Scotland, Gaza and Afghanistan — Where have the Gods Gone?

I see the mangled faces and limbs of toddlers in Gaza in my dreams and all my education falls away from me like old paint from a crumbling edifice, writes the author.

Scotland

After the Scottish Macbeth murders the legitimate king, he looks for probable enemies, real or imagined.

Among them, MacDuff  tops his list.

Aware of the danger to his life, MacDuff goes to England, leaving his family behind.

The anarchist-fascist Macbeth nonetheless has his wife and all his children assassinated.

When this news reaches him, this is what he wonders:

“Did the heavens look on and not take their part?”

No voice returns an answer from heaven.

Gaza

How trenchantly MacDuff’s uncomprehending wonderment about the indifference of the gods has sprung to mind  during the course of the unimpeded turkey-shoot slaughter of women and children in Gaza.

In the Islamic context this bafflement is particularly piquant because (as a young teacher in my audience at a lecture delivered in Kashmir University some years ago underscored to me) good Muslims believe that not a leaf stirs without god’s will.

I remember suggesting to him that his argument would mean that all of Kashmir’s problems too had god’s assent;  I did not receive an answer, only a hushed surprise and chuckle down the perceptive audience.

So, who is to blame for the heart-wrenchingly unprecedented butchery in Gaza?

If not they, then where are the gods?

Afghanistan

We often think of death as the ultimate catastrophe.

But, think again.

Life-in-death may after all be the ultimate atrocity; reason why so many prefer to take their own lives rather than carry on living life-in-death?

Also read: ‘Zionism Is Not Judaism’: Lessons From Rabbi David Weiss

I am alluding to the women of Afghanistan who have now been forbidden to have their voices heard in public as per report.

All that in pursuit of “virtue” by god’s own men deputed to  combat “vice”.

And no vice may ever be combated except by viciousness in the extreme.

Afghan women are of course required to produce  babies, preferably all male, so god’s men can proliferate and keep the women back in life-in-death quarantine.

What makes this fate  hurtful terminally is the fact that all the Afghan women one has met have far exceeded their men in intelligence and prowess.

Looking at these puzzling circumstances among people who most fear and propitiate god, those other words from the Bard spring to the uninitiated, rude mind:

“as flies to wanton boys

are we to the gods;

they kill us  for their sport.”

And the gods we know are often men in unchallenged authority bolstered by the inordinate lust of dominance, cannily fuelled by corporate lucre and religious proprietorship.

I see the mangled faces and limbs of toddlers in Gaza in my dreams and all my education falls away from me like old paint from a crumbling edifice.

On this “teacher’s day” I feel more ignorant than  I did  affecting the act of teaching over more than four decades.

Badri Raina taught at Delhi University.

Whither, in the Name of Religion, Goes the Voice of Reason?

There are many examples which make it difficult to reconcile the contradictory ideas of a person as a rational being and as one driven by (mostly blind) faith.

A study by the Centre for Social Impact and Philanthropy, Ashoka University, has revealed that Indians donate far more to religious organisations than non-religious ones.

Though this report in The Wire says that ‘religious beliefs’ dominate as a motivating factor for making these donations, Swati Shresth, the co-author of the study, notes that it is difficult to frame the nature of ‘religious beliefs’ as one that is restricted to religious institutions like temples, mosques, etc. What needs to be noted is that the idea of godhood being central to such institutions ropes in the element of faith quite strongly in a person.

Religious belief, according to Shresth, requires a more inclusive understanding that “can also include matters of faith and belief which are greater than religion, societal norms or learned behaviour”. But such an inclusive understanding can pose difficulty in reconciling the contradictory ideas of a man or a woman as a rational being and as one driven by (mostly blind) faith as the following examples illustrate.

A village in Uttar Pradesh, during the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2021, had set up a temple for “goddess corona” and prayers were being offered in the hope that divine intervention could ward off the disease. In a similar episode, Kamatchipuri Adhinam, a temple in Coimbatore, consecrated a “Corona Devi”, a black stone idol, for similar reasons.

The creation of a new goddess reminds one of the Hindi film OMG: Oh My God!, written and directed by Umesh Shukla, where a new god is created out of an ordinary mortal Kanji, a character in the film. The film also shows the role of scheming godmen in this act of creating a new god through their propaganda machinery and how they make money, collected as donations, in the process.

This illustrates how easy it is to make people have faith in the very idea of godhood. Sometimes such faith is generated by instilling a sense of fear among people and, in some cases and circumstances, enabling the dealers of faith to amass wealth and acquire a certain status (as babas, gurus and sadhus) in the name of god.

Also Read: Why Religion Is Here to Stay and Science Won’t Destroy It

The irony of religious belief and reason

One can be dismissive about such a phenomenon by blaming the gullibility of the ignorant people who fall prey to the faith industry. But how does one account for a similar kind of belief among people whose very education and profession demand an exercise of reason to a high degree?

A few years back I had gone to a corporate hospital, early in the morning, to meet a friend who had been admitted. There was a statue of Lord Ganesha at the entrance of the hospital. I was witness to some of the doctors arriving for their duty bowing down their heads and praying before the statue. Is this act a “societal norm” or a “learned behaviour” – that the co-author of the study suggests should be included in the expanded understanding of ‘religious beliefs’?

My philosophical impulse, triggered by this sight of doctors praying before god, prompted me to pose a question to myself: What does a doctor pray for before duty?

One response from the doctor to this question could be imagined: “I should be doing well in my professional engagement today. Please bless me, O Lord.” Suppose god heeds her words. So being the beneficiary of god’s benevolence would mean more patients for the doctor. This naturally implies that god, as an agent, should inflict misery, in terms of illness, on some souls.

The irony of the matter here is that some of these souls could also be devotees of the same god praying for good health. How would god decide? Who would be favoured? Whose prayers would be answered? Will god not be charged with favouritism?

As such a response appears to be making god open to crude charges; it may perhaps lead one to imagine and make room for some other moderate, finer interpretation and a better sense of the doctor’s prayer along the following lines. In defence of prayer, it can be said she prays for the strength and wisdom to treat the patients throughout the day.

