UP Teacher Beats Dalit Student With Metal Rod For Touching Motorcycle

‘The child alleged that the teacher Krishna Mohan Sharma hit him with a metal rod and broom, and also choked his neck. The other workers of the school rescued the boy,’ police said.

Ballia (Uttar Pradesh): A Dalit student here was allegedly locked up in a classroom and beaten with a metal rod by his teacher for touching the latter’s motorcycle, police said on Saturday.

The teacher, Krishna Mohan Sharma, has been suspended.

According to police, the incident was reported from Higher Secondary School, Ranaupur under Nagra police station limits, on Friday.

“The incident took place when the class 6 boy touched the motorcycle of his teacher Krishna Mohan Sharma. Enraged over this, the teacher first locked the student in a classroom. The child alleged that Sharma hit him with a metal rod and broom, and also choked his neck. The other staff of the school rescued the boy, Devendra Nath Dubey, SHO, Nagra Police station said.

The enraged family members of the student staged a protest outside the school on Saturday.

The block education officer (BEO) along with the SHO reached the school and assured the family members of stern action against the accused teacher.

“On the basis of the report of BEO, the accused teacher Krishna Mohan Sharma has been put under suspension, Basic Siksha Adhikari (BSA) Maniram Singh said.

The SHO said the matter is being investigated.

(PTI)

As Long as Caste Bears Dividends, Hindutva Politics Will Do Little to Bring Social Reform

The current BJP dispensation does not wish to disturb the functional social normative. Instead, Hindutva proponents politicise caste division.

Mangesh and Aarti loved each other. Both belonged to the same village, professed the same religion, had the same cultural heritage. Their class and status in society did not differ much either. Yet, their families objected to their marriage. The two were from two separate castes. Marriage would mean going against the set conventions of society.

The two, who had hitherto been loved and admired by their respective families, suddenly became the target of their own families’ hatred and disgust. The village panchayat swung into action. It censured both and levied penalties on the girl’s family. This was followed by intimidation, social abuse and even physical harm. Distressed by blows from both their families and society at large, the two committed suicide.

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Society is often governed by archaic, conservative and patriarchal norms. Repressive control over a woman’s sexuality is often legitimised by unwritten societal laws which expect them to avoid ”transgressions”. A woman’s body is also attached to caste pride and exploited as a social asset for the consumption of its men. Endogamous marriages are the outcome of such a primordial consensus. It thrives even today. The institutionalised social rule of “marriage within the same caste” disqualifies and punishes anyone who chooses differently.

The function of the caste does not stop here alone. It serves to further monitor, sanction and discipline individual lives and represses possibilities through which a common social collective can emerge.

Also watch: Is Reservation for the Forward Castes an Election Lollipop?

Modern ideas of human equality and fraternity have challenged age-old values of a hierarchy-based caste society. The constitution of India promotes equality between citizens and abhors discrimination based on ascriptive identities, including that of caste. Social reform movements and modern ideas of nationalism have further downplayed the role of caste affiliations and mobilised people along other abstract ideas like citizenship, human rights and even the Hindu identity. This has naturally brought about a gradual change in the social psyche and today, many do not value their caste affiliations as an asset.

Professed ideology

It might come as a surprise that V.D. Savarkar, that prime proponent of Hindutva ideology, had called the caste system an “idiocy” and claimed to have wanted to smash the order completely. He viewed the caste system as an evil that fragmented Hindus and made them vulnerable to the attacks of foreigners. Similar to Mahatma Gandhi and B.R. Ambedkar, Savarkar also considered untouchability a sin and a blot on society.

Later, other ideologues also projected Hindutva as a modern unifying force that aimed to reform the coercive Brahmanical order and instead sought to engage every person of every caste as an equal inheritor of the ancient Hindu cultural heritage.

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh also subscribes to this reformist zeal and, at its core, suggests that caste should not become a hurdle in building a fraternal Hindu society. In recent times, the Bharatiya Janata Party has mobilised an impressive Hindu collective comprising Dalits and marginalised Other Backward Classes under its flag.

Credit: PTI

While Hindutva claims to offer an umbrella for Hindus to unite under, it lacks the reformist zeal of Ambedkarite-socialist movements. Photo: PTI

This political unity of Hindus could well be celebrated as the emancipatory project that liberates marginalised communities from narrow caste identities and promises them a respectable share in state power.

