleria. Following this Thakur had signalled a revolt which made the party send its state-in-charge Khanna to assuage his hurt feelings. The BJP is hoping that Thakur would not hurt the party’s prospects. Meanwhile, Congress has fielded Chander Kumar while the AAP candidate here would be Baldev Raj.

In Dharamshala, former district president of the BJP ST Morcha, Vipin Nehria, who belongs to the Gaddi community, filed his nomination papers as an Independent after the party denied the ticket to a member from the community, which has got its representatives elected to the seat since 1985. In the 2019 Assembly by-election, the seat was won by Vishal Nehria of BJP but the party this time preferred Rakesh Chaudhary over him while deciding on the ticket.

Meanwhile, the Congress, which has fielded Sudhir Sharma and the AAP has given its ticket to Kulwant Rana.

CM-backed sitting MLA loses Dehra seat big 

Another seat sizzling with rebellion is Dehra where the sitting legislator Hoshiyar Singh filed his nomination as an Independent after the BJP chose Ramesh Dhawala, the sitting MLA from Jwalamukhi, over him.

Singh won the seat as an Independent in 2017 when he defeated Ravinder Singh Ravi of the BJP. This time the seats of Ravi and Dhawala have been swapped by BJP. While Singh, who is also a former minister, had joined BJP in June this year in the hope of getting a party ticket that did not happen. It is being said that while CM Thakur was in favour of giving him the ticket, Union Minister Anurag Thakur and his father and former CM Dhumal were against such a move.

So now Dhawala of BJP will take on Singh as also Rajesh Sharma of Congress and Colonel Manish Dhiman of AAP in this four-cornered battle.

As for the Congress, it too is facing dissidence in Sullah where its former chief parliamentary secretary Jagjivan Pal filed his nomination as an Independent candidate the party chose Jagdish Singh Sapaiya, who is a former chairman of Kangra Central Cooperative Bank, over him.

Also read: Himachal Pradesh Voters Have Said They’re Concerned About Unemployment. Here’s Why.

This has brightened the prospects for BJP sitting MLA and Speaker Vipin Parmar, who was following his election win in the 2017 polls first made a minister in the Jairam Thakur cabinet. The AAP candidate for the seat is Ravinder Singh Ravi.

The other contests

Apart from these high-profile contests, Congress, BJP and AAP will also battle it out in all the other seats in the district.

In Nurpur, the fight will be between Ranveer Singh (Nikka) of BJP, Ajay Mahajan of Congress and Manisha Kumari of AAP.

In Jaswan Paragpur, BJP’s minister Bikram Thakur will take on Surinder Singh Mankotia of the Congress and Sahil Chauhan of AAP among others.

In Jwalamukhi, Ravinder Singh Ravi of BJP will be up against Sanjay Rattan of Congress and Hoshiyar Singh of AAP.

In Jaisinghpur SC reserved seat, Ravinder Dhiman of BJP will be taking on Yadvinder Goma of Congress and Santosh Kumar of AAP. Here Congress leader Satish Kaur has filed the nomination as an Independent candidate.

Nagrota will witness an electoral battle between Arun Kumar Mehra (Kuka) of BJP, Raghubir Singh Bali of Congress and Umakant Dogra of AAP.

In Shahpur, BJP’s minister Sarveen Choudhary will be taking on Kewal Singh Pathania of Congress and Abhishek Thakur of AAP.

Palampur will witness a contest between Trilok Kapoor of BJP, Ashish Butail of Congress and Sanjay Bharadwaj of AAP.

In Baijnath SC reserved seat the fight will be between Mulkhraj Premi of BJP, Kishori Lal of Congress,, and Pramod Chand of AAP.

In the Indora SC reserved seat, former BJP legislator Manohar Dhiman has rebelled against the party and filed his nomination as an Independent candidate. He would be taking on Reeta Dhiman of BJP, Malender Rajan of Congress and Jagdish Bagga of AAP.

