18 Deaths, Rampant Malpractice: Bengal’s Panchayat Elections Turn Bloody Once Again

Repolling will take place in 700 booths today, July 10. 

This article, first published at 5.53 pm on July 9, 2023, was republished with updates at 8.15 am on July 10, 2023.

Kolkata: West Bengal once again showed an alarming prevalence of violence embedded in the state’s electoral politics. At least 18 deaths were reported on the day of the panchayat elections, Saturday, taking the total number of casualties to 40 since the polls were announced on June 8. Repolling will take place in 700 booths today, July 10. 

As always, Murshidabad recorded the highest number of casualties during the panchayat elections with five reported deaths. North Dinajpur followed closely with four deaths, and Cooch Behar reported three fatalities. Killings also took place in Malda, South 24 Parganas, Nadia, and East Burdwan. 

Instances of violence and malpractice have been reported across all districts. The opposition has accused the manipulation of ballot boxes at the counting centre just hours after the conclusion of voting.

 

Amit Naik from Ausgram in East Burdwan said, “I can’t vote, armed goons are watching over. They will not allow us to vote. We can’t file a complaint anywhere. Even if the commission picks up the phone, they are not giving any assurance.” 

From remote villages in East Medinipur to posh localities in New town, many people like Amit could not vote. But their votes were cast. The deployment of approximately 660 companies of central forces was much less than allotted 822 companies making the lack of security in and around the polling booths evident.

Pratima Mandal of Khejuri Ramchak in East Medinipur tried to contact the commission all day without success. Her husband and son were allegedly knocked unconscious by supporters of the Trinamool Congress (TMC). Till late evening on Saturday, she did not get any medical or security help.

In New Town, the satellite township bordering Kolkata, residents living in high-rises and gated communities have reported incidents of intimidation, threats, and being prevented from casting their votes by unknown individuals under the guise of ‘vote boycott’.

In Mayusehwar, Birbhum, the presiding officer Rangana Sen was in tears while miscreants were allegedly involved in fraudulent voting. Rampant rigging took place in the presence of law enforcement and presiding officers. In Dinhata, Cooch Behar district, a presiding officer reported that miscreants had forcibly entered the polling station, held him at gunpoint, and stamped the symbol of a particular political party.

However, unlike the past few Panchayat elections, a notable aspect of the day was the “resistance” shown by the opposition parties. In Kanksa, the tribals valiantly resisted the attack. In the remote villages of Basanti in South 24 Parganas, a few women used social media to inform people about booth capturing and violence which went viral. 

In another part of the district, a villager saw false voting happening even before the polling began and threw the ballot box open. 

In violence prone Murshidabad’s Bharatpur and Salar areas, a section of TMC joined hands with the opposition parties to resist booth capturing. Across the state, the ruling party has found themselves under attack from opposition parties. Majority of those party workers who lost their lives on Saturday were known to be TMC supporters.

In Purulia, at Booth No. 106 in Poonacha, the outgoing Zilla Parishad Sabhapati Sujoy Banerjee had to be rescued by the police after angry villagers surrounded him for allegedly tampering with the voting process. 

In Kultali, South 24 Parganas, a clash erupted between the booth encroachers and villagers, resulting in one death. Meanwhile, in Swarupnagar, North 24 Parganas, the villagers retaliated by seizing motorcycles from the assailants and throwing them into a nearby pond.

The TMC is trying to deflect allegations of violence citing the number of deaths from the ruling party’s side. According to an exit poll survey by C-Voter for local ABP Ananda channel, TMC is expected to retain most of the districts. Political experts in West Bengal are also keeping them ahead of the BJP and Left-Congress alliance. 

The last panchayat election in Bengal that displayed a comparable pattern was the one in 2008 when the ruling Left Front faced a similar “resistance” from a rising TMC. 

With much of the resistance coming from areas with sizable minority populations and the visuals of violence, dead bodies and electoral rigging likely to dent its image, the ruling party in Bengal has valid concerns about the long-term repercussions of the events that transpired in the past month. 

Translated from the Bengali original by Aparna Bhattacharya.

Death Toll in Bengal Poll Violence Rises to 12; TMC, BJP Indulge in Blame Game

Despite the orders of the Calcutta high court, central forces have not been deployed outside several polling stations. Instances of rigging, snatching of ballot papers, and pouring water in the ballot boxes are being reported from various parts of the state.

New Delhi: Large-scale violence is being reported from various parts of West Bengal where voting in the Panchayat election is underway. At least 12 people have been killed so far and several injured, according to news agency PTI.

Polling booths have been vandalised and ballot papers are set on fire, as voters began queueing up outside polling stations to cast their votes from 7 am.

Among those killed were six Trinamool Congress members and one worker each of the BJP, Left, Congress and ISF, and another person whose political identity could not be known, officials told PTI.

There were reports of violence and killings from all across the State. Four deaths were reported in Murshidabad district, two from Cooch Behar and Purba Bardhaman districts and one each from Nadia, Uttar Dinajpur and South 24 Parganas districts. Two Trinamool Congress supporters also sustained bomb injuries at Domkal in the district. A BJP polling agent was killed in Cooch Behar.

Among flashpoints were Murshidabad, Nadia and Cooch Behar districts besides pockets in South 24 Parganas such as Bhangar and in Purba Medinipur’s Nandigram.

While the state election commission has sought the deployment of 822 companies of Central forces in the state, only 649 companies have been deployed. According to The Hindu, Central forces were not deployed outside many polling booths despite the orders of the Calcutta high court to that effect.

Governor C.V. Ananda Bose visited different areas in North 24 Parganas district, and met with people injured in the violence, and interacted with voters. “It should cause concern to all of us. This is the most sacred day for democracy… Election must be through ballots and not bullets…,” said Bose, according to the Indian Express.

File photo. West Bengal governor Ananda Bose meeting a victim of poll violence in Dinhata on July 2, 2023. Photo: Twitter/ @BengalGovernor

“They told me about the goons not allowing them to go to the polling booths…It should cause concern to all of us,” he said, urging people to come out and exercise their franchise.

He has also sought a report from state election commissioner, Rajiva Sinha, on the number and the position of the personnel from all the district magistrates in the wake of reports claiming the absence of Central forces outside polling booths.

In the violence that rocked Rejinagar in Murshidabad, a Trinamool Congress supporter was killed. Another body was found at Khargram in the district. Two Trinamool Congress supporters sustained bomb injuries at Domkal in the district, the Hindu report said.

One person was found dead at Sujapur in Malda district. Violence was reported at various places in Cooch Behar district where one person was allegedly killed in poll-related violence. A supporter of CPI(M) was killed at Ausgram in Purba Bardhaman district.

Instances of rigging, snatching of ballot papers, and pouring water in the ballot boxes are being reported from various polling booths. At Dinhata in Cooch Behar, ballot boxes were set on fire at a polling station.

It is being alleged that members of the opposition parties are being confined in Bhangar in South 24 Parganas. Voters who had queued up to cast their votes suffered bullet injuries at Islampur in Uttar Dinajpur.

BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari blamed TMC for the violence. “This is not an election…It’s a ‘jungle raj…the freedom fighters in 1942 declared India free on this land and today this land is in turmoil because of Mamata Banerjee & her nephew with the connivance of West Bengal Police. Central government should take the decision…it’s my demand, if President’s rule is not there let Mamata Banerjee be the CM…we will remove her after contesting in elections but Article 355 should be implemented for the safety of the citizens…,” Indian Express quoted him as saying.

The TMC, for its part, asked, “When violence strikes, it begs the question: where were the Central Forces?”

Taking to Twitter, CPI(M) state secretary Mohammed Salim shared a video of open ballot boxes lying in the field and ballot papers in a puddle of water. He also wrote, “Vote is over! Condition of the ballots, ballot boxes in one of the booths. Btw this pic is from Diamond Harbour.”

Voting began at 7 am in 73,887 seats in the rural areas of the state with 5.67 crore people picking between 2.06 lakh candidates for nearly 928 seats across 22 zilla parishads, 9,730 panchayat samitis, and 63,229 gram panchayats seats. Till 1 pm, 36.66% voter turnout was recorded.

This is a developing story. It will be updated as and when new information trickles in. 

‘You Never Know When Gunshots Are Fired’: Violence Returns to Cooch Behar With Bengal Panchayat Poll

Five people have so far lost lives in poll-related violence. A voter from Sitalkuchi said, ‘We have been experiencing bomb blasts for over a month now. If we go out to vote, they will come to kill us, and if we don’t vote, we will face consequences.’

Cooch Behar (West Bengal): On April 10, 2021, during the fourth phase of the Assembly Poll, five people were killed in Sitalkuchi, Cooch Behar in poll-related violence, including four in firing by central forces triggering a political storm which further consolidated polarised voters. Elections in Cooch Behar have often been marred by violence.

In the run-up to the Panchayat Poll this time around, at least three political activists from the districts have been killed – many more injured in poll-related violence. Polling is underway in nearly 928 seats across 22 zilla parishads, 9,730 panchayat samitis, and 63,229 gram panchayats seats. Since the day the polls were announced on June 8, widespread violence has been reported from across Bengal. Fifteen people including a teenager have died, according to news agency PTI.

“In the last Assembly election, five people died. This time, we have been experiencing the sound of bomb blasts for over a month now. If we go to vote, they come to kill us, and if we don’t vote, we face consequences,” said Ajit Roy, a resident of Sitalkuchi.

“When it comes to voting, fear arises. You never know when gunshots will be fired. I have grown up in Sitalkuchi for 40 years. Since 2018, the unrest has not subsided. Only when everything is peaceful, will I go to vote. What is the value of life?” stated another local Shyamali Barman.

Last week, West Bengal governor C.V. Ananda Bose visited the conflict-affected areas of Dinhata in Cooch Behar district, where he met with the family members of two Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) workers who lost their lives during the poll-related violence. However, despite the governor’s visit three BJP workers were shot even after the campaign ended for the Panchayat poll.

West Bengal Governor C.V. Ananda Bose meets the family members of BJP leader Prasanta Basunia, who was shot dead by unidentified miscreants at his residence, at Dinhata in Cooch Behar district, Saturday, July 1, 2023. Photo: PTI.

The entire village is currently in a state of shock following a brutal attack on Mafuzar Rahman, the husband of the Panchayat pradhan and a prominent figure of the Trinamool Congress. Rahman remains in critical condition as a result of the violent mob assault. This incident has had a significant impact on the region, which is traditionally dominated by the Trinamool Congress.

TMC vs BJP

Uttarbanga Development Minister Udayan Guha dismissed any notion of anti-incumbency sentiment, “This is false news. Even during the Left-Congress alliance, there were similar clashes and killings in Dinhata during the Panchayat elections. Then, the CPI(M) Forward Block was involved, and now it’s Trinamool versus BJP.”

Dinhata, which borders Bangladesh, has been a focal point for political clashes in the region. As the political climate intensified, villagers near the Indo-Bangladesh border are visibly tensed. The fear in the Gitaldaha area has become so profound that when any outsider is seen entering the locality, the residents become frightened and retreat.

Gitadaha bordering Bangladesh

Udayan Guha is optimistic though. “Indira and Rajiv Gandhi were assassinated. BJP has adopted the same style. The killers are coming from Bangladesh and Assam, and BJP leaders are sheltering them in their homes. It’s a grand conspiracy. But they can’t stop us, we will win.”

In the neighbouring Panishala, a minority-dominated area, the BJP has fielded Muslim candidates. Its campaign is focussing on religious harmony. BJP is hoping to win the Zila Parishad in this district, and actively wooing its 25.54% Muslim population.

On the bus to Cooch Behar, I spoke to a few daily passengers, including businessmen and private sector employees. While the fight is primarily between the BJP and the Trinamool Congress, the Left might also perform better with the help of disgruntled Trinamool supporters. For the ruling party, inner fighting remains a major concern.

Tarini Roy

In Mekhligunj, local businessman Gaurav Roy made his preference clear. “I will definitely vote this time, even if it means risking my life. We will vote against those who have not allowed us to cast our votes in our area for the past few years! We will see who the strong candidate against them (Trinamool) is – we want someone honest and respectable who does good work but opposes them. Maybe we will vote for three different parties in three tiers of voting.”

Throughout the district, there is a quiet but simmering discontent against the ruling party. With the Rajbanshi community accounting for 65% of the vote in Cooch Behar, Ananta Maharaj, a prominent leader of the Rajbanshi community and the head of one faction of the Greater Cooch Behar Peoples’ Association, is gaining prominence among leaders from both the Trinamool Congress and the BJP.

Speculations are circulating that the BJP plans to nominate Ananta Maharaj for the Rajya Sabha to secure the backing of the Rajbanshi community. However, Maharaj prefers to keep himself detached from political debates and solely maintains direct communication with the top leaders of both parties. He has recently unveiled a grand mansion in Cooch Behar, advocating for Rajbanshi leadership and the formation of a separate state.

The demand for a separate state for Cooch Behar was initially voiced in 2001 with the slogan “Kamta in North, Mamata in South.” Despite 22 years passing, the sentiment remains strong within the Rajbanshi community. Greater Cooch Behar seeks statehood alongside North Bengal.

Ahead of the Panchayat polls, a recent video clip featuring Kamtapur Liberation Organisation (KLO) leader Jeevan Singh surfaced on social media. In the video, Singh accuses Mamata of conspiring against Union Minister Nishit Pramana and calls upon Rajbanshis to support the BJP in the elections.

CPI(M)’s Tarini Roy was a Rajya Sabha MP from Cooch Behar for a long time. He said, “This is all just a charade by the RSS. We have recognised their true face. The BJP MP who is issuing such threats today was once a youth leader of the Trinamool Congress and later switched. Everyone should know who wants to divide the people based on caste, religion, and language. The Left has secured the rights of the impoverished, giving Rajbanshis and tribals ownership of 66.17% of the land in this district.”

Union minister Nishith Pramanik is vigorously campaigning within the district and has not extended his poll campaign beyond the district. “This is mere propaganda. I am not confined to my own area. After my victory, I travelled across North Bengal in a 10-day march instead of three-day mandated by the party. I have nothing to say or do about Trinamool anymore. They are sinking into their own mess. We stand with the most oppressed Rajbanshis.”

