Tamil Nadu Govt Reintroduces Curbs From April 10 as COVID Cases Surge

Only 50% people will be allowed in groceries, retail shops, malls, big format stores, restaurants and tea shops, among other restrictions.

Chennai: As fresh COVID-19 cases continued to increase, the Tamil Nadu government on Thursday announced reintroduction of curbs like permission only for 50% seating capacity in cinema halls and ban on select activities effective April 10, to help prevent the spread of the virus.

All those above 45 years of age should get vaccinated within two weeks in either government or recognised private facilities to help prevent the virus spread, the government advised.

Retail outlets in big vegetable markets like the sprawling Koyambedu complex in Chennai and similar large facilities in districts shall not be allowed to operate, an official release said.

In Chennai, intake of passengers in buses and intra and inter-state travel shall be confined to seating capacity of vehicles and no passenger shall be allowed to travel by standing. In taxis and autorickshaws, only three and two passengers would be allowed respectively.

Gatherings for religious and festival purposes would be prohibited and prayers in all places of worship by adhering to norms like social distancing shall be permitted only up to 8 pm. The e-registration rule would be in place as before to monitor those arriving in Tamil Nadu from other states and abroad.

Also read: Watch | ‘India’s COVID-19 Surge Could Reach 1.8 to 3 Lakh Cases a Day, but End by Mid May’

Limiting the maximum number of people who could take part in weddings to 100 and those for funeral to 50, the government said spectators shall not be allowed for sporting events and swimming pools must be used only for training.

Be it groceries, retail shops, malls, big format stores, restaurants and tea shops, the number of people who could gather at any given time shall not exceed 50% of the capacity and all outlets could function till 11 pm and take away services would also be open till such time.

The only ‘50%’ rule would also be applicable to movie theatres including single screen and multiplex, zoos, amusement parks, recreation clubs and ‘200’ is the maximum number of people who could be allowed in auditoriums for events including cultural, entertainment, political or sports.

Emphasising strict adherence to standard operating procedures (SOPs) including wearing masks and social distancing, the government appealed to the people to cooperate with it to aid prevention of the spread of the virus.

Firms, factories, commercial complexes and hotels must ensure thermal screening, use of hand sanitisers and masks and expos would be allowed only for Business to Business process.

People who do not wear masks should not be allowed entry in premises including hotels and commercial complexes.

Industries should make arrangements to get employees vaccinated and action would be taken against establishments that do not follow the SOP.

Though shoots for small screen soaps and movies shall be allowed, artists and employees must undergo RT-PCR tests and get vaccinated and production houses should ensure this, the government said.

Also read: COVID-19: For the Second Wave, A Lockdown Should Be India’s Last Option

On Wednesday, Tamil Nadu witnessed nearly 4,000 new virus cases, of which Chennai and its nearby regions accounted for a significant chunk.

The number of active cases rose to 27,743 on April 7 from 13,070 on March 28, the government said. As part of the strategy to combat the spread of the virus, increased and aggressive testing was on and about 80,000 RT-PCR tests were being done everyday.

Initiatives like fever camps, door-to-door survey to detect people with flu like symptoms and contact tracing of those who were in contact with people who tested positive would be back across the state.

In containment zones, the current curbs would continue without any relaxations and international air travel shall not be allowed according to the Centre’s ban.

In Chennai, field-level committees for every zone would be set up to bring down the case load and similar panels shall become functional in districts too.

Monitoring mechanism for containment zones (involving personnel from police and health departments besides employees from local bodies) shall be in place to ensure that people do not step outside of such areas.

Volunteers would be assigned to help people in containment zones and they shall ensure availability of essential commodities for residents.

If COVID-19 symptoms are suspected, the nearest government facility should be approached, the government said, and sought public cooperation.

Facing Rise in COVID-19 Cases, Karnataka CM Bans Protests, Says No Lockdown

Karnataka chief minister B.S. Yediyurappa said the government has decided to ban all kinds of protests in the state for 15 days.

Bengaluru: With surging COVID-19 cases, Karnataka chief minister B.S. Yediyurappa said on Monday the government has decided to ban all kinds of protests in the state for 15 days from today, as he ruled out any lockdown for now.

Asking people to cooperate by wearing face masks and maintaining social distancing, he said officials have been instructed to take strict measures against those not wearing masks from tomorrow itself.

The chief minister today reviewed the COVID-19 situation in Bengaluru city and other important districts along with senior ministers and officials of his government. “COVID-19 cases are rising in Bengaluru at an alarming rate, which is a cause of concern. Daily average cases are around 1,377 and positive cases are 16,921 in the last 14 days,” Yediyurappa said.

Speaking to reporters after the meeting, he said tracing, testing and treatment is being strengthened. “In order to contain the disease, I appeal to the public to observe proper COVID-19 restrictions and avoid crowding, otherwise it will become extremely difficult to bring the situation under control,” he warned.

Watch: How Daily Wage Workers Are Still Coping With the Effects of the Lockdown

Health minister K. Sudhakar, revenue minister R. Ashoka and education minister Suresh Kumar were among the ministers present at the meeting in addition to top officials.

“Neighbouring Maharashtra was witnessing more than 40,000 cases every day, while in Karnataka it is now about 3,000 and about 2,000 in Bengaluru,” the chief minister said.

Ruling out closure of schools and colleges for now, in response to a question, he said no gathering of people in the name of protests and demonstrations will be allowed in the state for 15 days, and strict measures will be taken with regard to marriages and events following the guidelines in terms of number of people attending.

Regarding the by-election-related rallies, he said, “We will not allow big gatherings, and strict instructions will be given in this regard soon.”