Himachal Polls: As Central Leadership Neglect Ails Congress, BJP, AAP Pull Out All Stops

While the BJP has deployed its national leadership to campaign for a successive term, several top AAP leaders are making a beeline to the hill state to capture the space vacated by the Congress.

New Delhi: With the Assembly elections fast approaching in Himachal Pradesh, Congress, which is the principal opposition party, is yet to get its act together. Failure of the central leadership to participate in the poll campaign and take the state unit into confidence, and lack of funds have highlighted that the party could be heading towards a dismal performance in the ensuing polls. It took none other than the state unit president Pratibha Singh to point out what ails the party, especially in expressing displeasure with the central leadership.

On the other hand, senior leaders of both the BJP, which is trying to become the first party since 1985 to return to power in the state, and the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), which is seeking to upstage the Congress – as it did in Delhi and Punjab before – have already visited the state and started their campaign.

Multiple challenges for Congress 

The manner in which Congress has handled the situation thus far has piqued many. The party appears not to have learnt its lessons from the neighbouring hill state of Uttarakhand, which went to polls earlier this year. There too the BJP managed to return to power as the Congress battled its own in the initial phases of the election. Things had only smoothened out after former chief minister Harish Rawat had rushed to Delhi in late 2021 to complain about some central observers and leaders.

But the differences within the state party leadership and the fact that overall Congress is facing a leadership crisis at the central level led to its defeat. Elbowing out anti-incumbency, the BJP had managed to return to power, albeit with a lower percentage of the popular vote.

In Himachal Pradesh too, the situation is no better for Congress. There are several factors working against it this time around.

At a Congress party meeting in Himachal Pradesh. Photo: Facebook/Pratibha Singh.

The biggest factor is the absence of former chief minister Virbhadra Singh, who passed away last year. He was a stalwart in state politics and was popularly referred to as ‘Raja Sahib’. He was a mass leader and the longest-serving chief minister of the state, who held the post on four different occasions. He was also elected to the Lok Sabha five times.

Following Singh’s death, his widow Pratibha Singh has been trying to script a return of the party in the state. However, she has been fighting an uphill battle. Singh was unhappy that party leaders Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Vadra do not give time and importance to senior leaders and that is why dissatisfaction was growing within the party.

Also read: Will Pratibha Singh’s Appointment Paper Over Congress’s Leadership Vacuum in Himachal?

“Senior leaders want attention and someone who can listen to their grievances but they (the younger lot) don’t give attention to such leaders,” she said in an interview with a news portal. Incidentally, senior party leader Anand Sharma, who was counted in the G-23 or group of dissenters, within the Congress, had last month stepped down as chairman of the steering committee for the Himachal elections.

Singh also spoke about how another challenge for Congress was a shortage of funds. She said the party did not have the kind of resources the BJP possessed. However, despite the shortcomings, Singh was confident that AAP would not pose any threat to Congress due to the bipolar nature of the state politics.

This is where Singh’s assessment may go wrong to some extent. After its win in neighbouring Punjab, with which Himachal shares a long border and close cultural ties, the AAP is hoping to make a significant dent in the hill state. The party has traditionally risen in states where Congress has weakened. And, it smells an opportunity in Himachal Pradesh now.

AAP as an ‘alternative’

A few things may support AAP’s efforts in Himachal Pradesh. The Congress is on a decline and many people in Himachal Pradesh are looking at alternatives to it and the BJP. There are often references to giving it “a chance”.

The announcements by AAP of providing 300 units of free power per month and free education may also appeal to the economically weaker sections in particular. In all, AAP has announced 10 guarantees for the people, including a Rs 1,000 per month pension for every woman, an unemployment allowance and a free pilgrimage scheme for the elderly.

Aam Aadmi Party meeting in Himachal Pradesh. Photo: Facebook/Aam Aadmi Party Himachal Pradesh.