Nisith Pramanik

Interestingly, in Cooch Behar, the only party which had prominent political leaders from the Rajbanshi community leader is CPI(M). From District Secretary of the party Anant Roy to ex-MP Tarini Roy, there are quite a few senior Rajbanshis leaders.

The Left parties claim that the fight was between the king and the people, and it seems that the spirit of that fight is returning. Prashanta Roy, a teacher from the Rajbanshi community, said, “We have assimilated into the mainstream of society. But now, in order to secure the votes, we are resorting to caste and identity politics. We should not accept it.”

As the district prepares for the Panchayat polls, the political environment in Cooch Behar resembles more of a rehearsal for the Lok Sabha elections.

Translated from Bengali to English by Aparna Bhattacharya.

Following Controversy, MHA Website Skips Nisith Pramanik’s Educational Qualification

While the ministry website clearly mentions the highest education qualifications of Nityanand Rai and Ajay Kumar Mishra, two other junior ministries in the home ministry, it skips the details of Nisith Pramanik.

Kolkata: On the ministry of home affairs website, the education qualification of Nisith Pramanik, the new minister of state for home, are conspicuously absent. However, the website carries the education qualifications of Nityanand Rai and Ajay Kumar Mishra, two other junior ministers in the home ministry.

The noticeable omission in the 35-year-old Pramanik’s profile comes in the aftermath of a controversy around discrepancies in his educational qualification as mentioned on Lok Sabha’s website and two affidavits submitted before the election commission of India in 2019 and 2021. The Wire had reported the discrepancies on July 8, the day Pramanik assumed office.

The noticeable omission of Nisith Pramanik’s highest educational qualification on the ministry of home affairs website.

He is the youngest minister in the Modi government and the first-ever Union minister from his home district, Cooch Behar, bordering Bangladesh in the northern part of West Bengal.

Choosing him as a deputy for home minister Amit Shah had surprised many Bengal BJP veterans because Pramanik had joined the party only ahead of the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. He was a TMC youth wing leader till 2018, when he was expelled for anti-party activities in the aftermath of the panchayat elections. He has 11 criminal cases against him.

It is being seen as the party rewarding him for ensuring the BJP’s victory in eight of the nine seats in his district in the recently-concluded assembly election. The party suffered a setback in all but four of the state’s 23 districts, though it was expected to challenge the ruling party.

On the MHA’s website, Rai profile says he has a BA (Honours) degree from R.N. Degree College of Baba Saheb Bhim Rao Ambedkar University, while Mishra’s profile states that he has attained a B.Sc. degree from Christ Church College and a bachelor of law degree from D.A.V. College, Kanpur University.

Also read: Amit Shah’s New Deputy Nisith Pramanik’s Educational Qualification Triggers a Controversy

Pramanik’s profile only says, “He studied at Bhetaguri Lal Bahadur Shastri Vidyapith, Bhetaguri, Cooch Behar.”

The Bhetaguri school has facilities for education up to higher secondary (class 12), but Pramanik’s election affidavits submitted before the ECI before the 2019 Lok Sabha election and the 2021 assembly election mentions that he had appeared in the secondary school exam from that school (class 10). Class 10 has been mentioned as his highest educational qualification in both his affidavits, while his Lok Sabha profile claimed he has a bachelor in computer applications (BCA) degree.

Soon after he took oath as the new junior minister for home ministry, TMC leaders from Cooch Behar district had pointed out that it was not possible for one to enroll for graduation without having passed higher secondary (class 12).

The MHA profile does not mention the BCA degree. However, the Lok Sabha profile continues to carry the same information.

The ministry profile also mentions Cooch Behar district of West Bengal as his place of birth. This comes in the aftermath of allegations that Pramanik originally hailed from Bangladesh. Congress Rajya Sabha MP Ripun Bora had even written a letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, citing media reports, that Pramanik’s remaining family members living in Bangladesh celebrated his ascent to India’s Union cabinet. Bora urged Modi to conduct a probe to find out Pramanik’s citizenship status.

Pramanik has so far made no comments on either of the controversies – regarding educational qualification and alleged Bangladeshi origin. Bengal’s senior BJP leaders, too, have declined to comment on the controversy, saying it was a matter to be addressed only by Pramanik or Central leaders.

“The minister should clear all the confusion around his educational qualification and citizenship status,” said Udayan Guha, a former TMC MLA whom Pramanik defeated by a thin margin of 57 votes in the recent assembly elections.

Pramanik’s candidature in the assembly election despite being a Lok Sabha MP was seen as a reflection of the BJP’s planned cabinet for Bengal in case they came to power. However, as the party fell widely short in numbers, Pramanik chose to give up his assembly membership. That assembly constituency, Dinhata, is to witness a bye-election, in which Guha will contest on a TMC ticket by all chances.

The school from which Nishith Pramanik is claimed to have obtained his BCA degree. Photo: Special arrangement.

Earlier, Guha had even uploaded a photo of the nondescript Balakura Nimna Buniyadi (junior basic) school from where Pramanik claimed to have obtained his BCA degree, asking if it was believable that a BCA course was conducted in that school. It teaches students up to class 5.

Amit Shah’s New Deputy Nisith Pramanik’s Educational Qualification Triggers a Controversy

Pramanik’s Lok Sabha and assembly election affidavits show secondary exam as his highest educational qualification, but his profile on the Lok Sabha website shows contradictory information.

Kolkata: What’s the real educational qualification of Nisith Pramanik, the newly inducted minister of state for home affairs in the Union Cabinet? The Lok Sabha MP from Cooch Behar in West Bengal seemed to have provided contradictory information in his election affidavits and before the parliament.

The controversy over his educational qualification broke out after Pramanik was named the new deputy of home minister Amit Shah following the cabinet reshuffle on Wednesday.

The 35-year-old Pramanik, who recently contested in the Bengal assembly elections and won but resigned to retain his Lok Sabha membership, had written Madhyamik Pariksha or secondary exam as his highest educational qualification in both affidavits.

The one for the assembly election was submitted on March 18 this year, and the one for the Lok Sabha election was submitted on March 25, 2019.

Nisith Pramanik’s March 2021 affidavit.

However, Pramanik’s profile on the Lok Sabha website says his educational qualification is “Bachelors of Computer Applications (B.C.A.) Educated at Balakura Junior Basic School.”

Nisith Pramanik’s profile on the Lok Sabha website.

BCA is a three-year undergraduate course for which passing higher secondary, or the class 12, is mandatory.

Several Trinamool Congress (TMC) leaders from Cooch Behar district have pointed this out to be a major discrepancy.

Also read: A Cabinet Reshuffle That Holds Out No Promise of Good Governance

“In March, his highest educational qualification was to have appeared in the secondary exam – he did not clarify in his affidavit if he passed the exam. And now, in July, he has a bachelor’s degree! How can one have a bachelor’s degree without having passed the higher secondary exam?” asked former TMC MLA Udayan Guha, whom Pramanik defeated from Dinhata assembly seat by a narrow margin of 57 votes.

TMC’s former Cooch Behar MP, Partha Pratim Roy, also raised the same question on Pramanik’s different educational qualifications, in a social media post.

Guha alleged that the school that Pramanik’s Lok Sabha profile refers to is a non-descript junior school where no such course had been conducted. “This is a junior basic school for students up to class 5. How can it offer an undergraduate degree?” he asked.