This expression of convoluted defence of prayer to god leaves one with any rational sensibilities completely perplexed. For, why should god engage himself in such a roundabout fashion to deliver health to the patients? If god as an omnipotent being has the power, then that being could as well have directly prevented any soul to be afflicted by a disease.

This apparently benign interpretation of prayer, therefore, will not relieve the frustration of the defender of god when countered by the rationalist.

Any person with rational sensibilities would need an answer to all the above questions.

Representative image. Illustration: The Wire

Faith and religion

The fundamental and uncomfortable larger questions that reasonably arise in such a context are: what is the legitimacy of religion in general? What is the basis of belief in god that is so central to religion? But what is so disconcerting is that these fundamental questions, which are so obvious, are just ignored and brushed under the carpet by many believers.

Even if the believer cares to answer them, the arguments she resorts to are utterly fallacious and unsound, amounting to what can be termed as rationalising the irrational. In the process, she insults her rational sensibilities or, it could be that she wants to preserve the entrenched faith that prevents her from exercising her rational capacity.

These are questions of meaning and foundation of religion on which it is difficult to speak, but impossible to remain silent. It is sensitive to raise such questions on religion that is held to be sacred. Speaking against it is considered blasphemy. And that is the difficulty.

The other difficulty is the danger of having to face the ire of people who run this faith industry, selling the idea of godhood as a product and the associated rituals that come along with it. Any rational voice that is raised against it is silenced.

The killing of Narendra Dabholkar is a grim reminder of speaking against irrational religious beliefs. To remain silent is impossible because the irrational beliefs that religion espouses go against reasoning and compromise the value of reason.

Also read: How Bhagat Singh and Narendra Dabholkar Argued for the Valuelessness of Religion

Why is it that a person who is generally willing to draw upon reason and experience in his day-to-day matters shies away from doing so when it comes to issues of religion and the existence of god? It is here that another point strongly merits consideration.

Historically, religion throughout the world has grown into an institution which brings diverse sociological, psychological and political factors into play. The peculiar interplay of these has continued to keep the phenomenon of religion sustained to this day. What makes this interplay possible is faith.

Religious authorities deploy their rhetorical skills in harping that it is faith and not reason that becomes important in such matters. Believers (call them naïve believers or andh bhakts, a term that is popular in this country) are conditioned psychologically to cultivate faith and thereby come to accept the view that religious matters are faith-driven and cannot be reasoned about.

The uncertainties of life give rise to a feeling of insecurity and helplessness and thus the human being is more disposed to believe things that give him some comfort than the mode of thinking along rationalistic lines.

A tendency like this has spawned a faith industry where the gullible are induced to submit in the hope of better material life. Such an industry takes its shape in various forms in terms of offering its products, like appeasement rituals in temples, death ceremonies in which expensive daksinas (offerings) have to be given, astrological consultancy and the list can go on. People have to stand in queues or book their orders to make offerings to gods and various celestial objects in the hope of warding off evil.

That religion has become a business where there are well-packaged products available is something that believers refuse to see. Such an example of commercialisation can be seen in temples where there is a long list of offerings with price tags called sevas (particularly in temples of southern India) displayed at the entrance, usually a large display board.

Devotees are ready to buy these service packages to secure special blessings from god. Is the donation to religious organisations to be construed, in some form, as buying such packages and blessings?

It is this tendency of the common man and woman to subscribe to a faith that religious institutions exploit unabashedly. The question that arises in this context is, whether the person making a donation to a religious institution is a rational human being or a person of faith or one in whom such contradictory dispositions exist. Does the expanded and inclusive understanding of ‘religious belief’, as the co-author of the study opines, to some extent, bridge the contradiction?

Matters of faith, nevertheless, remain too sensitive to be touched by reason and rationality. Thanks to faith that such irrational beliefs are held by the naive to the advantage of devious opportunists to further their commercial interests.

S.K. Arun Murthy has taught philosophy in the Humanities and the Social Sciences department, Indian Institute of Science Education and Research, Mohali, Punjab.

Should Faith Be Certified by an Official Bureau, or Be a Felt Experience?

It is an impoverishing thing to seek to reduce Hinduism to a monochromatic imperative dictated by the politics of the day.

Human history pretty much everywhere evidences periods of intellectual openness alternating with periods of closure and cultural shrinkage.

In passing, the shrinkage can happen within both right-wing and left-wing totalitarianism.

The Indian freedom movement caused an efflorescence of ideas and an unhindered expression of views, however antagonistic to any dominant influence – including that of Mahatma Gandhi.

Barring the 19 months of internal Emergency during the mid-seventies, that lumbering and often gauche and noisy openness continued to mark India’s admirable experiment with democracy.

The India of the last decade or so, however, clearly has been one of intellectual shrinkage.

As the philosopher of culture, Mikhail Bakhtin, who formulated his cultural theses during the Stalinist era, would have put it, our days are not those of heteroglossia (meaning a fearless flow of tongues characterised by a centrifugal abundance, such as inform a genuine democratic order) but of monologism (meaning a collapse into a centripetal dogma that forbids the effulgence of free human expression, a reduction that suits an authoritarian politics).

Also read: TMC’s Condemnation of Mahua Moitra’s Comments on Kali Has Party Supporters Perplexed

For example, when it comes to religions, we are coerced to say they are not dynamic formations but fixed things – fixed, that is, by the political authority of the day.

Thus, regardless of the fascinating history of the ideological nature of representations, be it in theological productions or in the archive of creative arts, the hegemony of closure requires us to see our gods and goddesses only in forms sanctioned by the political pulpit.

That’s not to speak of the content of religious contentions across the world. Only that which the Neros of the day certify to be so must pass for the truth, often on pain of death..

One has only to study the history of the Christian faith and of the Christian church (inter-alia, the history of all religions) from early times to the Puritan-driven US to recognise how religious things have been as prone to make and break as any other constructs of collective human existence.

The Mahua Moitra controversy

Apropos the controversy surrounding what Mahua Moitra has said of how the worship of goddess Kaali is performed in Sikkim, Bhutan, parts of Bengal, or indeed how devotees in various locations have through the ages envisaged the shape and contours of the deities they have worshipped, consider the following instructive vignette from Christian history.