Several party leaders, including national convener and Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal, Delhi deputy chief minister Manish Sisodia and Punjab chief minister Bhagwant Mann have already visited the state and addressed rallies there. The party is also trying to woo the Punjabi and Sikh voters in the state by sending its leaders from Punjab there.

Also read: Himachal Polls: With AAP’s Entry, BJP to Woo Youngsters to Battle Anti-Incumbency

AAP was also the first of the three major parties to announce its first list of candidates for the elections. It has already declared that it would be contesting all the 68 seats.

Congress may repeat all MLAs 

Meanwhile, Congress’ acting president Sonia Gandhi on Tuesday, September 27, convened a meeting of the Central Election Committee to decide on the candidates for the Himachal Pradesh elections. The party is now expected to announce its first list soon. The meeting was attended by Anand Sharma, Ambika Soni, Veerappa Moily, K.C. Venugopal, among others.

It is learnt that the party, which had won 21 seats in the last polls, has decided to repeat all the winning candidates. It may not follow the “one family, one ticket” rule and may rather choose to go by the winnability criteria alone.

Also read: Himachal Polls: Despite a Weak Opposition, BJP’s Biggest Rivals Are Mismanagement and Factionalism

BJP leaders make a beeline to Himachal

As for the BJP, which is terming its campaign “Mission Repeat”, it too has not announced any candidates thus far but its senior leaders including national president J.P. Nadda and Union minister Anurag Thakur, who hail from Himachal Pradesh, have been regularly visiting the state. Thakur is the son of former chief minister Prem Kumar Dhumal, who was overlooked by the party for the chief minister post in the last elections following his defeat in the Sujanpur constituency.

BJP National President JP Nadda with Himachal Pradesh Chief Minister Jai Ram Thakur during a public rally at Paonta Sahib, in Sirmaur district, Saturday, Aug. 20, 2022. Photo: PTI

The saffron party, which had won 44 seats in the last elections, has been pursuing the elections in great earnest. Prime Minister Narendra Modi formally launched the party’s campaign in the state with the Yuva Vijay Sankalp rally in Mandi on September 24. Though he was supposed to personally attend the rally, it was turned into a virtual event due to rains.

Modi made it known that the party would be targeting the youth in its bid to return to power. He said the youth have made up their mind to give the BJP another chance. He also assured that he would personally visit the district, which is the second largest in the state with 10 Assembly segments and is also home to chief minister Jai Ram Thakur.

With the Election Commission of India now stating that it would be deciding on the dates for polls in Himachal Pradesh keeping the snow season in mind, the state is expecting an announcement soon. The last time in 2017, the voting was held on November 9.

Minorities Commission Sees Rise in Complaints From Sikhs, Buddhists and Parsis

Data submitted in parliament shows that while the commission received 1,463 complaints in the 2020-21 fiscal year, it has received 1,234 complaints in less than eight months of the current fiscal year.

New Delhi: The National Commission for Minorities (NCM) has received more complaints from the Sikh, Buddhist and Parsi communities in the first eight months of the current fiscal year (2021-22) than in the entire previous fiscal year, data submitted in parliament shows.

Additionally, the data also shows that after showing a decreasing trend over the previous two financial years (2019-20 and 2020-21), the number of complaints received by the NCM this year (2021-22) may well show an increase.

According to the data provided by the Ministry of Minority Affairs in the Rajya Sabha, in response to a question by BJP MP Rakesh Sinha, shows that among the communities, the maximum number of complaints have been made by Sikhs, Buddhists and Parsis over the first eight months of this fiscal year. While the number of complaints from Sikhs stands at 115 (from 99 last year), those from Buddhists have touched 35 (as against 28) and of Parsis has reached five (from two last year).

In the case of Muslims, the number of complaints has reached 864 as against 1,103 over the whole of last year. Likewise in the case of Christians, the figure stands at 88 in the first eight months of this year as compared to 103 over the whole of last year.

