The Departure of Enrica Lexie: Complete Justice or Diplomatic Success?

By rendering complete justice, the Indian Supreme Court seems to have reinstated India’s respect towards the international rule of law, specifically, its commitment under Article 51 of the constitution.

A long-fought legal and diplomatic melee between India and Italy over the jurisdiction of the Enrica Lexie incident came to a close recently.

On June 15, 2021, after almost a decade of national and international dispute process, the Supreme Court of India has decided to quash the pending criminal proceedings against two Italian marines, namely, Massimiliano Latorre and Salvatore Girone, who were charged with the murder of two Indian fishers in a shooting incident that occurred off the cost of Kerala in 2012.

The Supreme Court’s order came in the wake of the assurance made by Italy to conduct the criminal trial of their nationals before its domestic courts. More importantly, the decision grounded on Italy’s payment of compensation to the tune of Rs 100 million to be shared among the family of two victims and the owner of St Anthony, the fishing boat on which the alleged murder took place.

Although this order of the Supreme Court is of no surprise at this juncture, a comprehensive analysis of the whole case has reasons for a perfect nonplus. This piece aims to examine the atypical elements of the case to see how they are at odds with the Indian legal system and international adjudication.

When equity overrides law for the sake of justice

To terminate the criminal case against the marines, the court resorted to Article 142 of the constitution, which essentially supplies the Supreme Court with an extraordinary jurisdiction “to pass such decree or make such order as is necessary for doing complete justice in any cause or matter pending before it.” The jurisprudence relating to this provision shows the court’s predisposition to ‘settlement’ rather than ‘resolution’ of disputes.

From Union Carbide to Ayodhya, the rich case law exemplifies a strong linkage between judicial settlement and Article 142. While this constitutional provision is primarily used in the context of human rights and environment protection, the court had been settling cases even in commercial matters, including in the area of insolvency and bankruptcy, lately. In all such cases, a final determination of the rights of the disputing parties remains extremely difficult.

Also read: Enrica Lexie Case: A Diplomatic Wrangle Nears Resolution

Similarly, India’s bone of contention in Enrica Lexie – retaining the jurisdiction over the marines – was legally impossible and politically intractable from the beginning. However, for reasons attributable to the apex court as well, an unnecessary delay in disposing of the matter led to a climax in which Article 142 turned out to be the safety valve. However, in pulling that safety valve, the court has apparently flouted a fundamental rule of the Indian criminal justice system against monetary compensation to bypass punishment.

Quashing an ordinary criminal case, even a murder case, may fall within the court’s equity jurisdiction. However, the thrusting of compensation in this case runs counter to the ethos of India’s criminal justice administration. Because it has an apparent resemblance with the practice of the payment of blood money or ‘Diya’, as it is called in Islamic legal systems, in which the heirs of the victim waive their right to demand the execution of the murderer in lieu of monetary compensation.

Italian sailor Salvatore Girone alights from the plane after landing at Ciampino airport in Rome, Italy, May 28, 2016. Credit: Reuters/Alessandro Bianchi

Italian sailor Salvatore Girone alights from the plane after landing at Ciampino airport in Rome, Italy, May 28, 2016. Photo: Reuters/Alessandro Bianchi

The Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) tribunal awarded this “compensation in connection with loss of life, physical harm, material damage to property and moral harm suffered by the captain and other crew members of the St. Antony, which by its nature cannot be made good through restitution”.

Such a remedy is plausible for an arbitral tribunal formed under the United National Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) to make. Further, the international obligation to comply with this arbitral decision may give credence to the invocation of Article 142. However, compensation for a murder case, howsoever benevolent it appears, undermines the concept of rendering’ complete justice’ as provided in the constitution.

Bargaining in the shadow of law

Like the relevance of equity over law in delivering justice, the Enrica Lexie case has more to do with diplomatic means of dispute settlement than judicial means. It is a long-established practice in international law where governments, through the exercise of diplomatic protection, espouse international legal claims on behalf of their nationals against a foreign government.

Right from the beginning, Italy argued to take the dispute process to any of the three forums prescribed under the UNCLOS – the International Court of Justice, the International Tribunal for Law of the Sea, and the UNCLOS Annex VII Arbitral Tribunal – as they rightly believed that the dispute pertains to the non-compliance of international law obligations as opposed to violations of domestic law.