Noting that infections were reported more in the age group of 20-40, Yediyurappa said that “mortality rate is low, and most of those cases are 60 years and above group.” He said upto 60,000 tests were being done in Bengaluru city, and 6.61 lakh people have been vaccinated in the city.

Watch: ‘India’s Current COVID-19 Surge May Be Worse Than the First, Needs Attention’

Sufficient hospital beds were available, the chief minister said. COVID-19 care centres with 100 beds each have been set up at Hindustan Aeronautics Limited and Haj Bhavan and a 250-bed centre will also start operations from April 5, 2021 at Koramangala indoor stadium in the city. In addition, private hospitals have been asked to be prepared to reserve beds for COVID-19 patients.

Stating that there was no shortage of funds for COVID-19 management, Yediyurappa said Rs 150 crore has already been released, and if required, more funds will be released.

“It is a relief that the COVID-19 numbers are low in slums, but it is increasing in apartments, and special vaccination drives are being planned for apartments,” he said. Instructions will be given to control parties or events there, the chief minister added.

He said the leader of opposition in the state assembly Siddaramaiah has written to him on containing the second wave of COVID-19 in a scientific way and by not imposing any lockdown that may impact normal life, and it was also discussed in today’s meeting.

Delhi Bans Public Celebration of Upcoming Festivals Due to Surge in COVID-19 Cases

The Delhi Disaster Management Authority ordered that there will be no public celebrations in the national capital for upcoming festivals such as Holi, Navaratri and Shab-e-Barat.

New Delhi: In view of a persistent rise in COVID-19 cases, the Delhi Disaster Management Authority (DDMA) on Tuesday ordered that there will be no public celebrations in the national capital for upcoming festivals such as Holi and Navaratri.

Delhi chief secretary Vijay Dev directed authorities to ensure strict compliance of the order. “All authorities concerned will ensure that public celebrations and gatherings, congregations during upcoming festivals like Holi, Shab-e-Barat, Navaratri etc shall not be allowed in public places/public grounds/public parks/markets/religious places etc in NCT [National Capital Territory] of Delhi,” Dev said in his order.

Delhi reported 1,101 COVID-19 cases on Tuesday, the highest in over three months, while four people succumbed to the disease during the same period, the health department said. It was the first time since December 24, 2020 that the city recorded more than 1,000 COVID-19 cases.

The DDMA in its meeting on Monday, attended by the lieutenant governor and chief minister Arvind Kejriwal, had discussed the emerging COVID-19 situation in the city.

Also read: Punjab CM Says 81% of Punjab’s New COVID-19 Cases Are Strain That Originated in UK

“DDMA is satisfied that the NCT of Delhi is again under threat of the spread of COVID-19 epidemic… And whereas, the situation of COVID-19 in Delhi has been reviewed and it has been observed that there has been a persistent rise in COVID-19 cases in NCT of Delhi during the last fortnight,” the order stated.

It is anticipated that gatherings, congregations and public celebrations during the upcoming festivals like Holi, Shab-e-Barat, Navaratri may pose a considerable threat of the spread of the virus, it stated. “Considering this, it has been decided that public celebrations and all gatherings, congregations during upcoming festivals should not be allowed in public places,” stated the DDMA order.

The chief secretary has directed all district magistrates, their counterpart district deputy commissioners of police and other authorities to ensure that gatherings are not allowed during the upcoming festivals. District magistrates should take appropriate action according to health protocol in NCT of Delhi with regard to screening, testing, isolation, surveillance, added the order.

Also read: COVID-19 Vaccine Available for Everyone Above 45 From April 1: Health Ministry

In another order, the DDMA has called for additional precautionary measures to prevent and control the rapid increase of cases in Delhi regarding people coming to the city from other states where COVID-19 cases have recently been rising “significantly”. “All DDMA authorities will conduct random testing (RAT/RT-PCR) of passengers coming from the states where COVID-19 cases are surging, at all airports, railway stations, Inter-State Bus Terminals (ISBT) and other alighting points,” said the second DDMA order.

After the collection of samples, the travellers would be allowed to exit. “However, those passengers who are found positive shall be mandatorily quarantined/isolated at their place of stay or government facilities like covidcare centres and hospitals for 10 days as per the prescribed protocol of the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare,” the order said.

The authorities will ensure that maintaining record and surveillance tracking, tracing, of such passengers is done according to the protocol prescribed by the State Integrated Disease Surveillance Programme.

IIT Madras Shuts Down as More Than 100 Test Positive for COVID-19

COVID-19 has struck more than a hundred students and mess workers in IIT-Madras. Contact tracing and testing are being aggressively pursued to contain the outbreak.

Chennai: The Indian Institute of Technology-Madras has been hit by the coronavirus outbreak with over 100 people, a majority of them students, testing positive for the contagion, a top health official said on Monday.

A total of 104 students, among others, have contracted the disease and all were doing well in the hospital, Tamil Nadu health secretary J. Radhakrishnan said, allaying fears of further spread.

Of the 444 samples lifted till date, 104 have tested positive for COVID-19, he said. He further added that from December 1 to 12, the number of positive samples from the institute steadily increased from a few samples to 33 specimens that day.

“All of them are being treated at the King’s Institute of Preventive Medicine and Research as per the directive of Chief Minister K. Palaniswami and they are all doing well,” he told reporters here.

Also read: Many MBBS Students Are Being Put on COVID Duty in Improper Conditions

A spokesperson for the institute said that all departments and labs had been shut and as of then, only about 700 students, mostly research scholars, were accommodated in nine hostels.

“Classes are being held online,” she said.


