Rich Farmers, Global Plots, Local Stupidity

It’s an astonishing achievement of this government that it has united a huge and unlikely spectrum of social forces, including some traditional adversaries.

Cutting off water and electricity to lakhs of human beings, exposing them to serious health hazards by doing so, having police and paramilitary barricade them into cut-off zones while imposing dangerously insanitary conditions on them, making it almost impossible for journalists to reach the protesting farmers, punishing a group that has already seen perhaps 200 of its own die, many from hypothermia, in the past two months. Anywhere in the world this would be seen as barbaric and an assault on human rights and dignity.

But we, our government and ruling elite are preoccupied with far more pressing concerns. Such as how to smash the conspiracy of dreaded global terrorists Rihanna and Greta Thunberg aimed at defaming and humiliating the greatest nation on earth.

As fiction, that would insanely funny. As reality, it’s merely insane.

While all of this is shocking, it should not be surprising. Even those who bought the slogan minimal government, maximum governance should have figured it out by now. The real deal was government muscular maximus and maximal gory governance. What is worrying is the studied silence of so many otherwise articulate voices, some of whom have never failed to spring to the defence of power and cheerlead all such laws. You’d think even they would disapprove this everyday trashing of democracy.

Every single member of the Union cabinet knows what really stands in the way of a resolution to the ongoing farmer protests.

They know there was never any consultation with the farmers on the three laws – though the peasants were seeking it from the day they knew these were being promulgated as ordinances.

There was never any consultation with the states in the making of these laws – though agriculture is in the state list in the constitution. Nor was there any with opposition parties, or within parliament itself.

Bharatiya Janata Party leaders and Union cabinet members know there were no consultations – because they were never consulted themselves. Neither on this, nor on most other critical issues. Their task is to roll back the waves of the ocean when so ordered by their leader.

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So far, the waves seem to be doing better than the courtiers. Massive protests in Uttar Pradesh. Rakesh Tikait is a far more imposing figure today than he was before the government tried to demolish him. January 25 saw a very large farmers’ protest in Maharashtra. There were also significant ones in Rajasthan, in Karnataka – where tractor rallies were barred from entering Bengaluru – Andhra Pradesh and elsewhere. In Haryana, the government struggles to function in a state where the chief minister seems unable to attend public meetings.

In Punjab, almost every household identifies with the protestors – many itching to join them, some already in the process of doing so. For the urban local body polls due on February 14, the BJP struggled to find candidates. Those it does have – old faithfuls – are wary of using their own party symbol. Meanwhile, an entire generation of youth in the state has been alienated, with very serious implications for the future.

It’s an astonishing achievement of this government that it has united a huge and unlikely spectrum of social forces, including some traditional adversaries like farmers and arthiyas (commission agents). Beyond that, it has also united Sikhs, Hindus, Muslims, Jats and non-Jats, even the khaps and the Khan Market crowd. Impressive.

But the now quiet voices spent two months assuring us this was “just about Punjab and Haryana”. No one else was affected. It didn’t really matter.

Funny. When last verified by a committee not appointed by the Supreme Court, both Punjab and Haryana were a part of the Indian Union. You’d think what happens there matters to all of us.

Those once-articulate voices also told us – and still do in more hushed tones – that these were all “rich farmers” resisting reforms.

Fascinating. The average monthly income of a farm household in Punjab according to the last NSS survey, was Rs 18,059. The average number of persons per agricultural household was 5.24. So monthly per capita income was about Rs 3,450. Lower than the lowest paid employee in the organised sector.

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Gee! Such wealth. The half was not told unto us. The corresponding figures for Haryana (farm household size 5.9 persons) was Rs 14,434 average monthly income and roughly Rs 2,450 per capita. Sure, these abysmal numbers still place them ahead of other Indian farmers. Such as those, for example, from Gujarat where the average monthly income of the agricultural household was Rs 7,926. With an average of 5.2 persons per agricultural household, that’s a monthly per capita of Rs 1,524.

The all-India average for the monthly income of an agricultural household was Rs 6,426 (about Rs 1,300 per capita). By the way – all these average monthly figures include income from all sources. Not just from cultivation, but also from livestock, non-farm business and income from wages and salaries.