At a time when the Catholic Church was the dominant ideological lawmaker in Europe, teaching chiefly how all of mankind had fallen into sin because of the “disobedience” of Adam and Eve in Paradise, a thirteenth century painter drew a picture of the creation of Adam in a way in which Adam is shown to be a miserable, dithering midget with God looming over him several fold.

Leap some two centuries or so into European history, and you find the same theme depicted by Michelangelo in his celebrated ‘The Creation of Adam’ across the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel in Rome. This time God and Adam are drawn of equal stature with the height of their heads level with one another, and this Adam is muscular and bewitching.

So I ask the Bureau of Certification: which of the two Adams depicts the reality of his creation? And which of the two representations of God are we to think is the authentic one?

Also read: Mahua Moitra Says People Can Imagine Gods as They Like, Rattled TMC Distances Itself

The analysable fact is that during those 200 years, Europe was to undergo a Renaissance – both of ideas and material productions – and human beings, in their effulgent creativity, could no longer be considered mere dithering midgets cowering for salvation under a forbiddingly looming god.

An era of colonial expansion and conquest, and developing capitalism had done the trick, thank you, obliging gods and men to appear in altered contours to the polity.

I once asked a Swamiji, a truly spiritual and wise humanist, whom I felt great affection for, as to how I could be certain that our gods and goddesses looked as they were depicted in photos, posters etc.

The Swamiji said to me that these representations had come down to us through time, that no saint, however ancient, had ever claimed to have actually seen our gods or goddesses, but that an imaginative consolidation of representations had made the images we see stand for their tangible persona.

The Swamiji, of course, went on to say that what matters is not the image we worship, but our seeking after a perfection that we call god. Our state of progress in that quest then dictates whether or not we need the images for our spiritual focus, or whether we are able to internalise that perfection as a felt reality.

As to what Mahua Moitra has said about the goddess Kaali, (importantly, far from endorsing it, she made no comment whatsoever on Leena Manimekalai’s depiction of the Kaali persona in her documentary) no one from the ruling BJP has yet contradicted the factual status of her averment – namely, of how Kaali is worshipped in specific locations.

Indeed, some knowledgeable commentators have bemoaned that in washing their hands off her, the Trinamool Congress has surrendered the truth of local culture to the clout of a central diktat.

I may, as a Kashmiri Pandit, share my memories of how we used to visit the Bhadrakali shrine up on a hill in a dense forest, some 10 kilometres form Handwara, on the ninth day of Durga Puja, conduct an animal sacrifice, twirl the lung and the trachea to shouts of “teelo taalo” for the kites to come and consume the oblation.

The shrine, now managed and protected by the army, is still there, and devotees continue to visit it.

As Shashi Tharoor has said, the diversity of representations, of rituals, of forms of worship that have existed in Hinduism remain unmatched by any other faith. It is an impoverishing thing to seek to reduce the faith to a monochromatic imperative dictated by the politics of the day.

Also read: ‘My Kaali Is Deeply Rooted in Tribal Folklore’: Leena Manimekalai Defends Film Poster

Indeed, even within one and the same festival celebrating one and the same god/deity , differences of culinary practices continue to exist. While, for example, many Pandits are required to cook fish and mutton to propitiate Shiva and Parvati on Shivratri, some observe the worship as a vegetarian one, although they consume non-vegetarian food on other days.

As to how we visualise our gods, what is one to say of the legend of one Dhanna Jat, a peasant, who, crossing a stream one day, came to be convinced that the shapely stone he saw in the water was Shiva, took it home, installed it, and for the rest of his days, worshipped it, talked to it, quarrelled with it, and fed it before he ate a morsel himself.

How is this to be explained except as a phenomenon in which religious practices over the conditioning influences of history come to be assimilated into the larger ambit of overarching culture?

So we ask the question: does Hinduism best flourish in this unique plurality of representations, beliefs and practices, or should we seek to emulate the “other” whom we never tire of berating as single-mindedly fanatic?

Is it, for example, even possible, let alone desirable, to seek to foist an Aryan construction of Ravana on the overwhelming majority of Hindus who reside below the Vindhyas?

Indeed, which of the several versions of the Ram Katha may we proffer as corresponding to the “truth” of the tale, and on what grounds?

That is the India that Mahua Moitra was underscoring.

In referring to a specific form of Kaali worship that exists in Sikkim, Bhutan, Bengal, and I may add, Kashmir, she was offering a gloss on the complexities of a faith which she holds dear, and of a worship she practices as a devotee of the goddess.

There is thus a zero correspondence between Nupur-speak and what Mahua Moitra said: the former denigrated the one and only prophet of a faith which is not her own, the latter simply gave expression to a particular form in which the goddess she worships is propitiated in Bengal and elsewhere.

Mahua Moitra did not hurt any sentiments, except of some political adversaries who now seek an unquestioned overlordship of the universe of Hinduism in order to facilitate the implementation of their theory of state.

Badri Raina taught at Delhi University.

Faith or Reason: Are the Judicial Victories of Hindutva Accidental?

The double standards employed by Hindutva organisations is not new to Indian politics. But what is newer and more disturbing is the internalisation of this double standard by the higher judiciary.

Even though Hindutva organisations in India no longer need any institutional or constitutional endorsement of their actions or claims over history and the future, they use a combination of scientific rationality and majoritarianism to subdue and subjugate contesting claims.

They use scientific rationality to paint some of the customs and traditions of Muslims – like triple talaq and the practice of wearing hijab – as barbaric or backward. They also employ arguments of modernity and democracy, gender justice and liberating women from the clutches of the clergy and a conservative community.

They unhesitatingly make use of figures like B.R. Ambedkar, modern science and even the constitution to further their arguments – showing no sense of ambiguity. The counter questions on why the same principles are not applied to Hindu practices are either evaded or deemed to be ‘partisan’.

To protect Hindu or Brahmanical practises that are considered patriarchal, conservative, casteist or discriminatory from the gaze of secular law and other modern values, Hindutva groups advance the argument of faith over reason. Or they take shelter in the interpretation of the constitutional safeguard of innate religious freedom against external intervention, including the state and constitutional values.

The double standard of the Hindutva organisations is not new to Indian politics. They have been there since independence and have gained currency over the years. But what is newer and more disturbing is the internalisation of this double standard by the higher judiciary – especially over the past decade.