Also read: BJP Experimented With Its Brand of Caste and Religion-based Politics in 2014 and Cemented it in 2019

The Hindutva project has been successful in creating what can only be called fictional unity at political locations.

During specific cultural festivals or during certain religious moments, a collective Hindu identity is also on display. However, away from the political and cultural project of building a collective notion of unified Hinduism, the social turf has always remained fragmented on caste lines.

Two caste groups can hardly ever be seen to forge close social associations or familial ties. Social life still functions with distrust, animosity and jealousy between various caste groups. Within the private familial sphere, the three major fragments of the society – social elites, lower castes and Dalits – still operate according to their given cultural norms.

Hindutva’s political project may be successful when it comes to bearing electoral dividends, however, it has failed in altering segregated and compartmentalised everyday caste behaviour.

Clever manipulation

Caste has remained a hegemonic paradigm under which vast social and cultural aspects of Hindu lives are still governed, especially their marital relations. Any cursory look at the number of honour killings, rapes and acts of violence against Dalit women or experiences of “normal” caste discrimination and intolerance would reveal that the social milieu is still unattached to humanitarian civil norms.

Dalits are the worst sufferers of this arrangement. A vast section amongst them live in abject poverty, face discrimination and often suffer caste-based violence. Any attempt by them to disturb the conventional social norm meets with severe physical punishment meted out by dominant castes.

In the recent general election, the BJP has achieved impressive success within such a fragmented society. However, this success is not based on the moralistic appeal of that aspect of Hindutva ideology that is critical to segregated caste practices. Instead, it has been achieved through exploiting the demography of a fragmented caste society.

The BJP has not proven to be above mobilising specific caste groups against others for poll-time gains. Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) supremo Mayawati has been on the receiving end of such efforts. Photo: Reuters

The BJP has mobilised specific caste groups within the Dalits and the OBCs against the existing political domination of certain castes. For example in Uttar Pradesh, the BJP has openly engaged with the Rajbhar, Pasi, Dhobi and Khatik castes as a counter block to defeat the Jatav-led Bahujan Samaj Party. Against the dominant Yadavs, it posited the Mauryas, Kurmis and Lodhs as the leading flag bearers of Hindutva politics.

Also read: The BJP’s New Caste Politics in Uttar Pradesh

Conventional social differences between caste groups are consciously manipulated into stiff social and political rivalries. The BJP has utilised various caste associations and their cultural and ritualistic symbols for its political purpose. It provided a new political voice to different caste groups and mobilised them against the dominant castes or against Muslims. Such Machiavellian tactics have redefined the conventional grammar of caste politics and re-emphasised the relevance of caste in democracy.

There are differences between the earlier model of caste politics and the “new social engineering” innovated by the BJP.

The earlier version of Ambedkarite-socialist politics had a strong zeal for social reforms and an aspiration to gain political power. It wanted to craft a cultural revolution on modern ethics and was predominantly secular in its credentials.

Current BJP politics offers no such promise to lower castes. Instead, in the current discourse, the hegemonic and exploitative version of Brahmanical Hinduism has found new cover in the name of Hindutva nationalism. The cultural and social domination of the social elites has become aggressive and legitimate. The new Dalit and the OBC associates of Hindutva carry no independent cultural or ideological metal that may force the BJP to adopt an effective agenda for social justice or social reforms.

For all of Hindutva politics’ claims of Hindu unity, it has no social programme to achieve this goal. For example, concern for those who enter into inter-caste marriages, or a woman’s claim to choose her partner freely, or the Dalits’ repeated appeals for dignity have no popular flag bearers within Hindutva circles.

This is because such questions categorically challenge the cultural and patriarchal values of the dominant castes.

The current right-wing dispensation does not wish to disturb the functional social normative. Instead, Hindutva proponents politicise caste division, encourage patriarchal social values and celebrate Brahmanical cultural assets.

The possibility that everyday social life could divorce from patriarchy and particular caste affinities is still a distant dream. The contemporary political milieu, dominated by right-wing politics, does not offer any reformist agenda that can erase caste divisions and transform it into an egalitarian social order.

Harish S. Wankhede is an assistant professor at the Centre for Political Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, School of Social Sciences, New Delhi.