The Wire could not independently verify Guha’s claims, as authorities at the Balakura Junior Basic School could not be contacted.

Local residents said that the school at Burirhat area is about 8 km away from the MP’s residence at Bhetaguri in Dinhata area.

Pramanik’s profile, however, does not mention that the school gave him the degree. It says that the course was conducted at the school. However, the profile also does not mention which institution offered the degree, even if the school premises was used as a venue.

The Wire sent Pramanik questions through text and WhatsApp messages, requesting him to offer a clarification and details of the course such as affiliation and time of completion but no response was received till the filing of this report. It will be updated as and when a reply from him is received.

Pramanik was a TMC youth wing leader in Cooch Behar district whom the party expelled in 2018, following which he joined the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) ahead of the 2019 Lok Sabha elections at the initiative of Mukul Roy, a Mamata Banerjee confidante who was at that time with the BJP. Pramanik bagged the Lok Sabha ticket and won with a comfortable margin. However, in the recently concluded assembly elections, he managed to win from Dinhata seat by a nominal margin. He did not take oath at the assembly to retain his Lok Sabha membership.

Since Mukul Roy’s switch over to the TMC last month, speculations had been doing the rounds that the TMC was also looking to get Pramanik back. Since then, Pramanik has spent substantial time in New Delhi, meeting national-level leaders.

No senior leader of Bengal BJP wanted to comment on the controversy regarding his educational qualification, saying Pramanik was the best person to answer it.

He had mentioned 11 criminal cases against him in his 2019 affidavit and 13 cases in a 2021 affidavit, including charges of murder, dacoity, theft, and possession of explosives.

Snigdhendu Bhattacharya is a journalist and author based in Kolkata.

BJP To Divide Bengal? Only on Our Terms, Say Leaders of 3 Identity-Based Movements

It may seem logical for at least one of these movements to back the BJP’s idea of creating a separate state. But it appears there is no room for compromise.

Darjeeling: Leaders of three individual identity-based separate state movements in North Bengal, the region around the ‘chicken neck’ of West Bengal that connects the mainland of India to the states of the Northeast, do not appear keen on the BJP’s idea of creating a separate state or union territory (UT) out of the region.

The Gorkhaland movement which began in the 1980s, the Kamtapur movement which began in 1995 and the Greater Cooch Behar movement which began in 1998 have all been demanding a separate state in North Bengal. While it would seem logical for at least one of them to be interested in the BJP’s idea of dividing West Bengal, it appears that none of the three is open to compromise.

Ironically, given that the BJP has been associated with the Gorkhaland movement ever since the party entered West Bengal, the leaders of the movement believe that a separate state or UT of North Bengal would not serve their purpose. Only Gorkhaland will do.

And while the leaders of the two other movements are happy with the idea of a separate North Bengal, they stick firmly to their individual demands in a manner that political pundits believe will obstruct the BJP’s designs.

Meanwhile, the Adivasis who form a large portion of North Bengal’s population are completely against the idea of a separate state or UT for their region.

“We don’t want a UT. We don’t want a rerun of what is happening in Lakshadweep. We are fine in West Bengal. There is communal harmony. Why would we want to downgrade from a state to a UT?” asked Birsa Tirkey, president of the West Bengal chapter of the Akhil Bharatiya Adivasi Vikash Parishad, which works for the uplift and preservation of the language, culture, traditions and rights of different Adivasis communities.

West Bengal BJP office in Kolkata, Sunday, May 2, 2021. Photo: PTI

Greater Cooch Behar 

Bangshi Badan Barman, general secretary of the Greater Cooch Behar People’s Association (GCPA), told The Wire that the GCPA would welcome and support the creation of a North Bengal state, provided that the “sons of the soil” (the indigenous Rajbongshis) are taken into confidence.

“The merger treaties by which Cooch Behar became a part of India will have to be the basis of the creation of the new state and the name of the state should be Greater Cooch Behar or at least Cooch Behar,” Barman said.

Since 1998, the proponents of the Greater Cooch Behar movement have demanded a state comprising seven districts of North Bengal along with the Bongaigaon, Dhubri and Kokrajhar districts of Assam. They claim that the British Raj had taken charge of the kingdom of Cooch Behar through various treaties from 1773 to 1901, after which the kingdom returned to the Royal family of Cooch Behar.

“On September 12, 1949, the kingdom merged with India as a C-category state (Centrally administered) through three treaties. But on January 1, 1950, after invoking old British laws and an old map, the Union government of India bifurcated the kingdom and it became parts of West Bengal and Assam. We are now agitating to reverse this and to constitute a Greater Cooch Behar state,” explained Barman.

Kamtapuri movement

The Kamtapuris, otherwise known as Rajbongshis, a community of people indigenous to the area, have been agitating for a separate state that would comprise all the eight districts of North Bengal as well as four contiguous districts of Assam – Kokrajhar, Bongaigaon, Dhubri and Goalpara.

“We will not support the UT status but we welcome the demand for a separate state,” said Nikhil Roy, president of the Kamtapur Peoples’ Party (United). “The whole of North Bengal should be constituted as Kamtapur and the voices of the sons of the soil (Kamtapuris, aka Rajbongshis) should be strengthened as this land belongs to them. Dialogues can be opened.”

Despite Roy’s statement, political observers believe that the West Bengal government led by Mamata Banerjee has been successful to an extent in wooing the Kamtapuri community with development packages.

“The state government has fulfilled many of our demands,” said Milton Burman, former commander-in-chief of the Kamatpur Liberation Organisation. “We feel that our sacrifices have not gone in vain. The government has also lived up to its assurance of rehabilitating former militants and linkmen. The chief minister’s efforts have won our appreciation.”

The Gorkhaland demand

The leaders of the Gorkhaland movement could impose similar conditions on the BJP in exchange for their support, but neither Ajoy Edwards, leader of the Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF), nor Roshan Giri, general secretary of the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (Bimal) (GJM), believe that a separate state or union territory of North Bengal would serve their purpose. They only want a separate state of Gorkhaland, which would comprise the Darjeeling hills and contiguous areas of the foothills of the terai, as well as the Dooars of the Darjeeling and Jalpaiguri districts.

“We want a permanent political solution for the Gorkhas,” said Edwards. “Our issues and problems are unique and will persist even if North Bengal is carved into a state or UT. We will be swamped by the majority and the political aspirations of the Gorkhas will not be fulfilled.”

The GJM (Bimal) faction has labelled the BJP’s idea of dividing West Bengal as a political gimmick. “Having lost the elections they have launched this political stunt,” said Giri. “Our demand is a permanent political solution for the hills, the terai and the Dooars. The Gorkhaland demand was first raised in 1907. They have to consider it.”

Similar sentiments are harboured by apolitical Gorkha outfits. “Gorkhas aspire for self-governance. Sufficient self-expression in governance is the root of democracy. We feel that in the case of a North Bengal state or UT, the idea of self-expression in governance for the Gorkhas will be a non-starter. We however welcome the initiation of the conversation which we feel will be meaningful in defining the criteria that need to be fulfilled for creation of a new state,” said Dr Munish Tamang, president of the Bharatiya Gorkha Parisang, an apolitical, pan India outfit working for the welfare and upliftment of the Gorkhas.