Take, for example, the recent judgment by the three-judge bench of the Karnataka high court banning the hijab in classrooms. The fundamental legal premises under which the bench pursued its reasoning was twofold.

One, wearing a hijab is not an essential religious practice of Islam and the right to conscience is not established by the averments made by the petitioners.

The second line of reasoning was a blatant endorsement of prejudices about the practice of wearing a hijab – that it constrains freedom and that the state is furthering the cause of secularism by imposing a uniform dress code in educational institutions. So much so that the court privileged the promotion of uniformity in these institutions over the continuation of education itself.

While the court showed its reluctance to apply the same principle to the turban, kumkum and other markers of different religions, it refused to consider the parallel in a judgment of a South African court which allowed the sporting of a nose stud along with the prescribed uniform. The strange logic offered by the court not to consider the example was that the nose stud was ocularly insignificant compared to the hijab.

Thus in the hijab case, the court accepted and improved on the principles of secularism and uniformity as advanced by the BJP government and the Hindutva forces – which in essence denied Muslim girls the right to wear hijab either as an essential practice of Islam or as the right to conscience of the individual.

A hijab-wearing student walks past a worker painting a wall to conceal a pro-hijab slogan written on the wall, outside a college, in Hospet, March 16, 2022. Photo: PTI

Consider the irony in the Sabarimala case. When the top court used principles like secularism, gender justice and modernity to rule that the temple’s practice of denying entry to menstruating women was discriminatory, the Hindutva organisations defied the judgment and called for open rebellion by devotees. Subsequently, the Supreme Court readily agreed to reconsider its judgment and constituted a seven-judge bench to look into the judicial boundaries in defining essential religious practices and other matters related to religion.

Let us also compare how the higher judiciary considered the case for the right to conscience in the hijab case and the Ayodhya title case.

In the hijab case, the three-judge bench of the Karnataka HC declared:

“…Conscience is by its very nature subjective. Whether the petitioners had the conscience of the kind and how they developed it are not averred in the petition with material particulars. Merely stating that wearing hijab is an overt act of conscience and therefore, asking them to remove hijab would offend conscience, would not be sufficient for treating it as a ground for granting relief… No material is placed before us for evaluation and determination of pleaded conscience of the petitioners. They have not averred anything as to how they associate wearing hijab with their conscience, as an overt act. There is no evidence that the petitioners chose to wear their headscarf as a means of conveying any thought or belief on their part or as a means of symbolic expression.

Pleadings at least for urging the ground of conscience are perfunctory, to say the least.”

Thus, in the case of the hijab, the Muslim girls’ averments were not enough to uphold their right to conscience. The principle followed was that the petitioners should satisfy judges’ “evaluation and determination”. The judge is not the believer. But the court.

Also Read: Hijab Ban: The Marriage of Convenience Between Zealotry and Judicial Illogic

On the other hand, in the Ayodhya judgement, the five-judge bench of the Supreme Court suggested:

“…Matters of faith and belief lie in the personal realm of the believer. That which sustains solace to the soul is inscrutable. Whether a belief is justified lies beyond ken of judicial inquiry. This is not a case where the witness statements indicate that the belief or faith is a veneer or that it is being put- forth merely as a strategy in a litigation. Once the witnesses have deposed to the basis of the belief and there is nothing to doubt its genuineness, it is not open to the court to question the basis of the belief. Scriptural interpretations are susceptible to a multitude of inferences. The court would do well not to step into the pulpit by adjudging which, if any, of competing interpretations should be accepted. Faith is a matter for the individual believer.” [Emphasis supplied]

Here, the court is so liberal that it imposes boundaries and prohibits itself from transgressing into the domain of individual faith! Further, unlike in the hijab case, it does not demand any additional evidence to “evaluate and determine” the conscience or faith of the believer. It says:

“… Once the court has intrinsic material to accept that the faith or the belief is genuine and not a pretence, it must defer to the belief of the worshipper. This, we must do well to recognise, applies across the spectrum of religions and their texts, Hinduism and Islam being among them. The value of a secular constitution lies in a tradition of equal deference.”

How is it that in the Ayodhya case, where the petitioner is a Hindu devotee, the court only examines the genuineness of the faith and defers to the belief of the worshipper, whereas in the hijab case, the same principle is not extended?

How is it that in the Ayodhya case, even after considering ample archaeological evidence and proof which suggested otherwise, the court upheld the claims of the Hindus by privileging faith over reason, whereas in the hijab case, faith was dismissed as backward, non-secular and against the progress of the country?

A lawyer reacts as he displays a religious flag during celebrations after Supreme Court’s verdict on the Ayodhya land dispute, outside the court in New Delhi on November 9, 2019. Photo: Reuters/Adnan Abidi

How is it that the verdicts in both cases advanced the agenda of the Hindu right and denied the constitutional rights of minorities? This does not seem to be an aberration.

The privileging of faith over reason in the Ayodhya judgment by the SC has helped the Hindutva forces make new claims by openly subverting the spirit of the Places of Worship Act in many states.

In a separate case, a single-judge bench of the Karnataka high court applied the same principles in upholding the claims of a Hindu organisation to observe Hindu rituals in the Bababudan Swamy Dargah on the basis of the “genuineness of the faith” of petitioners. Thus, the judgment declared:

“… Article 25 of the Constitution guarantees Freedom of Conscience and free profession, practice and propagation of religion. By the impugned order, firstly, the State have infringed upon the right of Hindu Community to have the pooja and archana done in the manner as per their faith..”

Not only this, the judgment quoted a full paragraph of the Ayodhya judgment in justifying the Hindu claims, which was not backed by any evidence. Thus it said:

“..The Constitution Bench of the Hon’ble Supreme Court of India, in M.Siddique Vs. Mahanth Suresh Das, the Ram Janma Bhumi Temple case has held that faith is a matter for the individual believer. Once the Court has intrinsic material to accept that the faith or belief is genuine, it must defer to the belief of the worshipper.”

After the SCs decision to admit a number of petitions challenging the very Places Of Worship Act and its dilution in the Gyanvapi mosque case – where the SC declared that the law does not prohibit ascertaining the religious nature of the disputed shrines, the Hindutva forces are celebrating these developments as judicial endorsement of their agenda.