Likewise, the data provided as part of the reply by minorities affairs minister Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi, the total number of complaints had been showing a declining trend over the previous two financial years. From 1,871 complaints in 2018-19, the number dropped to 1,670 in 2019-20 and then further to 1,463 in 2020-21.

But in less than eight months of the current fiscal (until November 22, 2021), the data reveals that the number of complaints received by the commission has already reached 1,234. At the current rate (with over four months remaining for the end of this fiscal), the numbers may exceed the 1,463 complaints received last year.

Also read: US State Department Report: Extremist Hindu Groups Attacking Minorities in India

In his question, Sinha had asked for the number of complaints that the NCM received in 2018-2019, 2019- 2020 and in 2021; the classification of complaints received; and the nature of complaints.

In response to the query on the nature of complaints, the data provided by the minister revealed that in 2020-21 as many as five complaints on communal violence were received as against none under the category over the previous two years. Similarly, in the last fiscal, 119 complaints of land disputes were received as against zero in the previous two years. As per this data, no complaints of hate crime were received over the three years.

The maximum number of complaints fell into the category of “law and order matter” and “other routine complaints” over all three years. The data for the current fiscal in the matter of ‘nature of complaints’ has not been provided by the ministry.

In his written answer, Naqvi also said that as per its rules, regulations and procedures, when the NCM receives a complaint, it “either calls for a report from the concerned authority and summons them, if necessary, and thereafter makes suitable recommendations or forward the complaints to the appropriate authority(s) for taking necessary action”.

He added that “the complaints concluded as propaganda, false, frivolous, and anonymous are closed with the approval of the competent authority”. The minister also revealed that the NCM has conducted 115 hearings over the past three years to “enquire whether the complaints were genuine or false”.

‘Poor Implementation of RTI Act During Pandemic Affected Information Flow’: Report

A report released by Satark Nagrik Sangathan has revealed that defunct information commissions, huge vacancies and high pendency of cases have marked the implementation of RTI during the pandemic.

New Delhi: In the times of the COVID-19 pandemic when people have been looking up to the information commissions across the country for providing them assistance in getting information on all kinds of issues, ranging from availability of beds and essential medicines to government schemes and programmes, many of these panels have failed to live up to expectations, a report released by rights organisation Satark Nagrik Sangathan has revealed.

It was released on the occasion of the 16th anniversary of the implementation of the Right to Information (RTI) Act. On October 12, 2005, the first RTI was filed at a police station in Pune.

RTI during the pandemic

Talking to The Wire, RTI activist and co-founder of Satark Nagrik Sangathan, Anjali Bhardwaj said it had been 16 years now since the enactment of the RTI Act and it had proven to be so useful to the people, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic.

“People have found it to be an important tool since the need for information has been more than it has ever been – whether it has been about hospital beds, availability of essential drugs or even the schemes or programmes run by the government.”

So, she said that proper implementation of the RTI Act was very critical, especially in current times. “Since information commissions are supposed to ensure that people’s right to information is not violated, they have a very important role to play as well,” she added.

People stand in queue to visit a doctors clinic to get a medical certificate, during the ongoing COVID-19 nationwide lockdown, at Dharavi in Mumbai, Sunday, May 3, 2020. Photo: PTI.

However, Bhardwaj said, “It is very concerning when we see that at least three state information commissions are defunct right now. Also, there is a huge pendency of cases. Even now cases of 2015-16 are being heard in some of the commissions. Then what happens to the cases that are being filed when people need information that relates to life and liberty during the times of the COVID-19 pandemic? These are very important questions at the moment, particularly in view of the humanitarian crisis that has accompanied the pandemic.”

The report also referred to how during the deadly second wave of the pandemic, “in the absence of reliable information, scores of families ran from pillar to post looking for hospital beds with oxygen and ventilators”.

It added that “patients were compelled to purchase essential drugs at exorbitant prices in the black market as there was no way to know about the availability of stock of medicines in hospitals. The pandemic highlighted the urgent need for accurate and easy-to-access information on the availability of hospital beds, essential drugs and medical equipment like ventilators in health facilities. It underlined the significance of information dissemination related to relief measures announced by governments and where public money is being spent in the efforts to combat the pandemic,” the report said.