Radhakrishnan said that though the results showed a 20% positivity rate, there was no need for concern as measures like aggressive contact testing were in place as per the protocol.

Later, the top official told PTI that he was going to visit the IIT-M campus for inspection. He also went to visit the COVID-19 patients being treated at the hospital.

Health officials have also inspected the campus, he said.

“As soon as we started getting cases, we went in for aggressive testing and contact tracing. A majority of them are students and some canteen workers.”

On the source of infection, he said, “it is said that it could be from the mess,” but there was nothing to panic about any further spreading of the disease since all measures were in place to combat it, he said.

From COVID-19 To AIDS, It Is Important To Take Diagnostics Closer To Communities

The response to the two diseases require similar public health approaches – behaviour change, communication for prevention, linkages to testing, contact-tracing, care, support and regular follow-ups.

With the end of India’s COVID-19 epidemic not yet in sight, the resilience of the country’s health systems is faced with a serious test.

The limitations of the public health system in India are well-known. India lags behind not only among its BRICS peers but also some of its neighbours on the health and quality (HAQ) index.

COVID-19 has substantially disrupted healthcare services, especially due to overburdening at hospitals and clinics. In settings like ours, with a high burden of HIV, tuberculosis and other infectious diseases, these disruptions have in turn driven up the number of deaths due to HIV by up to 10%, and due to tuberculosis by up to 20%.

There are many parallels between the two diseases of COVID-19 and AIDS, right from both being caused by retroviruses to both their epidemics being accompanied by numerous conspiracy theories. Notably, both AIDS and COVID-19 patients also contend with misinformation and stigma, leading to issues of access and discrimination. Policing and detention have made it harder for healthcare workers to reach those at greater risk, depriving them of effective prevention and interrupting treatment. We have already witnessed the blurring of health and law enforcement with COVID-19 as well.

Social similarities apart, the response to both diseases require similar public health approaches – behaviour change, communication for prevention, linkages to testing, contact-tracing, care, support and regular follow-ups, etc.

Also Read: Can We Co-Opt the Fight Against COVID-19 With That of Tuberculosis?

Indeed, key strategies that can be used to integrate our response to COVID-19 and HIV include community-based testing mechanisms, peer-led contact tracing and prevention of stigma and discrimination.

It is important to engage affected communities from the beginning in all response measures – building trust, ensuring suitability and effectiveness, as well as frequent sharing of information. Peer-counselling is important. There is an urgent need to ensure access to free or affordable screening, testing and care for the most vulnerable and hard-to-reach population groups.

Next, we must take diagnostics closer to communities and map vulnerable areas to address inequities. Community-based testing (CBT), pioneered with our response to HIV, has been successful and can be used to screen for COVID-19 using rapid diagnostic kits in non-judgemental ways.

The use of police and other government agencies to aid contact-tracing hasn’t paid off. It’s time to acknowledge that peer groups are more useful.

A student displays his hands painted with messages as he poses during an HIV/AIDS awareness campaign to mark the International AIDS Candlelight Memorial, in Chandigarh, May 20, 2018. Photo: Reuters/Ajay Verma/Files

Stigma and discrimination

There is a need to combat all forms of stigma and discrimination as well, including those based on race, social contacts and profession (including among healthcare workers).

From the HIV epidemic, we have learnt that restrictive, stigmatising and punitive measures can lead to significant human-rights abuses, with disproportionate effects on already vulnerable communities. They can also undermine epidemic response, sending people with symptoms underground, and fail to address the underlying barriers that people face when they attempt to protect their health and that of their communities.

There is also a need to move away from compulsory restrictions and towards reaching and serving those who are more vulnerable, scaling up screening and testing for those most in need, empowering people with knowledge and tools to protect themselves and others.

The lack of a comprehensive, multi-sector response, misinformation creating stigma, poor community engagement and selective focus on metropolitan centres has led to rapid and consistent spread of disease in some states, especially those with poor health infrastructure delivery capacity.

Fortunately, there is still room to reevaluate – but the government must move beyond hyperbole to introspect and set forth concrete actions with strict deadlines.

Evidence shows that an integrated approach to manage them might be able to encourage safer behaviour, increase detection rates, bring more people under treatment and, at the same time, offer cost-benefits to the health system by using the same channels for multiple services.

The national HIV epidemic has also taught us that we need to have strong surveillance mechanisms and region-specific strategies to address key drivers. The HIV epidemic was fuelled by more developed, urbanised districts with large populations, better socio-economic conditions and poor literacy. Such geographies are more likely to have consistently high HIV-prevalence levels.

The approach of focusing on high-prevalence states rather than districts that are showing signs of rapid urbanisation and socio-economic development has led to the emergence of newer pockets of HIV in low-prevalence states.

The latest round of HIV sentinel surveillance has shown declining HIV prevalence trends in the traditional high-prevalence states of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and Telangana. However, the results face the other way in Gujarat, Punjab, Rajasthan, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi and Bihar, where the epidemic has been showing a rising trend.

So we need region-specific strategies for HIV control, based on the principal drivers of the HIV epidemic in different regions of India.

Also Read: In Goa, Disease, Discrimination and COVID-19 in the Afterlife of AIDS

Virus propaganda

Stigma and discrimination manifest differently in different contexts and for different populations – but some aspects are constant. We have learned useful lessons in our HIV response that we can apply to our COVID-19 response. HIV-related discrimination was caused by fear, misinformation and because people saw it through a moralistic lens. Calling COVID-19 a “foreign” virus and accusing certain groups of being responsible for spreading it can be similarly detrimental. It increases stigma for some groups, and makes others complacent as they begin to think of it as someone else’s problem.