Thus, even though, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat promises that his organisation will not participate in any temple movements, he has reiterated, “Muslim invaders destroyed thousands of temples and constructed mosques over it.”

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RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat. Photo: PTI/Atul Yadav

Taking a cue from that statement, senior BJP leader and ex-Karnataka minister K.S. Eshwarappa has declared that there are more than 36,000 mosques in the country built over temples. And that the Muslims of today should not take the side of the invaders of the 15th century and hand over all of them to Hindus and only then peace and harmony would prevail.

Even as the hijab hearings were going on in the courts, the interim order which banned the hijab and saffron shawls – but not other religious markers like kumkum – in classrooms was blatantly misused by the government and private institutions by misinterpreting the order as universal and applicable to even teaching staff.

When this was brought to the notice of the court, the judges were reluctant to even hear the plea or specify their order and seemed satisfied by the oral promise made by the advocate general representing the government. Now, when the hijab ban is justified as an act of upholding secularism, even universities in Karnataka – which did not have any dress code hitherto – have started to ban the hijab on campus. Just a few days ago, girls wearing the hijab were denied entry to Mangalore University.

The double standards have also become evident in the bail hearings of Umar Khalid. While the court resorted to surgical anatomy of the word “jumla” and “Inquilab Zindabad” used by Khalid to find if there was a hidden anti-national agenda, it said slogans like “Goli Maro..” – used by prominent BJP leaders – cannot be considered hate speech if they were uttered with a “smiling face”.

Thus, whether it is a case of faith or a claim based on “evidence”, the Hindutva narrative emerges victorious. It is neither accidental nor coincidental. It is part of the structural changes that the Indian state is undergoing. The culpability of the liberal judiciary in the rise of fascism is documented in contemporary history. But when history repeats, it’s not only tragic but also a testament to the collective failure to learn from history.

Shivasundar is a senior columnist and activist in Karnataka.

India to Allow Foreign Tourists Travelling by Chartered Flights from Oct 15, Rest from Nov 15

The Union Home Ministry, on Thursday, announced that they have decided to begin granting fresh tourist visas for foreigners coming to India through chartered flights with effect from October 15, 2021

New Delhi: India has decided to allow foreign tourists into the country, beginning by granting tourist visas to those travelling by chartered flights from October 15 and those by regular planes from November 15.

The Union Home Ministry, on Thursday, announced that with this, the restrictions placed on visa and international travel since March 2020 due to the coronavirus pandemic stand further eased given the present overall pandemic situation.

After considering various inputs, the ministry has decided to begin granting of fresh tourist visas for foreigners coming to India through chartered flights with effect from October 15, 2021, a home ministry statement said.

Foreign tourists entering into India by flights other than chartered aircraft would be able to do so only with effect from November 15, 2021 on fresh tourist visas.

Also Read: No More UK Quarantine for Indians Vaccinated With Both Doses of Covishield

All due protocols and norms relating to COVID-19 as notified by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare from time to time shall be adhered to by the foreign tourists, carriers bringing them to India and all other stakeholders at landing stations, the statement said.

Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, all visas granted to foreigners were suspended last year.

Various other restrictions were also imposed on international travel by the central government to arrest the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic.

After considering the evolving COVID-19 situation, foreigners were later on allowed to avail any kind of Indian visa other than tourist visa for entry and stay in India.

However, the Home Ministry had been receiving representations from several state governments as well as various stakeholders in the tourism sector to start tourist visas also to allow foreign tourists to come to India.

Therefore, the Home Ministry consulted all major stakeholders like the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, Ministry of External Affairs, Ministry of Civil Aviation, Ministry of Tourism and various state governments where foreign tourists are expected to arrive and took the decision, the statement said.

FAITH, the apex body of Indian tourism industry, thanked the government for the resumption of e-visas for foreign tourists.

“We look forward to a healthy start to inbound tourism and given no third wave hope all countries encourage visitation,” said Nakul Anand, the chairman of the Federation of Associations in Indian Tourism and Hospitality (FAITH).

Sikh US Marine Allowed to Wear Turban but With Limitations May Sue Corps: Report

When First Lieutenant Sukhbir Toor was promoted to Captain, he decided to appeal to the court. He is the first man in the 246-year history of the Marine Corps to partially be allowed to wear a turban.

New York: A 26-year-old Sikh-American officer in the US Marines who has been allowed to wear the turban, but with a few limitations, plans to sue the Corps if he is not granted full religious accommodation, according to a media report. He is the first person in the 246-year history of the elite force to be allowed to do so.

Almost every morning for five years, First Lieutenant  Sukhbir Toor has pulled on the uniform of the United States Marine Corps. On Thursday, he also got to put on the turban of a faithful Sikh, a report in The New York Times said.

Toor’s turban is a first in the 246-year history of the Marine Corps, which has almost never allowed deviations from its hallowed image, the NYT report said.

“I finally don’t have to pick which life I want to commit to, my faith or my country. I can be who I am and honour both sides,” Toor said in an interview.

When Toor was promoted as Captain this spring, he decided to appeal.

Also Read: Why the US Military Usually Punishes Misconduct but Police Often Close Ranks

“Toor’s case is the latest in a long-running conflict between two fundamental values in the United States Military: the tradition of discipline and uniformity, and the constitutional liberties the armed forces were created to defend,” the NYT said.

However, Toor, who grew up in Washington and Ohio and is the son of Indian immigrants, has been allowed to wear the Turban while on duty with limitations. He “can wear a turban in daily dress at normal duty stations, but not while deployed to a conflict zone, or when in dress uniform in a ceremonial unit, where the public could see it.”

The NYT report said Toor has appealed the restrictive decision to the Marine Corps commandant, and he says that if he does not get a full accommodation, he will sue the Corps.

“We’ve come a long way, but there is still more to go,” he said in the NYT report. The Marine Corps needs to show it really means what it has been saying about strength in diversity that it doesn’t matter what you look like, it just matters that you can do your job.

The Corps has maintained that uniformity was as essential to a fighting force as well-oiled rifles.

In order to build squads that will move forward in a combat environment where people are dying, a strong team bond is required, Colonel Kelly Frushour, a spokeswoman for Marine Headquarters, said in written responses to NYT on Toor’s case.