Caste Rears Its Head in Poll-Bound Madhya Pradesh, BJP Minister Booked For Speech

Health minister Rustam Singh, a former IPS officer, has been booked for violating the model code of conduct for trying to get votes in the name of caste.

Bhopal: A BJP minister has been booked for violating the model code of conduct in Madhya Pradesh for demanding votes based on caste. In a video that went viral on social media, health minister Rustam Singh, a former IPS officer, warned Gurjars to not be swayed and misguided.

“It is said about Gurjars that they listen to no one. If the water is flowing one way, they will swim against the current. But one should remember that going against me means to elect a Brahmin as MLA,” Singh says in his speech.

A senior Election Commission official said that a case has been registered at Noorbad police station in Morena district for violating the MCC and inciting enmity among communities.

Singh, a two-time MLA, has claimed that the video was taken at a meeting held before the model code of conduct came into effect. The IPS officer-turned-politician added that the BJP always seeks votes on the plank of development and that he would never promote casteism.

A second video

In another video making the rounds, agriculture minister Gauri Shankar Bisen can be seen saying, “Union minister Smriti Irani is my sister. I will be ordering 10,000 saris from Surat in Gujarat worth Rs 30 lakh and would distribute it across my region.”

The BJP MLA from the Balaghat seat then speaks of how he minted money from construction work in agriculture and at a medical college. He goes on to narrate what plans he has for the future – to contest the Lok Sabha elections, become a Union Minister and to rise above the stature of chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan.

Also read: In Poll-Bound MP, Politics of Hindutva Has Overshadowed Key Issues of Development

He then allegedly says that he would spend hundreds of crores on a theka (contract) to convince Prime Minister Narendra Modi to make him the Union agriculture of forest minister.

The video, which has been causing a lot of embarrassment to the BJP, was released by Samajwadi Party lawmaker Kankar Munjare. The Madhya Pradesh Aam Aadmi Party has lodged a complaint with the Chief Electoral Officer and have submitting a copy of the video to the EC.

Caste battles 

As Madhya Pradesh inches towards the polls, the ruling saffron party government lead by Shivraj Singh Chouhan is fighting an unexpected battle. The upper castes in the state have been up in arms over the Centre’s support to the SC/ST Act which out any provision for anticipatory bail for a person accused of atrocities against SC/ST communities.

Over the last few months, several protest have been taken out opposing reservation and the promotion of government employees coming from the SC/ST communities. The anger has been palpable, and despite the chief minister’s poll promises from his 55-day Jan Ashirwad Yatra that was launched to cover all 230 assembly segments in the state, and there have been visible anger against the chief minister, central ministers who have visited the state, BJP MPs and MLAs. During Chouhan’s yatra, a shoe was hurled at him.

Also read: From ‘Pappu’ and ‘Mama’, the Rise of Shivraj Singh Chouhan in Madhya Pradesh

When the flames of the upper caste anger reached the chief minister’s residence, Chouhan, ahead of a protest to gherao his bungalow, took to Twitter to announce: “MP will not allow misuse of the SC/ST Act, no one will be arrested without an investigation.”

In fact, across the state, people can be seen wearing T-shirts that have “Hum hain mai ke lal” printed on them. This reference dates back to June 2016 when Chouhan had thundered: “Koi mai ka laal aarakshan khatam nahi kar sakta” (No one can end job quota).

The caste disquiet is very evident in Madhya Pradesh. Congress president Rahul Gandhi, during his last visit to Gwalior-Chambal region, which saw major caste violence during the April 2 Bharat Bandh (in which eight people six Dalits and two members of upper caste were killed in violent clashes) raised the issue of Dalit scholar Rohith Vemula’s suicide and spoke in length about the killings of Dalits in Gujarat while addressing a public rally in Datia.

Independent Inquiry Slams Pune Police for ‘Inaction’ During Bhima Koregaon Violence

The inquiry has concluded that the violence could have been controlled had the police and state administration reacted promptly to the “premeditated” violence, and has demanded an inquiry against “erring officers”.

Mumbai: A non-official inquiry conducted by a retired high court judge and two district judges has come down heavily on the police and particularly the then superintendent of Pune police (rural) Mohd. Suvez Haq for its “inaction and inability to control the mob” that had unleashed violence on the huge gathering of Bahujans at Bhima Koregaon outside Pune on January 1.