Also read: CIC to Now Deal With COVID-19 Related Cases Under ‘Life or Liberty Clause’ Within 48 Hours

It added that an assessment of the functioning of the information commissions revealed that 21 out of 29 commissions in the country did not hold a single hearing during the first stages of the national lockdown imposed in 2020.

“While the Central Information Commission and some state commissions used audio and video conferencing to hear and dispose cases, most commissions did not make provision for hearing even urgent matters,” the report said.

The report added that as relief and welfare programmes funded through public money became the sole lifeline of millions who suddenly lost income-earning opportunities after the lockdown was imposed to contain the spread of COVID-19, it became imperative that the poor and marginalised affected by the public health emergency had access to relevant information.

In such a scenario, it said, the role of information commissions became “crucial to ensure that people can obtain information on healthcare facilities, social security programmes and delivery of essential goods and services meant for those in distress”.

Defunct commissions, appeals, pendency and penalties

According to the report, titled Report Card on the Performance of Information Commissions in India, 2021, while three information commissions – of Jharkhand, Tripura and Meghalaya – remained completely defunct as no new commissioners were appointed as vacancies arose, another three commissions – of Nagaland, Manipur and Telangana – remained without a head as the posts of chief information commissioners remained vacant with them.

Overall, the report, which analysed the functioning of all the 29 information commissions in the country, including the Central Information Commission, said 1,56,309 appeals and complaints were registered between August 1, 2020 and June 30, 2021 by 25 information commissions for whom relevant information was available. During the same period, 1,35,979 cases were disposed by 27 commissions for whom information could be obtained.

Stating that the backlog of appeals and complaints has been steadily increasing in the information commissions, the report pointed out that 2,55,602 of these were pending on June 30, 2021 in the 26 information commissions, from which data was obtained.

The report also analysed the pendency and disposals by comparing them with the previous years. It said the 2019 assessment had found that as of March 31, 2019, a total of 2,18,347 appeals and complaints were pending in the 26 information commissions from which data was obtained.

Also read: It’s Been 15 Years Since RTI Act Was Passed, But Is it Really Working?

Using the average monthly disposal rate and the pendency in commissions, the report said the time it would take for an appeal or complaint to be disposed was computed. This analysis revealed that the Odisha state information commission would take six years and months months to dispose a matter. Thus it said, “a matter filed on July 1, 2021 would be disposed in the year 2028 at the current monthly rate of disposal!”

The report highlighted that the situation was more or less equally bad in several other states. In Goa SIC, it would take five years and eleven months, in Kerala four years and ten months and in West Bengal four years and seven months, it said. On the other hand, the estimated time required for disposal of an appeal or complaint in the Central Information Commission was one year and eleven months, and for the Maharashtra information commission, it was three years and six months. Overall, the assessment showed that 13 commissions would take over a year to dispose a matter.

The report also analysed the penalties imposed by information commissions and stated that in over 95% of the cases, the commissions did not impose penalties where they were imposable. Incidentally, the provision of imposing penalties of up to Rs 25,000 in public information officers was provided in the Act to dissuade the officers of public authorities from resorting to denying information when it should be provided as per the law.

Watch | Why PM-CARES Is a ‘Government Fund’ and Well Within RTI Purview

By insisting that it is a “public charitable trust” not related to government, the Narendra Modi government has made it clear that it fears public scrutiny.

While there is enough information already in the public domain to assert that PM-CARES Fund (Prime Minister’s Citizen Assistance and Relief in Emergency Situation Fund) is controlled by the Government of India, the Union government still wants to maintain that it is not. By insisting that it is a “public charitable trust” not related to government, the Narendra Modi government has made it clear that it fears public scrutiny.

Gaurav Vivek Bhatnagar of The Wire explains this issue in detail in this video.