However, the impressionistic view of the Supreme Court of India, perhaps based on the nationalistic fervour of the time, resulted in dragging the dispute on unnecessarily, at the cost of estranging the political relationship between both countries. Nevertheless, diplomacy had the last laugh. The denial on the part of the Indian government and the Supreme Court also meant a constant infraction of its constitutional scheme of ‘encouraging settlement of international disputes by arbitration’ as provided in Article 51.

Also read: Enrica Lexie: Did India Lose Case Against Italy Because of Lapses By its Own Supreme Court?

Nonetheless, the Italian republic sought provisional measures from the Hamburg-based ITLOS. As remarked by the former ICJ President Judge Stephen Schwebel much earlier, it was indeed a primary step for Italy to utilise “the legal conclusions arrived by an international court in framing further negotiations and in achieving settlement of the dispute.” The moment ITLOS directed to suspend the criminal proceedings in India and refer the matter to the Hague-based PCA tribunal, this outcome was almost obvious.

Though the PCA tribunal accepted most of India’s counterclaims, the resultant award was a clear sign of Italy’s diplomatic success. However, the settlement could be possible only with a negotiated bargain for hefty compensation. As stated in the arbitral award, “parties are invited to consult with each other with a view to reaching agreement on the amount of compensation.”

Though the tribunal had the option of determining the quantum of compensation, if the parties wished so, both governments seemed to have chosen the diplomatic way. In the pursuit of settlement, it is easy to reckon that Italians had to make an offer that the Indian government could not refuse. No doubt, the politicisation of the dispute and the concomitant popular opinion have made such a bargain inevitable in the instant case.

Interestingly, Italy asked the Supreme Court to release marines at the beginning of the dispute and India replicated the same to end the dispute.

Nevertheless, Enrica Lexie can be portrayed as a win-win for both sides. By rendering complete justice, the Indian Supreme Court seems to have reinstated India’s respect towards the international rule of law, specifically, its commitment under Article 51 of the constitution. Whereas the Italian government could bring the ball back to its courts by employing a new variant of ‘gunboat diplomacy’ in which they succeeded, not through the show of naval power, but by recompensing for the acts done on a ‘gunboat’. We now have to wait and see whether the Italian judiciary would be as diligent as their diplomatic mission when considering the case on its merits.

Harisankar K. Sathyapalan is an assistant professor, school of legal studies, Cochin University of Science and Technology (CUSAT) and Research Fellow, Centre for Public Policy Research (CPPR), Kochi. He can be reached at harisankar@cusat.ac.in. Views are personal.

Enrica Lexie Case: A Diplomatic Wrangle Nears Resolution

The episode shows how difficult it is to dismantle the pragmatic pillars of a relationship lacking a fundamental clash of interests.

History is replete with instances where realpolitik becomes a casualty of hubris. When we invoke pride and principle, we forget that pragmatism is the gold standard of diplomacy. The Enrica Lexie case is an example.

India’s attempt to exercise criminal jurisdiction over state officials was unlikely to succeed without Italy’s consent. Yet, both sides won points – Italy over jurisdiction and immunity and India over freedom of navigation and compensation.

Also Read: Enrica Lexie: Did India Lose Case Against Italy Because of Lapses By its Own Supreme Court?

How did the dispute impact the relationship?

As the media went into overdrive in both countries and foreign minister Giulio Terzi resigned, nationalist passion blindsided diplomacy. Italy and India have no common borders or conflict of interests. Yet the cycle of retaliation threatened to derail ties.

Relations hit turbulence when, in 2013, Italy refused to honour a promise for the marines to return after voting in an election. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh called this “unacceptable,” warning of “consequences.” The Supreme Court barred Italian ambassador Daniele Mancini from leaving India. UN secretary general Ban Ki Moon stepped in, calling for a peaceful resolution of the dispute. Italy chose de-escalation by sending the marines back.

Basant Gupta, India’s ambassador to Italy at that time, tells me “high- level contacts were frozen,” and no meetings of the Joint Commission or of defence officials took place. His own departure for Rome had been deferred, and Italy twice recalled its ambassador. In 2015 Italy blocked India’s admission into the Missile Technology Control Regime. It took a 2016 visit to Rome by external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj to soothe feathers.

With the crisis going into high gear, the EU stepped in. In 2014 Federica Mogherini, the newly-appointed EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs became the activist. The EU Parliament criticised India for detaining the marines without charges and violating their human rights. The 13th India-EU summit, due in 2015, was postponed at the EU’s behest, and was held only in 2016.