Uniformity is one of the tools the Corps uses to forge that bond. What the Corps is protecting is its ability to win on the battlefield, so that the Constitution can remain the law of the land.

Toor’s request to wear the turban went all the way to “top Marine Corps authorities.”

Their initial response in June was largely a denial of his request, the report said.

In a stern response, one Marine Corps General warned that individual expression of that kind could fray the fabric of discipline and commitment that binds the Marines. It could erode the nation’s trust in the Corps. It could undermine combat effectiveness. It could cost lives, the NYT report said.

The Corps cannot experiment with the components of mission accomplishment, Lieutenant General David A. Ottignon, the Deputy Commandant for manpower and reserve affairs, said in the response. Failure on the battlefield is not an acceptable risk.

Toor said the limits meant that I would have to either sacrifice my career or my ability to practice my religion.

Toor appealed to the Commandant of the Marine Corps, and the Corps agreed partially, allowing him to wear the turban with certain limitations, according to the report.

The NYT report said that nearly 100 Sikhs currently serve in the Army and Air Force wearing full beards and turbans.

Toor had joined the US Marines after college in 2017, knowing he would at least initially have to forgo the physical symbols of his faith, but he was willing to make the sacrifice.

“I felt there was a debt to be paid. My family came to this country seeking the American dream, and we got it,” he said in the report.

Toor expressed worry that a tough position on beards and turbans in the Marine Corps will make Muslims, Sikhs and others less likely to serve in the force, the NYT said.

Sikh kids growing up might not be able to see themselves in uniform. Even if they want to serve, they might not think their country wants them, he said in the NYT report.

(Yoshita Singh)

In Times of Hate, My Mother Taught Us How Irrational, Dangerous Communalism Is

Unlike millions of people who preferred to remain silent about the Partition violence they had witnessed, my mother talked to us about Partition and hate.

In times of hate….

Krishna was born in 1920 in a little town near Multan, Pakistan, a hundred years ago today. When she was three, her mother Lakshmi Bai died during a cholera epidemic. With five children to raise, all under ten years old, Krishna’s father Tel Ram Ahuja was devastated.

He sought emotional solace among sufis but his practical choices in parenting drew from reformed-minded ideologies of the day which favoured girls’ education and resisted early marriage. He raised his girls to go to college.

At Kinnaird College, Lahore Krishna acquired a liberal arts education, gaining understandings of history, literature and the cartographies of the world through that (almost forgotten?) discipline of geography.

Her best friends were Hardeep Kaur, the daughter of prosperous Sikhs from Sialkot and Mahmooda, from a conservative Muslim family from Quetta. In this dorm room they hatched plans for college pranks, shared lives, grew dependencies on each other. Hindu caste or Shia-Sunni differences melted away.

Colleges like Kinnaird were run by Christian missionary women, mostly single, and typically from America, Ireland or Scotland. If mass religious conversion was a desired byproduct of these higher educational institutions, that project pretty much failed. What did happen, however, was a cohort-building.

Also read: Adityanath Govt Mulls Ordinance Against ‘Love Jihad’: Report

Inter-faith solidarities emerged seamlessly among these students who were mostly first-generation college-going women in their families. Their personal friendships embraced inter-faith differences within broader syncretic worldviews.

Hardeep and Mahmooda were married soon after college. Krishna finished her MA in English and was recruited as a program executive and a ‘voice’ to read Hindi and Punjabi news.

As a woman working on an administrative job in the radio, she often recalled the camaraderie of her cohort – Yahiya, Kapoor, Chowla and Amita (for some reason the men were referred to by their last names and the women by their first). This was in 1946. A year later, as the sub-continent was torn asunder, violence engulfed the lives of millions.

As a single young woman living alone in Delhi and cycling to work, Krishna witnessed multiple incidents of brutal violence in Delhi. Her house help Fatima had to be renamed ‘Shanti’ to protect her from hate attacks. Krishna volunteered at the newly established hostels for ‘rescued’ women who had suffered untold brutalities during partition riots.

By 1948, when Krishna married her colleague N.L. Chowla, their social cohort had been destroyed. In the wave of migration, Yahiya and Iqbal had left for Pakistan. The wounds of hate were raw on both sides of the border. But when a child was born to Krishna and Nand Lal, Yahiya wrote a sentimental letter of blessing suggesting the Arabic name Sohel for the baby.

Also read: When Even a Pandemic Is Communalised

And, so Krishna’s firstborn, a child of the partition years became Sohel Chawla, carrying the spirit of this syncretic worldview.

A favourite story of Krishna’s was about how after surviving a risky childbirth she went to Harmandir Sahib gurudwara, Amritsar and placed her infant daughter on the steps of ‘Darbaar-Sahib’ in ‘Thanksgiving’.

Krishna was my mother. That infant daughter was me. Krishna raised a family, sublimating her own career to support her husband’s. Together they exuded the spirit of tolerance and the grace of accepting difference of faith and caste without compromising their own rootedness in values.

Krishna’s fasting on Janam Ashtami, praying to Hanuman on Tuesdays was as real as her love for reading from the Sukhmani Sahib or her faith in Khwaja Garib Nawaz of Ajmer. Unlike millions of people who preferred to remain silent about the partition violence they had witnessed, Krishna talked to us about partition and hate. She helped us to process hate for what it was – reprehensible, irrational and dangerous.

Krishna left us many years ago, but in these times of hate, I feel blessed to have understood early that faith is personal, and that spirituality is something deep within, a reservoir from which to draw strength in times of need.

Thank you, Ma.

And, happy birthday – you would have been a hundred today!

Maina Chawla Singh is a Scholar in Residence, School of International Service, American University.

If Only People Listened to Modi, They’d Understand Him Better

The prime minister’s speeches depend on faith, pride and emotion, so unabashed flair and zero circumspection trump efforts to fact-check.

For Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s vast demography of admirers, he cannot say anything that they wouldn’t agree with. Therefore, when he speaks, they do not pay sufficient attention. For his very wide circle of detractors, he cannot say anything that would rouse their cheer. Hence, memes of censure in their quiver are always ready to take aim.