The BJP has been associated with the Gorkhaland movement ever since the party entered West Bengal. In 2009, the saffron party aligned with the GJM and in 2014 and won the Darjeeling Lok Sabha seat by assuring the Gorkhas that it would “sympathetically consider their long pending demands”. Later in 2019, with assurances of a permanent political solution for the hills, the BJP emerged victorious yet again in the Darjeeling Lok Sabha constituency and won six other seats in North Bengal.

In the 2021 assembly elections, the BJP entered into a political alliance with the GNLF and won 31 out of the 54 seats in North Bengal, while 22 went to the Trinamool Congress and one to an independent candidate.

The proposed Gorkhaland state in yellow. Photo: Banksboomer/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 4.0

The BJP’s plans

Since May, it seems, BJP leaders and public representatives from North Bengal have started political exercises to give shape to the idea of dividing West Bengal, hinging the proposed bifurcation on socio-economic, political and security issues.

Backed by the RSS, the saffron camp started a social media group with 37,370 members on May 6, named Uttarbanga Rajya Chai (We Want A Separate North Bengal) to generate a consensus for a demand for a separate state demand. The name of the group has since been changed to Banchita Uttarbanga (Neglected North Bengal) and it now has 47,000 members.

The Jalpaiguri district committee of the BJP also held a meeting on June 13, in which, among other things, union territory status for North Bengal, comprising the districts of Cooch Behar, Alipurduar, Jalpaiguri, Darjeeling, Kalimpong, North Dinajpur, South Dinajpur and Malda, was discussed.

“Union territory status for the North Bengal region is the only solution to the numerous socio-economic, political and security issues plaguing this region,” Alok Chakraborty, vice president of the BJP district committee of Jalpaiguri, told The Wire.

Chakraborty claimed that North Bengal has always been neglected by the state governments of West Bengal, whether led by Left Front or by the present Trinamool Congress. The region is just a weekend getaway for leaders from Kolkata, he said.

“North Bengal is underdeveloped and the people, whether tea garden workers or from tribes, are backward,” Chakraborty claimed. “There is no health or education infrastructure. There are no employment opportunities. The revenue collected from North Bengal in the form of taxes is used for the development of South Bengal. All this has sparked resentment among the masses, which is why there are three demands for a separate state, including Gorkhaland, Kamtapur and Greater Cooch Behar.”

Chakraborty also cited security issues that he claimed would be solved if North Bengal were a separate state or a UT. “It is surrounded by four international borders including China, Bangladesh, Nepal and Bhutan. Infiltration and cross border crimes are perennial problems. Under these conditions, the area should be directly under the control of Delhi,” Chakraborty said.

The Jalpaiguri district committee of the BJP is planning to hold a public forum in the near future that will generate a referendum for the demand for a state or union territory for North Bengal, said Chakraborty. “We will then table the demand to the prime minister and Union home minister,” he added.

John Barla, the BJP Lok Sabha MP from Alipurduar, backed Chakraborty’s statement. “The seven BJP MPs from North Bengal will take the demand forward in Delhi before the monsoon session of parliament,” he told The Wire.

This is not the first time that the BJP has raised a demand to bifurcate West Bengal into North and South Bengal. On August 4, 2015, BJP leaders from North Bengal in the presence of West Bengal state leaders had spoken about a separate state comprising the districts of North Bengal in a ‘Maha Sampark Aviyan’ meeting in Darjeeling.

Ravindra Narayan Choudhury, the then BJP West Bengal state secretary, had stated that since there had been no permanent political solutions to the separate state demands of Kamtapur, Greater Cooch Behar and Gorkhaland, the BJP could play a proactive role and form a separate state comprising the districts of North Bengal.

“The BJP supports the creation of smaller states,” Choudhury had then stated.

‘Bengal will not be divided’

For Mamata Banerjee, chief minister of West Bengal, there is no question of the state being divided.

She had announced a four-day tour of North Bengal commencing on June 26 to mobilise the masses against the BJP’s idea of division, but has deferred the tour because of the incessant rain and flood-like situation in the state.

“The BJP’s divide and rule policy will not bear fruit in Bengal. The people will give a befitting reply if any attempt is made to divide the state and in any case, it cannot be done without the consent of the state government,” said Banerjee.

Banerjee dismissed the BJP’s claims that North Bengal has been neglected and underdeveloped. “These are baseless allegations with the ulterior motive of fomenting trouble and disturbing peace and tranquility of the region,” she said.

As for the BJP’s claims of security issues due to the close presence of four neighbouring countries, Banerjee said: “It is the Central forces that guard the international borders. How can the BJP raise security concerns?”

A West Bengal government official claimed that the Mamata Banerjee government has increased the budget for the development of North Bengal by 800% in the past 10 years compared to the budget for the region created by the Left Front government.

TMC supremo and West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee with her nephew Abhisekh Banerjees daughter Azania. Photo: PTI

For the Communist Party of India (Marxist), this is a non-issue. “The Left has always opposed the creation of new states, so we will oppose this as well,” said party leader Asok Bhattacharya.

But the Indian National Congress has vehemently criticised the idea. “We will not allow the bifurcation of Bengal. The BJP has always been fuelling separate state demands with the motive of reaping political dividends,” alleged Shubin Bhowmik, vice president of the West Bengal Pradesh Congress.

Meanwhile, several peoples’ groups in West Bengal have also rejected the idea of dividing the state. Bangla Pokkho, an organisation working for the welfare and rights of Bengalis since 2017, has vowed to oppose the BJP’s demand tooth and nail.

“The BJP has been rejected by Bengal. They are now conspiring to create unrest by fanning ethnic sentiments. We will not allow any further division of Bengal,” said Kausik Maiti, a central committee member of Bangla Pokkho.

Interestingly, the BJP itself is a divided house on this issue.

“The BJP has no agenda of creating a separate state or union territory comprising North Bengal districts. It is a baseless propaganda by the Trinamool Congress in connivance with a section of the media,” claimed West Bengal BJP president Dilip Ghosh.

Bengal: Post-Poll Intimidation Leads to Hundreds of BJP Workers Still Living Away From Home

While BJP’s own house is in disarray in Bengal, its grassroots-level workers have been forced to live in party offices or relatives’ houses face with alleged TMC violence.

Kolkata: Giridhari Bagdi, the president of Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha, the youth wing of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), for Labpur ‘A’ mandal committee in Birbhum district, has been living in hiding, in an undisclosed location outside Birbhum, since May 2, when the results of the assembly elections were announced.

A fortnight ago, he took up a job as a mason, after realising that he is in no situation to return to his village, Hatia in Labpur assembly area, anytime soon. He had a shop adjacent to his house for photocopy, printing and photography, which he alleged has been destroyed.

“My shop was ransacked and all the computers destroyed on the very day the results were announced. After hearing the news, I did not return and also asked my father to move out. My father lived with my sister’s in-laws for about a month and returned on June 5. But my life will be at risk if I return. So, I have taken up a mason’s job to sustain myself,” he told The Wire over phone.

Bagdi is one of several hundred grassroots-level organisers of the BJP who are compelled to stay away from their houses, some living at their relatives’ houses in distant areas, and others in BJP’s offices at various districts.