This is the condition of the Indian farmer as recorded in the National Sample Survey 70th round ‘Key Indicators of Situation of Agricultural Households in India’ (2013). And remember the government has pledged to double those farmers’ incomes by 2022 – in the next 12 months. A tough task, which makes the disruptive interference of the Rihannas and the Thunbergs that much more annoying.

United Hindu Front supporters burn posters of international activists and celebrities, who supported the ongoing farmers protest against the new farm laws, at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi, Thursday, Feb. 4, 2021. Photo: PTI

Oh, those rich farmers at Delhi’s borders, who sleep in metal trolleys in temperatures of 2 degrees Celsius or less, who bathe in the open in 5-6 degrees – they’ve certainly improved my appreciation of the Indian rich. They’re a hardier lot than we thought.

Meanwhile, the Committee appointed by the Supreme Court to talk to the farmers, seems unable to talk to itself coherently – one of its four members quit before its first meeting. As for talking to the actual protestors, that has happened not at all.

On March 12, the Supreme Court-appointed committee will have exhausted its two-month mandate (about the maximum life span of insect pollinators so crucial to agriculture). The committee will by then have a long list of people they did not speak to, and a longer list of people who would not speak to them. And perhaps a short list of those they should never have spoken to.

Every attempt to bully and intimidate the protesting farmers has seen their numbers swell and grow. Every act aimed at discrediting them has gained great traction in the establishment’s captive media – but achieved the reverse on the ground. The scary thing is that this will in no way deter this government from intensifying those efforts which will get more authoritarian, physical, and brutal.

Many in the corporate media know, and many within the BJP know even better, that perhaps the most insurmountable hurdle in this dispute is personal ego. Not policy, not even that promises made to the richest corporations have to be kept (they surely will be, some day). Not the sanctity of the laws (which by the government’s own admission could do with multiple amendments). Just that the king can do no wrong. And admitting to a mistake and worse, retreating from it, is unthinkable. So, no matter if every single farmer in the country is alienated – the leader cannot be wrong, cannot lose face. I find not a single editorial in the large dailies even whispering this, though they know it is true.

How important is ego in this mess? Consider the response to a simple tweet by a rhythm and blues star on the internet shutdowns: “Why aren’t we talking about this?” But the debate around it descends to the Ministry of External Affairs leading kamikaze counter-terrorism heroics on the matter, inspiring a patriotic Celebrity Light Brigade to make its own cyber charge. (Into the Digital Valley of Doom, where tweets volleyed and thundered, undeterred by the rising gloom, rode the noble Six Hundred.)

The original offending tweet, in simply wondering why we’re not talking about this, took no explicit stand or side – unlike statements from the IMF’s chief economist and director of communications both of whom have publicly praised the farm laws (while adding ‘cautions’ about ‘safety nets’ – with all the sincerity of nicotine peddlers in the statutory warnings they stamp on their cigarette packs).

Nope, an R&B artist and an 18-year-old schoolgirl climate activist are obviously the dangerous ones here, to be dealt with firmly and uncompromisingly. It’s reassuring to know the Delhi police are on the job. And if they move beyond global conspiracy to discover an extra-terrestrial dimension to the plot – today the globe, tomorrow the galaxy – I shall not be amongst those who mock them. As one of my favourite sayings floating about the net goes: “The surest proof of the existence of extra-terrestrial intelligence, is that they’ve left us alone.”

P. Sainath is founder editor of the People’s Archive of Rural India.

Ministers Are Celebrating the ‘Prosperity’ of a Farmer Who Earns One-Fourth the Minimum Wage

Breaking down the controversy around a Chhattisgarh farmer whose income was reportedly doubled due to the Modi government’s policies.

New Delhi: In June, Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke to farmers in Chhattisgarh via teleconferencing. A woman, Chandramani Kaushik from Kanker in Kanharpuri, told him that due to his policies, her income had doubled. A few days later, ABP news met the woman, and she retracted her earlier statement, saying that her income hadn’t doubled and she was tutored to say that it had. A few days after that, a Times of India (ToI) report with no author and a My Nation report with an author weighed in on the confusion.