Essentially, in this polarised ecosystem, nobody listens to Modi because they are pre-decided on his message. One wonders if this is a logjam or a paradox? There is a predictability to the reaction we see, but Modi himself is not so predictable at times in his communication. For instance, the May 12 lockdown address he delivered was the most layered of his speeches in recent times. Speeches may do nothing, they may just buy time until action, or the absence of it, begins to speak louder, but nevertheless it is important to grasp the intent of words since they navigate action.

Modi appeared to be advocating self-reliance all through his latest lockdown speech, but interestingly, he was creating a complicated global circuitry to his concept of ‘atmanirbhar.’ He kept emphasising that India’s self-reliance is not a self-centred game, but generously accommodates the happiness of the world. He imposed a kinship on the world when he borrowed the idea of ‘Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam.’ He also spoke of ‘Jai Jagat’ and ‘Vishwa Kalyan’. He emphasised more than once that India was firm on its ‘global path.’ He said the world has begun to trust India’s ability to help mankind, and mentioned its recent medicine exports, and of course yoga and Y2K. He told us how much the world needs India. There was unabashed flair and zero circumspection in placing India at the centre of global action. Here, his facts may fall short, but he knows emotion and pride can never be fact-checked.

Also Read: The Simple, and Simplistic, Messaging of Modi’s Lectures Is a Big Hit With His Audience

Amazing certainty

Modi always speaks with amazing certainty. He leaves no doubt in his words because to sound doubtful is to appear human. Speaking to his constituents in Varanasi, on March 25, after the first lockdown announcement, he had said ‘the Mahabharata battle was won in 18 days but the Covid one would take 21 days.’ There was no solution in sight to the pandemic nor was there a vaccine in production when he spoke of victory in 21 days, but that did not deter him from giving definite goals. When definite goals are a bulb of mythical layers then the discourse is not scientific or a rational one. It is always a satsang, a darshan, a vision in a very Indian sense. Time too is in a puranic cycle, not what is shown on the ultra-slim Movado wristwatch that he is said to wear. Therefore, the 21 days meant something else. More infinite than what an ordinary watch can measure. If one recalls his famous demonetisation address on November 8, 2016, then too he was sure of its consequences. In Ayodhya as well, his party was sure that Lord Ram was born at that very spot where the masjid stood.

Anyway, returning to Modi’s idea of self-reliance in his recent pandemic address, it does not emanate from 20th century economic thinking, either eastern or western, but comes from cultural thinking from a very distant past. A past that again escapes temporal calculations and is imagined to be in the spartan realms of the Vedic divine. To enhance this, there was a gentle sprinkling of Sanskrit to give a varnish of antiquity to his utterances. That appeared to be a deliberate act. That was a differentiator and a response to all those accusing him of not consulting ‘experts’ like Rahul Gandhi has been doing to improve his score. It was a more euphemistic way of saying that this ancient civilisation has known it all, like it has flown airplanes in the glorious past, conceived IVF babies, and has performed plastic surgeries. Again, he knows faith cannot be fact-checked.

Rahul Gandhi and Abhijit Banerjee. Photo: Screengrab

Amidst this thread of glorious past, not unexpectedly, cropped up India’s subjugation in more tangible history. There was first glory, and then there was ‘ghulami,’ he said. But now, in the 21st century, glory was destined to return. It appeared he pictured himself as the chosen one, to transition India into that glorious amorphousness. What lay for him between the golden glory of the past, and what is magically shaping up in the present is stygian darkness. In this dark phase of his understanding, India had been subjugated because it neither had ‘atmanirbharta,’ ‘atmabal’ nor ‘atmashakti,’ he interpreted. Therefore that was the real stimulus he was now offering, bigger than the zeroes one could count after twenty. It was the most unusual address in a pandemic season. But Modi presented himself as an epoch maker who was seizing time to bend it to his needs.

Science and technology

In the past, his critics have weighed his COVID-19 addresses against that of German Chancellor Angela Merkel or Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau for whom brevity and science make up communication. But Modi never speaks of science or deliberates through science. It is only technology that fascinates him. Science is a philosophy that clashes with all his training, but technology does not challenge anything. It will take the direction of the mind that deploys it. It can function outside reason. In the May 12 speech technology had a distinct velvet position.

Modi speaks like most Indians converse in their mother tongues. Every conversation is a faux spiritual discourse. It is like a retelling of the epics, where sub-plots are as riveting as the main plot. Where each narrator is allowed his own sub-plot, like it often happens with news on WhatsApp; the detours are more delectable. Hence, speaking only about the trajectory of COVID-19 in a lockdown address is boring, and unengaging. Not surprisingly, he took nearly 18 minutes to come to the point.

A municipal worker sprays disinfectant on the bags of people, as they maintain social distancing while sitting in a line to receive free food distributed by Delhi government, in a school during an extended nationwide lockdown to slow the spread of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19), in New Delhi, India, April 21, 2020. Photo: Reuters/Anushree Fadnavis

In line with this is state policy to replay the pop version of epics on television. It keeps people in a familiar loop in uncertain times. It constantly reminds them of their karma. That helps the state abdicate responsibility. The individual is responsible for his fate. That is ‘atmanirbharta’ too. The play on the word ‘atma’ is anyway an indirect invocation of fate. The anglophone liberal who follows the linearity of a beginning-middle-end narrative may scoff at the meandering, figurative, non-linearity of Modi’s narratives, but the majority identifies with it.

Any counter to Modi will need the superior skills of an M.K. Gandhi, who knew how to blend European Enlightenment with the enlightenment of India’s loaded past. In an essay by novelist Raja Rao, republished recently, Nehru says: “We’ve had enough of Rama and Krishna. Not that I do not admire these great figures of our traditions, but there’s work to be done. And not to clasp hands before idols while misery and slavery beleaguer us.” It may be honest and true, but Gandhi would never clinically segregate the two streams. Therein perhaps lies a clue to all those who intend to bait Modi.

Coronavirus Impact May Render 38 Million Jobless in Indian Tourism Sector: Industry Body

It has also predicted that a near halt in travel and tourism may result in a Rs 10-trillion hit to the country’s economy.

New Delhi: With stringent travel restrictions in place and widespread fears keeping people indoors, India’s travel and tourism industry is staring at large-scale job losses. Highlighting the impact of the unfolding crisis, industry body Federation of Associations in Indian Tourism & Hospitality (FAITH) has approached Prime Minister (PM) Narendra Modi.