The HIV response showed us that stigma can take root on several grounds and can manifest in several settings. It can also particularly impact certain groups that may find it difficult to access services by virtue of who they are, where they live and work, or their sexual orientation. The COVID-19 response needs to take this into account and make sure to combat stigma and discrimination in all forms.

Involving people living with HIV and key populations affected by HIV made a huge difference to the response. Meaningfully engaging at the community level, including with people who have recovered from COVID-19, with their consent, can lead to increasing awareness and reducing stigma and discrimination.

Patients who have recovered from COVID-19 volunteer for a coronavirus awareness campaign in Kolkata, July 6, 2020. Photo: PTI/Ashok Bhaumik

Cost-effective and evidence-based interventions for COVID-19 – like ‘test, trace, treat’ – are available and should be delivered in an integrated, stigma-free manner.  These interventions should include system-level integration – effective implementation of all COVID-19 prevention activities at the district-level and capacity-building of existing program managers. Carefully assessing and documenting key lessons learned from the current HIV programme and best practices that can be replicated in COVID context are the need of the hour.

In an environment of limited resource availability for health, as at present, some suggest joint action on HIV-COVID-19 could be efficient, cost-effective and sustainable. In view of the higher degree of stigma attached to HIV, largely because of its sexual connotations, integration may not be entirely feasible but the lessons learnt from HIV programmes can be very beneficial.

S.Y. Quraishi is former director-general, National AIDS Control Organisation, and currently chairman, AIDS Alliance India.

Nagaland to Impose Rs 100 Fine on People Not Wearing Face Masks in Public

A fine of Rs 500 will be imposed on institutions which do not have hand-washing facilities with immediate effect.

Kohima: The Nagaland government has decided to impose a fine of Rs 100 on people who don’t wear face masks in public places and Rs 500 on institutions without handwashing facilities with immediate effect, an official said on Saturday.

The Nagaland Disaster Management Authority observed that wearing masks, especially in public places, making the provision of handwashing facility by various establishments, maintaining physical distance in high-risk settings, are often not being followed which poses a serious risk of infection not only to the defaulters but also to other people around them, said Chief Secretary J. Alam in an order issued on Friday.

Therefore, in the exercise of the powers conferred under the Epidemic Diseases Act, 1897 and given the guidelines issued under the Disaster Management Act, 2005 the government has decided to make it compulsory for everyone to wear a face mask and also provide hand sanitisers or handwash facility in all establishments, including offices, educational institutions, religious places and shops with immediate effect.

Alam said violation of the SOPs and guidelines would lead to penalisation of the defaulters. People not wearing a mask in public places, including offices, banks, markets, business establishments, restaurants, hotels, public transport, social and religious gatherings or meetings, educational institutions would be liable of Rs 100 fine for every offence.

Also read: COVID-19: Harsh Vardhan Asks Seven States to Increase Testing

Not providing handwashing facility or hand sanitizers in shops and business establishments, restaurants and hotels would be Rs 500 fine with a warning for first offence while after one week of first offence would lead to sealing of the establishment with or without suspension of registration/license wherever applicable till facilities are provided.

He said police and transport officers and the concerned urban local body would be responsible to enforce the said order.

The chief secretary also informed that not adhering to the limit on the number of passengers in bus, taxi and auto-rickshaw as per guidelines would also be penalized.

Violation or non-compliance of any other clauses, provisions of SOPs, advisories currently in force, including but not limited to quarantine, isolation, contact tracing, testing would lead to registration of a case under relevant sections of the National Disaster Management Act 2005 and Nagaland Epidemic Diseases (COVID-19) Regulations, 2020.

The order comes into force immediately and would remain valid till further orders, said the chief secretary.

Nagaland till Friday has reported 9,638 COVID-19 cases of which 725 are active cases.

CIC Pulls Up IT Ministry for Saying it Has No Information on Aarogya Setu App’s Origins

In a clarification issued after the CIC order, MeitY has said names of those involved in the development is in the public domain.

New Delhi: In a classic case of the left hand of government not knowing what the right hand is doing, hours after the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology (MeitY) was pulled up by the Central Information Commission (CIC) for claiming not to have information on the origins of the Aarogya Setu app, the same ministry issued a press release saying everything about the app was already in the public domain.

The Ministry of Home Affairs had made the contact tracing app mandatory for those travelling and for several other activities during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Responding to the CIC’s order – which also raised questions on whether there could have been a breach of personal data because of the app – the MeitY later issued a clarification, saying the “AarogyaSetu App was launched by Government of India in public private partnership mode”.

“Since 2nd April 2020, regular press releases and updates have been issued on AarogyaSetu App including making the source code available in Open domain on 26th May 2020. The names of all those associated with the development of the App and management of the App ecosystem at various stages was shared when the code was released in Open/Public Domain and the same was shared widely in media also,” the release continues. The ministry has also said that the “AarogyaSetu has proved to be very useful in India’s fight against COVID19″.

In response to a right to information query, though, the Central agencies involved in the development of the app had claimed to have no information about its origin.

Taking cognisance of such denial of information by the MeitY and before that the National Informatics Centre, central information commissioner Vanaja N. Sarna recently took strong exception to the ministry having “no clue” about how the platform came into being.

The CIC observed that “none of the CPIOs were able to explain anything regarding who created the App, where are the files, and the same is extremely preposterous”.

The information panel has also asked the NIC, which comes under MeitY, to state why despite the fact that the Aarogya Setu claims that the platform was designed, developed and hosted by it, the ministry had no information on the development of the site. It also expressed its surprise that the ministry was unaware of this despite the fact that another body under it, MyGov, owned, updated and maintained the content on the platform.