The issue of opposition party workers displaced by political violence perpetrated allegedly by the supporters of the ruling party, Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress (TMC), has remained one of the major talking points ever since Banerjee returned to power for a third consecutive term, despite a high-voltage campaign led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah calling for the toppling of the TMC government.

Since May 2, governor Jagdeep Dhankhar has been taking regular digs at the state government alleging the break down of the law and order situation in the context of the plight of opposition party workers. The Union government had sent teams to look into the allegations made mostly by BJP’s local leaders, senior BJP leaders of the national level has made repeated jibes at the chief minister for the alleged lack of democratic space under her rule. The Calcutta high court has passed several directions to ensure the return of people displaced by political violence or intimidation.

A BJP protest in front of their Kolkata headquarters, against post-poll violence. Photo: Twitter/@BJP4Bengal

While workers of the Left parties and the Indian Secular Front, too, have alleged that they have faced violence, it’s mostly the workers of the BJP who have borne the brunt.

Speaking to leaders from opposition parties of various districts, it appears that most incidents of attack on houses or shops had taken place between May 2 and 6 and since then it is mostly intimidation and manhandling that the opposition leaders are accusing the TMC of.

But nothing assures Bagdi. “If I return, I will either get killed by TMC’s men or the police will implicate me in false cases,” he said.

Birbhum, according to the state’s BJP leaders, has been hit worst by political violence. Over the past few years, the district has become synonymous with Anubrata Mandal, the TMC’s district unit president who has earned a reputation of being a loudmouth and quite a record of publicly issuing threats to political opponents.

A vortex of violence

If Labpur has been the centre of TMC-BJP clashes for the past few years, then Hatia is an epicentre.

On March 18, bombs rained as supporters clashed. This happened after a few bombs were hurled at the residence of TMC panchayat member Biswajit Saha. Police finally arrested six persons from either side, but smaller clashes continued. Even on the day before the polls, several bags full of crude bombs were recovered from this village.

Labpur in Birbhum. Photo: Google Maps

According to Bagdi, around 100 BJP workers and supporters from Hatia village fled their homes, some with their families, in the first few days after the election results. Of them, 70 to 80 workers and their families had returned, he said, adding that this was made possible only after the workers “surrendered before the TMC.”

Around 25 workers and their family members from the village are still living outside, he said.

Whether they ‘surrendered’ remains debatable but it is a fact that several hundred BJP workers and supporters have joined the TMC in Labpur since the election results.

In BJP’s organisational structure, two mandal committees – Labpur ‘A’ and ‘B’ – look after the Labpur assembly segment. The president of Labpur ‘A’ unit, Bikash Acharya, joined the TMC on June 4 along with about 500 workers and supporters, in the presence of the TMC’s Labpur MLA, Abhijit Sinha.

After the joining, Acharya cited two reasons. The BJP did not evaluate his hard work and that there was no scope for serving the people while being with the BJP.

But the BJP’s Birbhum district unit president, Dhruba Saha, alleged political pressure. “Acharya has been a good organiser. It is unfortunate that the TMC forced him to quit the party so that he could stay in his area,” Saha said.

On June 8, Labpur stood witness to a unique scene: a group of BJP workers riding e-rickshaws tendered a public apology, using microphones, for spreading misinformation against TMC before the election. They all wanted to join the TMC and were making the appeal publicly at a market at Bipratikuri village. They were heard saying: “We created tension in the area and grounds for trouble with our misinformation campaign…we promise never to indulge in such acts.”

A notorious place

Labpur’s neighbouring constituency is Nanoor, a place that earned notoriety for political violence in the late 1990s, and especially after the mass murder of 11 agriculture workers, allegedly by CPI(M) workers in July 2000. This dubious distinction continues to linger two decades later.

According to BJP leaders, several hundred party workers and supporters from Nanoor were still staying out of their homes.

One of them is Khokan Das, who was election agent of the BJP’s Nanoor candidate. He fled home on the day of the election results, lived for a few days at a party office and is at present at another office of the party at Suri, the district headquarter of Birbhum. About 100 BJP workers from Nanoor, Labpur and Mayureshwar are living in this office as on June 7.

Also read: The Bengal Violence May Not Be One-Sided or ‘New’ But Mamata Has a Duty to Stop It

Das is a resident of Singhee (also spelt as Singi) village that has been on the boil for the past few months. On March 2, the police recovered 25 crude bombs from the village. On April 6, bombs rained through the evening. TMC’s booth unit president Sheikh Fakir’s son, Bapan, was attacked with knives, allegedly by BJP workers who had also reportedly forced him to chant ‘Jai Shri Ram.’

Clashes broke out on April 11, this time over party flags. On April 29, poll day, BJP’s Das’s car was attacked and he was manhandled, allegedly by TMC workers.

“On the day of the results, I was still at the counting Centre when I heard that my house was attacked,” said Das, “By that time, the TMC’s landslide victory had become evident. I didn’t take the risk of returning home and also asked my family members to leave. My family returned on June 2 but I can’t go back right now,” Das said.

Das said his family runs shops that sell grocery, garments and shoes at the village. All three shops were vandalised and looted, the water supply pipelines to their home were disconnected and the submersible pump destroyed, he said.

A pond belonging to Patharpratima Mandal 1 BJP president Shyamal Sardar, which was allegedly poisoned by TMC workers. Sardar is a fish farmer by profession. Photo: By arrangement

He said many BJP workers who have returned home, were able to only after “surrendering before the TMC or after paying hefty ‘fines’.

The BJP’s Scheduled Tribe (ST) morcha’s state unit secretary, Sukal Mardi, a resident of Uparkhara village in Nanoor, has been staying at a relative’s place in Dumka district in the neighbouring state of Jharkhand since the election results. Speaking over phone, he shared similar experiences.

“A majority of our workers and supporters displaced by political violence and intimidation returned only after quitting the BJP,” he alleged.

In the first week of June, members of 75 families returned to their homes at the initiative of the TMC’s Nanoor MLA, with members promptly joining the TMC, and blaming the BJP leadership of not standing by them.

Nanoor MLA Bidhan Chandra Majhi. Photo: Twitter/@BidhanMajhiTMC

The Nanoor MLA Bidhan Chandra Majhi denied any kind of intimidation. “We didn’t drive anyone away. But the BJP workers who had been intimidating our supporters over the past few months felt scared after the election results and left the area by themselves. Now they have admitted their mistake and expressed their willingness to live a peaceful life. We are more than happy to welcome that,” he said.

The BJP’s Birbhum district unit leader Dilip Ghosh, who visited the police stations at Nanoor and Labpur on June 8 along with a BJP delegation, said that the situation had improved compared to the first week after the results, but was far from normal.

“We urged the police to ensure return of our workers. They promised help but we are not sure how much we can expect,” said Ghosh.

When asked to respond on the TMC leaders’ allegations that it was BJP workers who had terrorised several areas before the elections and issued threats to TMC workers, Ghosh said, “Such things may have happened. But many grassroots-level workers engage in hot talk during the elections. The winner is required to show some magnanimity. They can try to win over opposition workers. Why are they trying to scare them off?”