In a letter to the PM, the industry body has urged the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) to intervene to minimise the damage. Apart from business loss for the Rs 5-trillion industry, FAITH said the crisis may leave 38 million people (or 70% of all employed directly and indirectly) jobless.

Also read: Direct, Conditional Cash Transfers Will Help Blunt COVID-19’s Economic Blows

Further, it has predicted that a near halt in travel and tourism may result in a Rs 10-trillion hit to the country’s economy. “As a result of this pandemic, the Indian tourism industry is looking at pan-Indian bankruptcies, closure of businesses, and mass unemployment,” said FAITH.

With revenue streams drying up, the body has urged the PMO for varied measures. A moratorium on payable equated monthly installments for the next 12 months, loans and working capital from financial institutions, deferment of all statutory dues, including goods and services tax, advance tax payments, provident fund, and Customs duties are its demands. “State government-level excise fees, levies, taxes, power and water charges, bank guarantees should also be deferred,” the letter read.

The article was originally published on Business StandardYou can read it here.

Charisma and the Will to Deceive is All You Need to Start a Cult

These cults, from time immemorial, have deceived people and they continue to do so in the name of salvation and attainment of eternal peace.

When I was studying dark personality traits in my organisational behaviour class, it reminded me of the short documentaries about the two most infamous American cult leaders – Tony Alamo and Jim Jones.

The Ministry of Evil: The Twisted Cult of Tony Alamo traces the life of televangelist Tony Alamo, who established himself as a prophet of God and built his own ministry along with his wife. Initially, the ministry was revered by Christians seeking the true meaning of the Bible but later it converted into a cult in its own ways.

The film also shows how Alamo used to marry and sexually exploit girls who were as young as eight-years-old.

The other documentary was about the deadliest mass suicide in modern times that claimed lives of over 900 people and their leader Jim Jones.

The common thread between the two was that these cult figures were feeding on vulnerable people who faced difficulties in making ends meet. These leaders would promise them free meals, a sense of purpose and, of course, a closer connection to the one true God.


Also Read: The ‘Janeu’ – Why Do Woke Brahmins Flaunt a Symbol of Oppression?


This reminds me of our very own Indian godmen – Asa ram, Gurmeet Ram Rahim, Sant Ram Pal, Osho Rajneesh and the ‘miraculous’ Nirmal Baba who once asked a man to change his preference of cold drink so his wife could conceive a child.

Starting a cult doesn’t take a lot in India: a plain garment, some malas and a giant teeka on your forehead and you’re good to go!

Oh, and you’ve obviously got to convince people that you have a solution to all their problems.

Some of these godmen have been arrested for various offences, often resulting in a string of violent outrage in the public domain.

On August 25, 2017, widespread riots broke out in North India after the arrest of Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh of Dera Saccha Sauda. Earlier that day, the rioters had picketed Singh’s ashram and asked the police to ‘go through them’ if they wanted to arrest their guru.

I remember asking my Dad: “Why are these people rioting to save a rapist and a murderer?”

Isliye India mein tarrakki nahi ho parhi hai, kyonki logon ko apne aap se zyada inn dhongiyon pe bharosa hai! (this is the reason why India is unable to progress because people have blind faith in these kind of saints),” he said.


Also Read: On Intolerance, Salman Rushdie and ‘The Moor’s Last Sigh’


Our homegrown-international-superstar Osho Rajneesh, who made us proud by representing India globally before Priyanka Chopra, even has a Netflix documentary series about him.

His journey from an ashram in Poona to a commune in Oregon is unique and interesting.

He advocated indulging in sexual relations freely and openly, which didn’t go down well with the sentiments of the majority, nor with the government of India.

According to an article about a kid whose parents took him to the ashram, eating Hash cakes at the age of six, getting drunk at the age of ten, his parents’ struggles with being members, the cult leader’s charisma and supposedly liberal values increased memberships manifolds.

But eventually, US feds were able to crack down on Osho’s commune.

Most of the former members of this cult talk about being exhausted most of the time.

Some mention working continuously for long hours to sustain themselves. But some also say that keeping them exhausted was one way to ensure there was nothing else on their minds beside working for the cult.

Most cult leaders know high-profile politicians and other powerful personalities, which essentially makes them impervious to convictions for their crimes. Sexually harassing women, murders and tax evasions are some of the crimes such cult leaders are known to perpetrate.

What is common between these cult leaders is their charismatic personality traits.

They have managed to convince people that this is the purpose of their life and this is how they will achieve salvation.

They have also managed to evade the scanner of the income tax department by setting up ‘charities’ for social causes.

But that scarcely hinders their popularity. Whenever these cult leaders are convicted, we often find their pictures with prominent celebrities on social media with thousands of people fawning over them, proclaiming their innocence. Some of these celebrities are even well-educated and support social causes.


Also Read Dear Sadhguru, This is What ‘Talibani’ Actually Means


Regardless, they continue to at least tacitly support such cults, thereby turning a blind-eye to how these Babas openly coax their followers to commit hate crimes.

But how do we let ourselves become a part of something like this?

Some studies suggest that most of the members of such cults are psychologically healthy.

The question then arises – how and why are they stuck there?

Cults lead people to believe that they are different and their actions can make a change (which is absolutely true, but we refuse to believe in ourselves unless we achieve some sort of approval from others).

I think people usually fall for this BS because being a part of some ‘greater cause’ with people appreciating you at every step while also being free of responsibilities, stress and surviving in this competitive world yields a strange sense of Nirvana.

This gradually transforms a person as he/she dives deeper into the structure of these cults. They tend to conform to group thinking, which slowly changes their personality. This is the reason why so many families of the members of such cults, who’ve been trying to free themselves from such influence, say that they do not recognise this person anymore. Perhaps, a severe brainwashing will make that possible.

So, no matter how many movies we make (OMG, PK, Dharam sankat main), these babas and matas will continue to instil fear in the minds of people – either by their miracles or by convincing non-believers of dire outcomes if they don’t believe them.

I think people just want to believe in something, so it is the need of the hour to help them believe in themselves.

Manisha is a student from Delhi University pursuing Bachelors in Commerce. She loves to paint, sketch, watching TV series and sci-fi movies. She is curious about the cults in India and how its impact is increasing.