As part of an independent inquiry initiated by anti-caste activists and social groups, Justice (retired) B. Chandra Kumar of the Hyderabad high court, along with two district judges of Maharashtra, J.H. Dongre and Manik Mhakre, had travelled to Bhima Koregaon and the nearby villages, and recorded exhaustive testimonies of the victims, bystanders and the police on duty.

The inquiry has concluded that the violence could have been controlled had the police and state administration reacted promptly to the “premeditated” violence.

The inquiry report that has been accessed by The Wire has already been submitted to the state set two- member judicial inquiry commission headed by the former chief justice of Calcutta high court J.N. Patel and Sumit Mullick, former chief secretary of the Maharashtra government.

The inquiry committee has observed that, “On January 1, a huge mob of nearly 2,000 people carrying lathis and saffron flags from Vadhu Budruk area were allowed to head towards the Vijay Stambh (the memorial built to commemorate the defeat of the Brahmin Peshwa soldiers by a Mahar Battalion of British East India Company comprising Dalits in 1818).”

The observation, which is based on the testimonies of the victims and other eye witnesses has also concluded that: “Superintendent of Police Mohd. Suvez Haq and other police officers were also present and observed the procession… No steps were taken by the police to stop this procession. Not even a suggestion was given to them not to proceed towards the places where the vehicles were parked or to the main road through which people were proceeding towards Vijay Stambh.”

Haq, soon after the riots, was transferred to the Maharashtra Anti-Terrorism Squad as the deputy inspector general and on August 8 was inducted into the CBI as a superintendent of police. Several attempts were made to reach Haq but his phone has been out of reach. The story will be updated once he responds to the report’s findings.

Justice (retired) B. Chandra Kumar. Credit: YouTube

Speaking to The Wire, Justice Chandra Kumar said that the incident could have been nipped in the bud had the police responded to the situation promptly. “The police were deployed at the spot. The SP was present there too. However, from the testimonies of the villagers and victims who were brutalised in the attack we have concluded that the police had intentionally not taken any action against the rioters. They allowed the riot to grow out of control,” Justice Chandra Kumar said.

The committee has also considered the events prior to Elgar Parishad meet at Shaniwarwada on December 31 as the reason behind the violence. The Pune police has so far arrested ten persons including lawyers, activists and academics for their alleged role in “naxal activities” and for instigating the mob and also funding the violence. However, the fact-finding committee has observed that the events that unfolded in and around Bhima Koregaon villages since December 27 and especially on December 29 at Vadhu Budruk village were behind the attack.

Contrary to some reports in the media, the committee has blamed the activities in Sanaswadi and Vadhu Budruk villages to be behind the violence. Vadhu Budruk village in Shirur Tehsil, which is less than four kilometres away from Bhima Koregaon is another significant place in the history, where the samadhi of King Sambhaji – son of King Shivaji – was built. Sanaswadi is around 7.5 km from Bhima Koregaon.

Justice Chandra Kumar, in the report, has observed that specific orders were issued at the village level three-four days prior to the January 1 celebration. Both at Vadhu Budruk and Sanaswadi, Hindutva leader Milind Ekbote has been actively working and has been allegedly instigating the Marathas against the Dalits. “Sanaswadi Gram Panchayat has passed a resolution on December 30, 2017, directing the people to observe ‘Total Bandh’ and to observe January 1, 2018, as a ‘Black Day’, the committee has observed.

Ekbote, who was arrested in March by the Pune police, was promptly released on bail. He and another Hindutva leader Manohar alias Sambhaji Bhide were named in the initial FIR for allegedly instigating the mob against the Dalits. No action has been initiated against Bhide so far and the police is yet to file a chargesheet in the case. The FIR was registered after Bharip Bahujan Mahasangh’s leader Prakash Ambedkar named the two as the masterminds behind the violence.