Beyond Birbhum

In north Bengal, Cooch Behar has been a violent district. TMC’s infighting there led to an intense period of political violence after disgruntled TMC leaders joined the BJP en masse, especially in the aftermath of expelled TMC leader Nishith Pramanik winning the Cooch Behar Lok Sabha seat in 2019 on a BJP ticket.

Nishith Pramanik. Photo: Twitter

Soon after the Lok Sabha election results, the TMC’s Sitai MLA Jagadish Chandra Barma Basunia had to leave his home after facing threats from alleged BJP workers, even though Sitai was the only place in Cooch Behar district where TMC had a lead over the BJP. Several dozen TMC leaders from Sitai, Sitalkuchi and Dinhata areas had to stay away from their homes for several months and Basunia, the MLA, could return only after three months.

At that time, the BJP’s local leaders, including district unit president Malati Rabha had said that the TMC leaders left their houses on their own, to avoid the facing people’s anger against atrocities they had carried out.

Now, it is BJP workers from Sitai, Sitalkuchi, Dinhata, Natabari and Tufanganj areas who are running for their lives.

At Sitai, one of the seats that the TMC won in the district, the presidents of four of the BJP’s six mandal units have fled, along with more than a hundred workers and supporters by a modest estimate.

“My house came under attack on May 2 and I had to leave,” said Dibakar Kar, the president from the BJP’s Mandal number 21 that looks after parts of Sitai. He said police have implicated him in a murder case.

“A TMC worker was killed and the police named me in the FIR. Later, they caught the real culprit,” he said. Since the police have not filed the charge-sheet yet, his name remains in the complaint and he fears arrest once he returns.

Nigamananda Roy Sarkar, the president of mandal committee number 20, looking after another part of Sitai, has also been staying away. He alleged that his house came under attack on May 2.

“My brother, Swaraupananda’s house was twice vandalised and he was twice thrashed. The police arrested only one of the accused and he, too, has got bail and is roaming in the area,” Roy Sarkar alleged.

Also read: How Infighting Took Away TMC’s Fighting Chance in Cooch Behar District

He said that the mode of terrorising political opponents has changed over the past month. TMC workers were no longer vandalising houses or looting homes like they did in the first four days after the elections, Roy Sarkar said, adding, “They have now resorted to thrashing a BJP worker whenever they are seen in public places. Returning home means living under constant terror.”

The youth wing president Bibekananda Roy and the Kishan Morcha president Ranu Barman of the mandal in Roy Sarkar’s area have also been staying away from home – in Arunachal Pradesh’s Itanagar, since mid-May.

“We all had to flee on the day of the results. My house was attacked the next day. We lived at the party’s district unit office for five days and then came to my friend’s place in Itanagar to stay until the situation improves at our village,” Roy said over phone.

Barman, a farmer by profession, is a resident of Dhomerkhata in Sitai II gram panchayat area and has been eager to at least return to his district, if only to stay at a party office.

“If we accommodate workers at one party office, police will file cases against us under the Disaster Management Act for disobeying social distancing protocols,” said a BJP district unit leader.

Malati Rabha, the BJP’s Cooch Behar district unit president said several BJP workers who were still staying out of their villages were desperately looking to migrate to other states with whatever jobs they can find.

The TMC’s response

The district’s TMC leaders rubbished the BJP’s charges. “Absolutely baseless allegations. The district is entirely peaceful,” said the TMC’s district unit president Partha Pratim Roy before snapping the line.

Basunia, the Sitai MLA, said, “Roy Sarkar is lying and is very much in the locality. The BJP is spreading lies to defame the government.” He also said that the BJP, after having unleashed terror in the aftermath of the Lok Sabha elections, has lost all right to talk of terror now.

But is preventing any kind of retribution part of the ruling party’s task? Basu replied, “We have prevented it.”

Udayan Guha, the TMC’s former MLA from Dinhata, lost this election by 67 votes to the TMC’s Cooch Behar MP, Nishith Pramanik. Now that Pramanik has chosed to retain his Lok Sabha membership, a by-election is on the cards. Guha faced an attack, allegedly from BJP workers, on May 6. He had a fracture on his right arm and his bodyguard suffered head injuries. Guha said that there might be some BJP workers who were staying away.

Udayan Guha with Mamata Banerjee. Photo: Twitter/@UdayanGuha1

“There are BJP workers wanted by police in criminal cases. There are other who had unleashed such a reign of terror since the Lok Sabha elections that now they fear retribution…Still, if they contact us, we will ensure their safe return,” said Guha.

He also said that the BJP has vanished from Dinhata since the attack on him. “There is literally no presence of the BJP in the area since then. It is difficult to say which of their organisers are still with the BJP,” he said.

Notably, from June 4, the day he returned to Dinhata after undergoing treatment in Kolkata, posters and hoardings appeared in different parts of the town with photos of the attack on Guha, the state of his hand and the X-ray report.

Two of these images were originally shared by Guha himself on social media, targeting governor Jagdeep Dhankhar for allegedly having turned a blind eye to the attack on him while regularly raising the issue of alleged violence on BJP workers.

“Until these wounds disappear, Mr. Dhankhar will have to pay repeated visits to Dinhata to console the BJP workers,” he wrote in a Facebook post on May 30.

After his return, one of the first things Guha did was to facilitate four BJP panchayat members’ joining of TMC. They were members of Bhetaguri gram panchayat where the BJP MP lives and the only panchayat in Dinhata that the BJP held.

Guha has publicly announced that in another week, there will be no one in Dinhata to carry the BJP’s flag.

The larger picture

The BJP’s state unit general secretary Sayantan Basu said that the party’s estimate of workers and supporters displaced from their homes due to political terror is around 30,000 to 35,000. He said such incidents happened in the districts of North 24-Parganas, South 24-Parganas, Uttar Dinajpur, Bardhaman, West Midnapore and East Midnapore.

The house of BJP’s Keshpur North mandal president Prabin Haldar, allegedly ransacked by TMC workers. Photo: By arrangement

The TMC’s leaders called this ‘a gross overstatement.’ The party also highlighted how about 10 TMC workers were killed by alleged BJP workers since the results and how the Centre’s team or the Governor have paid no visit to any of these families. However, there is no report of any TMC worker having been displaced from his or her home.

BJP leaders in the district of Birbhum, Cooch Behar and East Midnapore admitted that the administration did help in bringing some of their supporters back but alleged that some of their workers were being picked up by the police soon after their return.

No senior bureaucrat agreed to speak on record, saying that the high court was already hearing a case in this regard and the state government was submitting its responses in writing before the court.

The case in the high court was filed on May 7 by BJP leader and advocate Priyanka Tibrewal. At the end of May, a five-judge bench headed by acting Chief Justice Rajesh Bindal set up a three-member committee to ensure the return of people displaced from the Entally area in Kolkata due to political violence. After they all returned within a week, the court expanded the model to the whole of the state.

Amidst this legal battle, the BJP’s own house appears to be in turmoil, with veteran leader and former Meghalaya and Tripura governor Tathagata Roy taking repeated digs at the party’s state and national-level leadership for failing to stand by workers facing violence.

On June 2, Roy wrote in a tweet:


While he used only the initials of the names, who he was targeting was quite clear. ‘KSA’ was construed as BJP’s central leaders in-charge of Bengal, Kailash Vijayvargiya, Shiv Prakash and Arvind Menon and ‘D’ was taken to be a reference to Dilip Ghosh, the party’s state unit president.