Petition asked for details on development of Aarogya Setu

In his petition filed before the Commission on August 1, RTI activist Saurav Das claimed that he had not received a satisfactory reply from the ministry when he asked it for details of the app.

Das had sought among other things a copy of the entire file related to the creation of the Aarogya Setu app including origin of proposal, the approval details, and the details of the companies, people, and government departments involved in the process. He had also asked for internal notes, memos, file notings and correspondences related to the making and finalising of the app.

Moreover, he had asked for the details of the law/legislation under which the app was created and is being handled. Also, he asked if the Government of India has any proposal to bring in a law separately for this app and its handling.

Also read: Who Is my Aarogya Setu Data Shared With? Govt Group Releases Data Protocol

Das complained to the Central Information Commission that the CPIO of MeitY responded on August 7 by only saying that his RTI application had been forwarded to the CPIO of the National E-Governance Division (NeGD) of the ministry but did not answer his queries. As for the NeGD, he said on October 2, it responded saying it did not have any information relating to his queries.

Activist urged urgent hearing in public interest

Das urged an urgent hearing saying the matter was of “immense public interest” and required “immediate public scrutiny”. He also had pointed out that any failure by the public authorities to perform their duties as outlined in the Protocol, 2020 and its failure to inform the usage of people’s personal and user data will have a severe and irreversible detrimental effect on people’s right to privacy and therefore their fundamental right to life and liberty. The RTI activist also submitted that the Aarogya Setu App will be rendered useless once the pandemic is over and submitted that any delay in hearing the matter would therefore lead to the matter becoming infructuous and of no use.

The Commission accepted that the matter related to right to privacy which is an essence of right to life and liberty deemed it fit to provide an opportunity of early hearing.

Sarna noted in the order that Das submitted it was “very surprising” that information was not provided by the NIC saying it “does not hold the information” relating to the app’s creation, despite it being the app’s developer.

Order records seriousness of issue considering possible breach of personal data

The CIC recorded that “now MeitY also has not provided any information relating to the App’s creation and other matters” and how, therefore, the complainant has pleaded that “no one has any information on how this App was created, the files relating to its creation, who has given inputs for this App’s creation, what audit measures exists to check for misuse of the personal data of millions of Indians, whether any anonymisation (sic) protocols for user data have been developed and about who this data is being shared with.”

The order also recorded that how Das had raised the concern that “any failure to perform their duties” by the government agencies involved “could essentially lead to security compromise of millions of Indians’ personal and user data” and that “this would be a grave breach of fundamental right to privacy on a massive scale and threaten people’s constitutionally guaranteed right to life and liberty.”

The CIC order also took on record the demand of the complainant for recognising a senior level officer of MeitY as the deemed CPIO in this matter and how the complaint pointed out that various media reports had questioned the Aarogya Setu App and its making and handling.

Also read: Aarogya Setu App: A Tale of the Complex Challenges of a Rights-Based Regime

“If the right to privacy is breached due to inept handling of people’s personal and user data, it will be a breach to one’s right to life and liberty. The information as asked for would fall under the category of threat to life and liberty of millions of Indians and if the urgent hearing is not provided, the matter will become infructuous and it is the mandate of the Commission to prioritise matters pertaining to one’s, but in this case, millions of Indians’ liberty on priority. This will be in larger public interest involved in the matter,” the CIC order recorded the complainant as saying.

CIC says all CPIOs gave evasive replies, `breach of privacy cannot be ruled out’

The CIC order further said that the CPIO of the Department of Electronics did submit that a time reply was given to the complainant. As for the CPIO of NeGD, it said he said that the information sought in the RTI did not relate to the Division but “could not explain why it took him almost two months to provide a reply and that too informing that the information sought is not related to NeGD.”

The order said the CPIO of the ministry too “could not gave a plausible explanation except that the creation of the same involves inputs from NITI Aayog” and that he “could not explain as to how it is possible that the App was created and the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology has no clue about its origin.”

The CIC said “apparently, the CPIO, MeitY and all concerned CPIOs present during the hearing have provided a very evasive kind of reply as well as submissions and not even attempted to trace the holder of the information in this case. Moreover, the applicant has rightly pointed out that the App is being used by masses at large and can have wide reaching effects and breach of privacy cannot be ruled out completely.”

“How was app created when there is no information with relevant public authorities?”

The CIC also ruled that the CPIO, NIC’s submissions that the entire file related to creation of the App was not with NIC was understandable, but said “the same submissions if accepted from MeITY, NeGD and NIC in toto, then it becomes more relevant to now find out how an App was created and there is no information with any of the relevant public authorities.”

Also read: Aarogya Setu: Building a Wooden Bridge Won’t Take Us to a Safer Future

The Commission then directed the CPIO, NIC to explain this matter in writing as to how the website was created with the domain name gov.in, if they do not have any information about it. Moreover, it directed that an e-mail be sent by its Registry to the e-mail idsupport.aarogyasetu.gov.in as mentioned in the website directing them to send the concerned authority to be present before the Commission on the next date of hearing.

The CIC also asked the CPIO NIC to explain that when in the website it is mentioned that Aarogya Setu Platform is designed, developed and hosted by National Informatics Centre, Ministry of Electronics & Information Technology, Government of India, then how is it that they do not have any information about creation of the App.

It also issued notices to the CPIOs of MeitY, Department of Electronics, NeGD and NIC to explain why penalty under section 20 of the RTI Act should not be imposed on them for prima facie obstruction of information and providing an evasive reply. The matter has now been listed for November 24.

On the Legal Front, How Prepared Is India for the Next Public Health Emergency?