“Three to four days prior to 1st January 2018, several messages were sent out on WhatsApp, Facebook and other social media on behalf of Manohar alias Samhaji Bhide and Samastha Hindu Agadhi (run by Ekbote) instigating the people to observe ‘Bandh’ on 1st January 2018, in the Village Perne Phata, Bhima Koregaon, Shikrapur, Vagholi, Sanaswadi, Lonikand and nearby 10-15 villages,” the report observed. The report claims all hotels around the vicinity were specifically instructed by the two to strictly observe a bandh so that the people coming to pay respect to Vijay Stambh would not get drinking water, breakfast, lunch, etc. “A threat was also given that those who do not observe ‘Bandh’ or provide water, etc. to the people coming for paying respect to Vijay Stambh would have to face dire consequences,” the inquiry report further observed.

Justice Chandra Kumar said the incident in Sanaswadi in particular was of a peculiar nature. “The gram panchayat had passed a resolution to socially boycott thousands of Dalits travelling to Bhima Koregoan. This boycott is a clear case of caste violence. It was brought to the police’s notice. Yet, the police decided to not respond to it,” he said. The committee has also observed that there was a total failure of intelligence in securing information and in taking preventive action.

Besides the three judges, the team also comprised of lawyers and social activists from Pune.  Justice Chandra Kumar said the exercise was intentionally carried out with judges and lawyers to ensure proper legal processes were followed and that the documentation was conducted without any distortion of facts.

The All India Backward and Minority Communities Employees Federation (BAMCEF), an organisation set up by the late Kanshi Ram provided the logistic support to the inquiry committee. BAMCEF along with Samata Sainik Dal founded by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar has been working actively in organising the processions and visits to Bhima Koregaon for several decades.

This is the first part of the report, the second part focusses on the protests that were organised across the state that led to indiscriminate police action against over 27000 Bahujan youths including teenage boys across Maharashtra. “That report will be finalised in a week’s time and will be submitted to the two- member judicial commission,” confirmed senior lawyer Rahul Makhre, who was also a part of the fact-finding team.

Every year over three-four lakh Dalit Bahujan and anti-caste activists travel to Bhima Koregaon on January 1 and observe ‘Vijay Diwas’ to commemorate the defeat of the Brahmin Peshwa soldiers by a Mahar Battalion of British East India Company comprising Dalits in 1818. This year, since it was the 200th year, the number of visitors had doubled and over six lakh people from across Maharashtra and neighbouring states had travelled to Bhima Koregaon. However, most had to turn back after the violence broke out.

Failure to intervene

Another revelation, the report makes, is of a phone call made by one Ramdas Lokhande to the minister of state for social justice Dilip Kamble. Lokhande, who also deposed before the committee, has apparently informed the minister over a phone call made at 9 am on January 1 that “the people (Dalits visiting Bhima Koregaon) were being obstructed outside the village and the situation was tense.”

Justice Chandra Kumar points out that this SOS call was made in desperation and with the hope of receiving help. “This was the beginning for the riot. In a few minutes, the gathered mob had attacked those heading to Bhima Koregaon, vehicles were burnt, stones were pelted and public and private property were damaged,” he said.

At 11 am, the minister reached the spot and instructed the police to act immediately. However, stones were pelted on his car too. Kamble had then reportedly made a call to Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis between 1.30 and 2.00 pm and had sought for additional police force at Bhima Koregaon. “Even though, the Honourable Minister Dilip Kamble personally talked to the Maharashtra chief minister of at around 11 pm, the police did not deploy any additional force. Even after getting information that shops and houses were attacked and burned and even the victims were making phone calls to the police to save their shops and houses, the police have not taken any steps to save their shops and houses,” the report concluded.

In an hour, the report says, the mob had reached closer to the banks of Bhima river. By 10 am, stones – that were stored in advance at the river bank – were pelted at the visitors. According to some testimonies, rumours of pieces of meat and beer bottles being thrown at one Bhairoba temple at Sanaswadi temple were rife for nearly three-four days. “Even when these rumours were brought to the police’s notice, the police had failed to intervene,” said Justice Chandra Kumar. 

Justice Chandra Kumar has called this act “a systematically planned caste violence”. “In our several rounds of meetings with the villagers, and the police and ongoing through the video recordings of the wide- spread violence, we could not find any convincing reason as to why the police could not stop the mob at its origin (near Vadhu Budruk village) itself. The police had already received complaints on December 29 about the alleged planning of riots that were underway in the neighbouring village, these complaints were also overlooked,” Chandra Kumar said.