TOI quoted ‘government sources’ who said that Kaushik’s income had doubled as a result of ‘value addition’ from sitaphal farming. The ‘government source’ called ABP’s report ‘fake news’ and also pointed – remaining anonymous all this while – TOI to a series of tweets by Union ministers Nirmala Sitharaman and Rajyavardhan Rathore. The tweets quote the My Nation report which starts by claiming that a ‘happy and prosperous farmer is an eye sore for certain sections of the intelligentsia and the media’. Then, it quotes Kaushik saying, “I had told the Prime Minister about doubling my income by processing the pulp of sitafal. They (ABP) are talking about agriculture, but I had said that pulp processing led to doubling of my income.”

After this, ABP went back to Kaushik and asked how her income had doubled from sitafal pulp processing. She claimed that she earns Rs 700 a day by processing sitafal pulp, and this income is what she was referring to when she said her income had doubled (she had mentioned the Rs 700 figure to Modi also).

The back and forth between ABP news on the one hand and Union ministers, ToI, ‘government sources’ and My Nation on the other, also contained a difference of opinion on whether Kaushik’s income from paddy had gone up or whether she grew paddy at all. But even if we ignore the paddy debate and stick to the economics of sitafal, the ‘income doubling’ claim poses certain challenges.

Kaushik mentioned to both Modi and ABP news that her income from sitafal was Rs 700 a day. But she later revealed to ABP that that amount is divided among the 12 members of her self-help group. This leaves Kaushik with an income of Rs 58 per day, or Rs 1,740 per month. That is only 25% of the minimum wage of Rs 237 per day that the Chhattisgarh government prescribes for agricultural labourers. It is less than half of the extreme poverty line set by the World Bank at $1.9, or Rs 130, per day.

It is difficult to imagine in which scenario a farmer who earns Rs 58 a day can be called a ‘happy and prosperous’ farmer. It is also baffling that Union ministers are celebrating the story of a farmer who earns a fourth of the daily minimum wage and less than half of what the World Bank describes as the extreme poverty line.

In its second report on the issue, ABP also met with some other women who are part of self-help groups in Kanker, who were confused by Kaushik’s claim that her income had doubled. “We have put in money from our pockets and in the last five years, we have not even recovered that from sitafal pulp,” one of the women said. “I don’t know what Chandramani is talking about. There is absolutely no profit,” the other woman said.

When ABP went back to Kaushik and asked her about the comments of other members of the self-help group, she was quiet.

Now, according to Rajkumar Gupta of the Chhattisgarh Pragatisheel Kisan Sangathan, Kaushik is being kept under close watch by local BJP leaders and not being allowed to meet anyone. “Our organisation went to her house to meet her. Bu, we were stopped by local BJP leaders and despite repeated attempts we were not allowed to meet her,” Gupta told The Wire. The Wire was not able to verify this claim.

It is clear that the government has identified agrarian distress as one of its main challenges leading up to the Lok Sabha polls of 2019 and the assembly elections to be held in four states, including Chhattisgarh, this year. One of the key promises of this government was to double farmers’ incomes. It has set itself a deadline of 2022, but is keen on highlighting certain success stories of farmers who have already doubled their incomes due to the efforts of the Modi-led government. Kaushik’s story, it appears, was part of that effort. However, this particular instance was poorly choreographed.

Farm incomes across India have seen a significant downward stress in the last few years. The dire state of India’s rural economy is also highlighted by a recent Reserve Bank of India study which pointed out that real wages, adjusted for inflation, have declined since November 2014. In March 2018, as compared to March 2017, the real wage growth was -0.91%, implying that real wages in rural India had declined compared to the same time last year.

Between 2013-14 and 2017-18, the gross value added in agriculture has declined in absolute terms.

For the last two years, farmers across the country have been on the streets protesting against declining incomes and demanding that the government take corrective measures. Those demands remain unmet. It would seem obvious that the government has a task on its hands and it would be better off channelling its energies towards addressing the very real crisis facing agriculture, instead of deploying ‘government sources’ to debunk news reports that it does not like.