Ahead of the 2014 FIFA World Cup, the Italian Football Federation released two t-shirts with the marines’ names. Ferrari displayed ensigns of the Italian Navy on cars competing in the 2012 Indian Grand Prix, prompting the Ministry of External Affairs to protest this was not in “the spirit of sport.”

An Italian Navy flag is seen on the nose cone of Ferrari Formula One car during the second practice session of the Indian F1 Grand Prix, October 26, 2012. Photo: REUTERS/Adnan Abidi

Was there lasting damage to ties?

Nations grandstand, but interests put pause on hardline positions. “I had no problems. They were very nice to me at a personal level,” Gupta tells me. The Italians recognised the importance of the Indian envoy as an interlocutor. To avoid travelling to India, colleagues of the two marines had no other option than to appear at the Indian embassy in Rome to give testimony via video conference.

This episode shows how difficult it is to dismantle the pragmatic pillars of a relationship lacking a fundamental clash of interests. Once the dispute went into the multilateral legal domain, the Italian tone softened. The same Mogherini, speaking to the Economic Times after Kashmir’s internal reorganisation in August 2019, expressed understanding of “India’s security preoccupations.” In 2016, India gained admission into the Missile Technology Control Regime.

Why did the two sides pull back from hardline positions?

Italy is a major nation, due to hold the G-20 presidency in 2021. With GDP at $1.8 trillion in 2018, the nation was the world’s 8th largest economy, the 3rd largest economy in the Eurozone, the 6th largest manufacturing nation and the 8th largest exporter, says Stefania Benaglia, writing for Observer Research Foundation. Such compulsions explain why, even before the crisis had ebbed, Air India launched flights to Rome and Milan in 2014.

Even as the dispute peaked “business continued unhindered,” Gupta asserts, and “trade increased by a billion Euros between 2014 and 2015.” In 2017 trade stood at $8.7 billion, Benaglia says. Italy is India’s 10th largest market, and Italian investments in India between 2000-2018 were $3 billion. Italy regards India among its top five partners for international business. The Indian diaspora in Italy stood at 180,000 in 2018, the third-largest in Europe after Britain and the Netherlands.

Enrica Lexie. Photo: Wikipedia/CC BY 3.0

Thus, Italy ticks every box in India’s foreign policy preoccupations. If securing international support for the nation’s development is a strategic necessity, Italy is India’s partner of choice. Showing alacrity in fence-mending, India played host to prime ministers Paolo Gentiloni and Giuseppe Conte in 2017 and 2018. Visits by the head of a nation in successive years are unusual, but so were the circumstances.

Besides, if a ruling does, in the end, meet a nation’s objectives, conflict draws down. Even while arguing the right to try the marines, India had never claimed they were guilty. If Italy reneges on conducting the trial, India can refer back to the Permanent Court of Arbitration. Even if the judgment had been passed by an Indian court, the marines still might have been allowed to face the sentence in Italy, some speculate.

Also Read: Is it the End of the Road for India in the Enrica Lexie Incident?

What are the lessons from this crisis?

When nations draw into nationalism, their actual achievements shift into the shadows. In such pantomime wars, politicians exploit foreign policy for profit. In India, the government could not ignore a charged Kerala, an important state. The Italians perhaps injected excessive emotion into the dispute. Act culturally, strategy suffers. As reluctant nationalism took charge in both nations, the trap had been laid.

Now both sides appear relieved. The Indian government has swiftly asked the Supreme Court to act on the verdict. Italy will be hard put not to meaningfully address compensation. How can it disregard a binding ruling, having gone to court in the first place? India will need to ensure that the trial in Italy is fair and the compensation just.

In this dispute, law was chasing politics. This reinforces what we know – a legal argument can win the case, but a political resolution is the prize. In 2016, when the Permanent Court of Arbitration ruled in the Philippines’ favour by rejecting China’s nine-dash-line territorial claim in the South China Sea, the latter rejected the verdict, calling it “null and void.” In contrast, in 2015 India accepted a ruling by the same court that awarded most of the disputed maritime territory to Bangladesh. The example of Italy resembles that of Bangladesh, where political calculation was primary.

Jitendra Nath Misra is a former ambassador and, until recently, advised the government of Odisha on sports, as well as being a visiting professor at Jamia Millia Islamia.