The Epidemic Diseases Act fails to meet the objective of effective regulation and monitoring of reasonably imposed restrictions, as it neither sets out duties of the state nor guarantees rights to citizens during an epidemic.

The COVID-19 pandemic leads one to examine India’s legal regime on epidemics. Globally, state responses have remained shrouded with panic as the impact of the disease on health and economy is on a scale previously unseen.

The Central government’s directive to states in March was to invoke the Epidemic Diseases Act, 1897 within their respective jurisdiction. The nationwide lockdown was imposed as a combative strategy regulated by guidelines under the Disaster Management Act, 2005 (DMA) and COVID-19 was declared a ‘notified disaster’. Currently, guidelines issued by the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) regulate functioning in the ‘unlock’ phase.

This article explores whether the Indian legislative framework meets the objective of ‘public health’ during an epidemic. Also, whether it meets the requirements in terms of surveillance, preparedness and control of diseases.

The Epidemic Diseases Act, 1897: boon or bane?

The Epidemic Diseases Act (EDA) was enacted by the colonial government in India to curb the spread of the bubonic plague in erstwhile Bombay. In David Arnold’s words, “EDA is one of the most draconian pieces of sanitary legislation ever adopted in colonial India”. History reveals that this extremely brief piece of legislation could not even meet the objective it was framed for, as the plague spread to other cities. In the century following its enactment, it has not kept pace with the rapid rise in communicable diseases, their geographic extent and the severity in the pattern of outbreak.

Major shortcomings of the EDA are, first, that it does not provide any clear definition of ‘dangerous epidemic diseases’. The identification of a disease to be classified as an epidemic should be based on scientific analysis of the magnitude of the impact of the disease, affected population and the possibility of international spread.

Second, the distinction between ‘isolation’ and ‘quarantine’ is blurred. Under section 2 of the Act, the state government is empowered to use appropriate authority to inspect, segregate and detain persons suspected to be infected by such dangerous epidemic disease in hospitals or temporary setups. Under section 2A, the Central government is empowered to formulate regulations to control the epidemic, including travel restrictions, examinations and inspections of any ships or vessels leaving from or arriving at ports. Section 188 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) is imposed as deterrent for disobedience, including penalties for violating regulations, prescribed under section 3.

However, a crucial aspect has remained unanswered as the mechanism for ‘isolation’ or ‘quarantine’ for affected individuals lacks any provision for ensuring medical care and support.

States impose restrictions to curb the spread of infection through section 144, IPC which prohibits public gathering. Also, the mechanism to enforce a lockdown and the penalty for disobedience of quarantine rules comes under section 269, 270 and 271 IPC (regulated through DMA). This is a mechanical response by way of criminal action simpliciter.

In response to the pandemic, the government has adopted contact tracing. It may be averred that it violates the right to privacy on account of disproportionate state action, even more so in the absence of legislative provision to this effect. Such an argument is not entirely justified since public health is paramount. But bringing it within the rigour of law will balance privacy with public interest.

Representative image. Photo: Pixabay/The Wire

Third, the Epidemic Diseases (Amendment) Bill, 2020 is temporarily applicable and limited in scope as it aims to protect healthcare personnel, after various incidents of unprovoked public violence. In comparison to offences under IPC, it includes stringent penalties in respect of duration of imprisonment, penalty amount etc. The lack of adequate legislative safeguards may put healthcare workers at risk in future.

The Telemedicine Practice Guidelines, permitting remote telephonic consultation with a registered medical practitioner, contributed to managing medical exigencies wherever practicable, following the ‘social-distancing’ mandate.

Despite legislative support, significant issues which emerged during the pandemic have remained unresolved. They include denial of medical assistance, shortage of hospital beds and ventilators, hoarding and spiralling prices of face masks, sanitisers, foodstuff and fuel.

The EDA fails to meet the objective of effective regulation and monitoring of reasonably imposed restrictions, as it neither sets out duties of the state nor guarantees rights to citizens during an epidemic.

The forlorn state of affairs indicates the dire need of a structured framework, controlling mismanagement, malpractice and lapse in providing basic medical aid. The enactment must ensure availability and distribution of essential medical supplies and timely access to healthcare services. The government, in consultation with the Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR), may formulate a comprehensive set of basic minimum standards of practice, applicable during an epidemic and integrate the functioning of National Centre for Disease Control (NCDC), which is responsible for controlling emerging and re-emerging diseases.

Also read: Will Durga Puja Send West Bengal to Overburdened Hospitals With COVID-19?

It is also pertinent to analyse the DMA, which lays down measures to implement and engages agencies (national, state and district level authorities) which have specific roles and responsibilities ascribed in the pre-disaster, disaster and post-disaster situation. However, the scope of this legislation does not cover cases of ‘outbreak’ or ‘potential outbreak’ relating to an epidemic, within the definition of ‘disaster’, under section 2 (d) of the Act.

The application of the Act in a public health crisis is misconceived. Furthermore, exercise of powers under section 6 of the Act to issue notifications are rendered ineffective, if the Act in essence is inapplicable to the situation.

Allied legislations such as Indian Ports Act, 1908; India Aircraft (Public Health) Rules­; Essential Commodities Act, 1955; Livestock Importation (Amendment) Act, 2001; Drugs and Cosmetics Act, 1955; Competition Act, 2002 along with state legislations and regulations seek to achieve control and coordination with the principal legislation.

Also read: The Problem With Using Herd Immunity to Control COVID-19

These legislations contain fragmented substantive provisions which cannot address the legitimate concerns posed by the pandemic. It is necessary to realise the need to balance the rights and interests of patients, healthcare workers and other stakeholders, comprehensively.