Why PM-CARES Is a ‘Government Fund’ and Well Within RTI Purview

The Union government submitted before Delhi high court that PM CARES Fund is “not a fund of Government of India and the amount does not go in the Consolidated Fund of India”.

While there is enough information already in the public domain to assert that PM-CARES Fund (Prime Minister’s Citizen Assistance and Relief in Emergency Situation Fund) is controlled by the Government of India, the Union government still wants to maintain that it is not. By insisting that it is a “public charitable trust” not related to government, the Narendra Modi government has made it clear that it fears public scrutiny.

Among evidence to suggest why the PM-CARES Fund is one established and actively promoted by the Government of India are the following.

  1. Indian embassies abroad have been roped in for promoting the Fund.
  2. It has been given exemption under the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Amendment Act (FCRA).
  3. In the capacity of the Union government, it has reached out to and received contributions specifically for the Fund from corporates and public sector undertakings.
  4. Thousands of crores raised in the name of Fund have been spent on purchasing ventilators, oxygen cylinders, vaccines, among other things in the fight against COVID-19 using government machinery and resources.

Centre’s doublespeak

The Union government recently submitted before the Delhi high court that PM-CARES Fund was set up as a charitable trust and “it was not permissible to disclose third party information” pertaining to it.

The submission was made in response to a petition filed by Samyak Gangwal who demanded that the PM-CARES Fund be declared as ‘The State’ under Article 12 of the constitution. The petition has expressed dismay that despite the fact that the fund was set up by the Prime Minister and has him and other Union ministers as trustees, the government has claimed that it has no control over it.

On Wednesday, October 6, senior advocate Shyam Divan, appearing for the petitioner, referred to several instances where the vice-president, defence ministry and top functionaries of the government in their communication and appeals to employees and the public at large called the Fund a “national fund”, “set up by the Government of India” to combat distress situation.

Appearing for the Union government, an under-secretary at the PMO submitted that “irrespective of whether the trust is a “State” or other authority within the meaning of Article 12 of the Constitution of India and or whether it is a ‘public authority’ within the meaning of section 2[h] of Right to Information Act, Section 8 in general and that of provisions contained in sub section [e] and [j], in particular, of the Right to Information Act, it is not permissible to disclose third party information”.

Also read: ‘PM-CARES Not a Fund of Government of India’: Union Govt tells Delhi HC

On the other hand, the Union government had submitted in the past that the Fund is a body owned by, controlled by and established by the Government of India”.

Reacting to this doublespeak and attempts to not let the Fund come under the RTI Act, activist Commodore Lokesh Batra (Retd.), who had filed several applications to seek information about the contributions to and the spending through the PM-CARES Fund said, “The government machinery and manpower have been used for spending money through it.”

Centre’s patronage 

The government’s reluctance to reveal any information about the Fund under the RTI Act has been called into question, as the Fund, created on March 28, 2020 for the purpose of extending assistance during the Covid-19 pandemic, has been promoted by the Government of India and received huge donations.

The Union government has argued that the trust functions with transparency and its funds are audited by an auditor who is a chartered accountant from the panel prepared by the Comptroller and Auditor General of India (CAG).

Also read: Here’s a List of the Most Significant Contributions to the PM-CARES Fund

“To ensure transparency, the audited report is put on the official website of the trust along with the details of utilisation of funds received by the trust,” its reply in the court said, adding that all donations received by the trust were through online payments, cheques and/or demand drafts.

The PM-CARES Fund had earlier also released a copy of its trust deed on its website in December 2020, as per which, it was not created by or under the constitution or by any law made by the parliament.

With questions being raised around the spending of funds through PM-CARES, an evasive Union government has repeatedly insisted that it does not come under the RTI Act.

Indian embassies’ promotional calls 

Incidentally, Batra filed a large number of RTIs with Indian missions in 27 countries and they revealed that they promoted and publicised PM-CARES on their websites and social media platforms. It was soon after the launch of the Fund that Prime Minister Narendra Modi had on March 30, 2020 also held a video conference on COVID-19 with the heads of Indian embassies across the world.