Responding to his tweet, senior TMC leader and minister Chandrima Bhattacharya requested Roy to share with her a list of the names of such BJP workers.

“Sir, requesting you to share further details on this matter so we may urgently help everyone return home safely irrespective of their party affiliation. We also assure that strict disciplinary action will be initiated against anyone found involved in such intimidation tactics,” she wrote back.

Roy thanked her for the gesture and, as of June 7, was ready with a list to send her.

Dilip Ghosh, however, on June 8, announced that the party will launch a dharna across the state from June 23 in which the MLAs and MPs will also take part.

Watch | ‘We Will Answer the Bullet with the Ballot’: Mamta Banerjee

Bengal’s electoral politics and the death of four youth in Cooch Behar, on polling day, are front and centre of this election bulletin.

In today’s bulletin, The Wire looks at the death of four people in West Bengal’s Cooch Behar, the disputed statement given by BJP chief of Bengal, Dilip Ghosh, on the matter and the politics that the incident has led to.

In addition, we will look at the the rising number of COVID-19 cases and what the Supreme Court said on the correlation between data and the elections.

‘Not Four, Eight People Should Have Been Shot Dead in Sitalkuchi’: BJP Leader Rahul Sinha

The TMC has asked the Election Commission to take action against BJP leaders propagating violence.

New Delhi: A few days after violence marred the fourth phase of the West Bengal assembly elections with the Cooch Behar firing incident, a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) senior state leader, Rahul Sinha, said the security forces should have killed eight people instead, and not just four, news reports said.

On Saturday, violence broke out at one polling station of the Sitalkuchi seat in Cooch Behar, where four people died after the CISF fired at them and one died due to firing by unknown persons.

According to reports, police said the firing occurred after some people tried to “snatch weapons” from the CISF.

“Not four, eight people should have been shot dead in Sitalkuchi. The central forces should be issued a showcause notice asking why they killed only four and not eight…Goons are trying to deprive people of their democratic rights. Central forces responded appropriately. If it happens again, they will answer again,” Sinha told the Indian Express on Sunday evening.

Sinha reportedly blamed the Trinamool Congress (TMC) for the fifth death that occurred on the same day. “An 18-year-old boy was shot dead in public at a polling station for supporting BJP and their leader is Mamata Banerjee,” he told the daily.

In a similar incident, West Bengal BJP president Dilip Ghosh Sunday said more Cooch Behar-like killings may happen in the next phase of assembly elections if “dustu chelera” (bad boys) do not behave in the coming election phases.

Also read: Why Bengal’s Elections Are Far More Complex Than TMC’s Corruption and BJP’s Communal Drive

TMC urges strict action against BJP leaders for “instigating” violence

According to PTI, the TMC on Monday urged the Election Commission to take strict action against BJP leaders who allegedly made inflammatory remarks over the Cooch Behar firing incident that claimed the lives of “four unarmed civilians”.

In a letter to West Bengal chief electoral officer Ariz Aftab, the party said several BJP leaders, including Ghosh, were “instigating” violence with their warnings of more Cooch Behar-like episodes.

Citing the first instance, the letter said, “On April 11, 2021, at a rally in Baranagar, Dilip Ghosh said people have seen what happened at Sitalkuchi and warned that if anyone oversteps boundary, the incident of Sitalkuchi will be repeated. An official complaint has already been lodged with the CEO.”

The letter, signed by TMC MPs Sudip Bandyopadhyay and Derek O’Brien, also mentioned of similar remarks made by BJP leaders Rahul Sinha and Sayantan Basu.

“The top brass of the BJP has been actively condoning the murder and brazenly suggesting that more innocent lives should have been lost at the hands of central armed police forces,” the TMC said.

The party demanded that “appropriate legal action, including criminal proceedings, be taken against Ghosh, Sinha, Basu and others for their inflammatory statements”.

(With inputs from PTI)

Election Commission Bans Mamata Banerjee From Campaigning for 24 Hours

The EC’s ban will be in effect till 8 pm on April 13.

Kolkata: The Election Commission has banned West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee from campaigning for 24 hours.

The EC’s ban will be in effect till 8 pm on April 13. The EC chose to ban Banerjee over her remarks against central forces and a statement which the EC alleges had “religious overtones,” PTI has reported.

“Commission hereby condemns such statements potent with serious law and order problems across the state(s) and sternly warns Mamata Banerjee and advises her to desist from using such statements while making public utterances during the period when Model Code of Conduct is in force,” the order said.

This is the last order signed by outgoing Election Commissioner Sunil Arora, NDTV has reported.

Indian Express has reported that the EC has said her speeches had been “highly insinuating” and “provocative” and that they had “serious potential” to lead to a law and order breakdown.

The EC also called her reply to the notice it sent her “devoid of substance,” according to its statement tweeted by ANI.


Bengal is in the middle of eight-phase elections, which have seen campaigns unparalleled in attempts at communal polarisation.

In the last phase, four men died after the CISF fired and a BJP worker died after being shot at, in the same constituency of Sitalkuchi in north Bengal, leading to a continuous back and forth between Banerjee and Bharatiya Janata Party leaders, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah.

The EC had banned political leaders from visiting the area for 72 hours, which Banerjee had been critical of.

While Banerjee had brought up the CISF’s action and called it “genocide,” several BJP leaders including Modi, Shah and state president Dilip Ghosh also attempted to harness the situation in their election campaigns.

The state’s ruling Trinamool Congress has maintained through the process that the Election Commission has been acting on the behest of the latter and ignoring the complaints of TMC leaders.

The ECI’s decision against the chief minister was surprisingly prompt, and has led to many opposition leaders accusing the institution of a selective approach that invariably favours the BJP. They pointed out that the ECI hasn’t taken such a punitive decision against multiple BJP leaders who have been attempting to polarise the electorate on religious lines, and against whom complaints too have been filed.

The BJP leaders have been attacking the TMC government for its alleged policies of “minority appeasement”, which the TMC leaders have said this is an attempt to divide Hindus against Muslims.

As The Wire noted, recently, at a rally, Prime Minister Modi – addressing Banerjee – said that Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee recently said that “all Muslims should unite, and not allow their votes to be divided.” She had also appealed to Hindus not to fall victim to attempts at communalising the state but Modi ignored that part of her speech.

“You are saying…this means that you are convinced that the Muslim vote bank has also gone out of your hands, the Muslims have also turned away from you.”

He then said, “But had we asked the Hindus to unite and vote for BJP, we would have got eight or ten notices from the Election Commission. Editorials would have been written about us in the entire country.”

On poll day in Nandigram, April 1, Banerjee who is contesting from there had claimed that BJP workers were not allowing voting to take place and that villagers had complained that they were being stopped from voting by BJP. In a wheelchair, she visited the area of Boyal. Several members and supporters of BJP shouted ‘Jai Shri Ram’ at her. Banerjee remained inside a voting booth for two hours and lodged a complaint with the Election Commission.

Three days later, the Election Commission said that there “could not have been a greater misdemeanour” than Banerjee’s conduct.

Note: This is breaking news. The article will be updated as more information comes in.