A ministry of external affairs press release had then stated that he had “advised Heads of Mission to suitably publicise PM-CARES FUND, a public charitable trust, to mobilise donations from abroad”.

Batra’s subsequent queries about the Fund revealed that upon PM’s “advice” all the 27 embassies had publicised PM-CARES when embassies are not supposed to be doing so for charitable trusts.

National Disaster Response Fund ignored

While on the one hand, the government actively promoted PM-CARES, but it did not make commensurate efforts in promoting the National Disaster Response Fund (NDRF), information pertaining to which can be obtained through the RTI Act.

A recent response received by Batra to one of his pleas revealed that in the one year period from July 13, 2020 to July 19, 2021, the contribution received by NDRF from individuals, institutions and through funds raised by invoking corporate social responsibility was only Rs 81,115.

He asked why the government was not interested in publicising contributions to NDRF. This question also assumes significance since certain provisions of the National Disaster Management Act (NDMA) were also invoked by authorities during Covid-19 and since the NDRF contributions can also be used for welfare measures.

PM-CARES out of FCRA purview

Another key area which is being cited by RTI activists while demanding that PM-CARES be brought under the Act is that the government has given special status to the Fund on several occasions in the past.

Also read: PM-CARES Fund Exempted From FCRA, MHA Reveals Under RTI

They have been highlighting how after the amended FCRA came into force on September 29, 2020, in the midst of the pandemic, and despite the government’s claim that it was being made more stringent to provide greater transparency, control and accountability, the PM-CARES was exempted from its purview.

This was done despite PM-CARES being a ‘public charitable trust’ and received foreign funds.

Tax relief and CSR benefit 

Apart from this, the Union government has in the past also made enabling provisions to provide tax exemption relief to donations made to PM-CARES. Within days of the launch of the Fund, the finance ministry had through an Ordinance amended the provisions of the Income Tax Act to provide 100% tax relief to all donations.

Similarly, the ministry of corporate affairs had issued a notification to allow donations to be treated as CSR (corporate social responsibility). The notification had stated that “any contribution made by a Company to the PM-CARES Fund shall qualify as Corporate Social Responsibility or CSR..”. This had paved the way for public sector undertakings to make large donations to PM-CARES Fund.

Claiming that government machinery has all through promoted PM-CARES, Batra also averred as to how the announcement of its creation had clearly spelt out that the Union government controlled it as it said, “The Government of India has set up the Prime Minister’s Citizen Assistance and Relief in Emergency Situations Fund.”

Earlier, with respect to the Prime Minister’s National Relief Fund (PMNRF), the then chief information commissioner, Wajahat Habibullah had in 2007 stated in an order: “Since PMNRF information is held by the PMO as a public authority, they are obliged to share it with citizens under the RTI Act.”

As such, it is also argued that PM CARES should be treated similarly and be made answerable under the RTI Act.

PM-CARES took government heft in the name

Meanwhile, there are numerous responses to RTI applications that show that the PM-CARES Fund was utilised for the purchase of vaccines, oxygen and also ventilators during the pandemic. For making all these purchases, the government used its machinery, resources and personnel, just as it does for any other government scheme.

Also read: PMO Restricts MeitY From Revealing How PM CARES Got ‘gov.in’ Domain Name

When it came to ventilators, Batra said first the money was paid through public funds and later reimbursed by PM-CARES Fund. The activist had earlier also questioned how the Fund, despite being a charitable trust, had been given “http://pmcares.gov.in” domain name by the National Informatics Centre.

It was earlier also reported by The Wire that the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) had restrained the ministry of electronics and information technology (MeitY) from disclosing, in response to an application filed under the Right to Information Act (RTI), as to how the PM CARES Fund, set up at the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic last year, was granted the gov.in domain despite not being a public authority.