The Public Health (Prevention, Control and Management of Epidemics, Bio-Terrorism and Disasters) Bill, 2017 was intended to replace the EDA a legislation with gaping holes. Yet, it has not been tabled in parliament.

In hindsight, one can certainly appreciate that prison regulations in case of epidemics are a necessity. Indian courts were forced to suspend work initially and thereafter, restrict remote hearings to urgent cases. Despite this, bail applications of undertrial prisoners were being heard and high-powered committees in state high courts were formed to de-congest jails by releasing prisoners.

Epidemics burden the economy to a great extent. The lockdowns brought all business activity and institutions to a grinding halt, which may to a certain extent qualify as ‘de-facto quarantine’. However, post-revival measures through policy and legislation seem abysmal.

India, which is on the cusp of becoming the largest populated country in the world, is straining to meet the world standard medical facilities, pharmaceuticals and supportive research and development. To meet these requirements, the FDI route could be the shortest way to achieve these expectations, but once again, an adequate legal framework is needed to meet the legitimate expectations of investors.

Briefly put, the Indian framework as a response regime to an epidemic seems ill-equipped.

Men sit outside closed restaurants during the COVID-19 lockdown in New Delhi, March 25, 2020. Photo: Reuters/Adnan Abidi

Legal panacea for epidemics

As per list III of the seventh schedule of Article 246, the Central government and states are empowered to make laws to prevent the spread of infectious or contagious diseases or pests affecting men, animals or plants from one state to another. The state’s duty to protect citizens’ health and the economy increases manifold when faced with a health concern as far reaching as COVID-19. It is crucial to understand that the final stage of public health intervention is ‘structural’ the end result of the political process, the passage of laws and regulations.

As per Joseph Raz’s concept of ‘the rule of law’, “All laws should be prospective, open and clear….(the law’s) meaning must be clear. An ambiguous, vague, obscure or imprecise law is likely to mislead or confuse at least some of those who desire to be guided by it”

The situation warrants consideration and I propose a) without having to refer multiple enactments related to an epidemic, a simple, precise and organised legislative framework with the objective of being easily understood by persons of ordinary understanding of laws; b) to withstand attempts of unintended interpretations, provisions for ‘appropriate authorities’ should clearly express the nature of powers given within the Act and where appropriate, provide guidance on criteria for exercise of power; c) for surveillance, preparedness and control of diseases, foreseeable matters should be precisely addressed through coherent provisions to balance rights and duties.

Conclusion

To summarise, the EDA, conceived in an era bygone and implemented in the current day, is the ‘dead hand of the past’ resting on the shoulders of ancillary substantive laws, which cannot bear the burden of regulating the citizenry and economy during present day pandemics.

Though developing a comprehensive ‘umbrella legislation’ is an arduous exercise, it is a must.

Legal sanction cannot be the sole means to achieve the objectives while grappling with a pandemic. A penalising mandate may become an impediment to the purpose of public health. Therefore, in a system where power vests in the people, it is imperative for ‘We the People of India’ to realise public health objectives through participation and self-imposed restrictions.

Tanvi Nigam is a law graduate from Amity Law School, Delhi, GGSIPU. She is a law researcher at the high court of Delhi.

Kerala: Opposition Raises Pitch Against Police Move to Collect Call Records of COVID-19 Patients

In his PIL, the Congress leader Ramesh Chennithala called the government move “arbitrary, oppressive and unconstitutional”.

Kozhikode: An emerging controversy in Kerala, over the collection of call detail records (CDRs) of persons undergoing COVID-19 treatment and quarantine, has reached new height, with the state’s leader of opposition moving high court challenging the state government and police.

In a Public Interest Litigation (PIL), senior Congress leader and MLA Ramesh Chennithala, called the recent controversial circular, which was issued by the state police chief regarding the collection of the CDRs, “illegal, arbitrary, unfair, oppressive and unconstitutional”.

‘Call detail record’, also referred to as ‘call data record’, is a data record produced by a telephone service provider documenting the details of telephone calls or/and texts involving a telephone number or device.

Also read: COVID-19 Tracing: How the Kerala Media Missed the Chance to Properly Debate Privacy

Arguing that the DGP’s circular violates the fundamental rights of privacy guaranteed under Article 21 and multiple existing guidelines, the PIL asks the court to “quash” the circular and direct the government and police officials to restrain from collecting the CDRs of COVID-19 patients.

The petition also seeks an interim relief in this regard, until the court delivers its final verdict on the petition.

Earlier, in a controversial move, the state government had decided to allow the police force to access the CDRs of COVID-19 patients for ‘contact tracing’.

The DGP Lokanath Behera, in his circular issued on August 11 in this regard, reportedly asked the police officers to collect CDRs from multiple mobile phone service providers. “ADGP INT and HQ will take up the matter with the BSNL for getting the CDRs promptly. They will also take up the matter with VODAFONE as in some places they are delaying in sending of CDRs,” the HC petition quoted from the controversial circular.

Also read: How Can COVID-19 Contact Tracing Techniques be Formulated Without Violating Privacy?

According to reports, the Kerala police have already collected CDR of several COVID-19 patients in the state.

After the controversy over the issue broke out, police issued an explanation saying that they was not collecting CDRs of COVID-19 patients, but only the details of tower locations.

However, Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan recently said that the CDRs are indeed being collected. “…CDRs are used to collect patient information for the sake of public health and safety. This is the most effective way to conduct contact tracing and we have been using this method for a few months,” he said, adding that the information collected “will not be passed on to anyone else or used for any other purpose”.

Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan. Photo: PTI

Criticising the move earlier, Ramesh Chennithala had said the Opposition “will not allow Kerala to be converted into a police state”. “Health workers should take the lead in the fight against COVID-19,” he added.

This is not the first time that the privacy of the COVID-19 patients has become a topic of debate in the state. Chennithala himself had moved high court earlier challenging the state government’s controversial deal with a foreign software company Sprinklr, raising similar concerns regarding the privacy of the COVID-19 patients. The state government had then constituted a two-member committee to examine the charges raised by the Opposition, before the deal was eventually dropped by the government.

The ruling CPI(M) also had to face criticism after a local leader was found to have secured the mobile numbers of the COVID-19 patients.

Also read: As the Spread of Coronavirus Gets ‘Decentralised’, Kerala Needs to Reboot

‘Illegal expansion of police powers’

In the petition moved on Monday, Chennithala, who was the home minister in the previous Oommen Chandy ministry, said that the circular issued by the state police chief is ‘vague’ and ‘deceptive’ in language.

Kerala leader of opposition Ramesh Chennithala. Photo: PTI

In his petition, moved through his counsel T. Asaf Ali, Chennithala said he was approaching the court “for and on behalf” of the COVID-19 patients, who are in a “very vulnerable situation” and whose CDRs are being collected by the police “illegally”.

Knowledge about the tower location of the patients’ mobile phones is enough for contact tracing, the petition said, adding that “no CDR details are necessary”. The petition also said there are chances of misuse of CDRs by “undesirable elements for commercial gain and personal pecuniary advantage”.

Also read: Tackling Coronavirus Pandemic: Is the Kerala Model Really Working?

The petition held the view that CDRs are usually permitted to be collected only “in connection with the investigation of grave nature of criminal cases”, adding that even such access is allowed “only after obtaining permission from Home Department subject to review by the Review Committee constituted under Rule 16 of the Indian Telegraph (Amendment) Rules, 2007”.

The petition has termed the move “an illegal expansion of police powers”, adding that there is “no informed voluntary consent” obtained from the patients before collecting the CDR.

Recently, the government’s decision to give the police force additional powers, like the duty of tracing the contacts of COVID-19 patients, received criticism from both the opposition and the health officials, including the state unit of the Indian Medical Association (IMA).

Currently, the state has more than 15,000 active patients, and has recorded 169 deaths until Monday. Both the chief minister and the DGP are now observing quarantine after they came in contact with officials who later tested COVID-19 positive.

Muhammed Sabith is an independent journalist based in Kozhikode, Kerala.

Examining India’s Quest to Regulate, Govern and Exploit Non-Personal Data 

Drawing the line between personal and non-personal data is a tricky endeavour .

Last Sunday, an expert committee appointed by the government and chaired by former Infosys CEO Kris Gopalakrishnan published its preliminary recommendations on the regulation of non-personal data. 

The broad idea behind such an exercise is to figure out safe ways in which “India can create a modern framework for creation of economic value” from the use of non-personal data collected by private and government organisations. 

The report has invited stakeholders to share their input and concerns, all of which is expected to help pave the way towards eventual regulation. 

Efforts towards regulating non-personal data are taking place in parallel to deliberations surrounding the regulation of personal data by the Joint Parliamentary Committee on the Personal Data Protection Bill, 2019 (PDP Bill). 

The committee has outlined, in the primer appended (see appendix 3) to its report, some techniques of anonymisation. These techniques may be relevant in determining the appropriate standards of anonymisation. Since personal data once anonymised, falls outside the scope of the PDP Bill, knowing exactly when data becomes anonymised is crucial. 

Certainty about when data becomes anonymised is an important concern for both the data fiduciary (organisation) in terms of business certainty, and the data principal (individual) in terms of privacy harms which could arise if the PDP Bill ceases to apply. 

What is Non-Personal Data? 

The PDP Bill defines personal data as data about or relating to a natural person who is directly or indirectly identifiable.

Also read: India Needs a Surveillance Law That Goes Beyond Personal Data Protection

Accordingly, non-personal data could be of two types. First, data or information which was never about an individual (e.g. weather data). Second, data or information that once was related to an individual (e.g. mobile number) but has now irreversibly ceased to be identifiable due to the removal of certain identifiers through the process of ‘anonymisation’. 

In practice, however, the distinction between personal data and non-personal data is fairly murky. The degree to which data is de-identified can lie somewhere in a spectrum between being clearly personal or being clearly anonymous or even somewhere in between. 

What is Anonymisation?

Anonymisation is currently an unclear standard of de-identification that is to be determined by the Data Protection Authority of India (to be established under the PDP Bill once it is enacted). De-identification is a process by which identifiers that help in attributing data to an individual are removed so that the data is delinked from the individual. 

The PDP Bill defines anonymisation as the “irreversible process of transforming or converting personal data to a form in which a data principal cannot be identified, which meets the standards of irreversibility specified by the Authority.” Even though the PDP Bill is yet to be enacted, the characterisation of the process as irreversible indicates that the standard must be fairly high. To be clear, there have been studies which show that personal data can never be truly irreversibly anonymised. 

In order to better understand the process of de-identification, let us consider one of the techniques that have been mentioned in the Gopalakrishnan Committee Report; say K-anonymity. K-anonymity helps in preventing attempts to link the data to a particular person by generalising existing attributes.

Let us assume that a digital contact tracing app collects some personal information at the time of registration. This could include identifiers such as name, city, health condition and gender, as represented in table 1 below: 

Table 1 

Date of Birth  Name   City  COVID Status Gender
01.01.1967 Alisha  Mumbai COVID-19 Positive  Female
04.04.1976 Ankit New Delhi COVID-19 Negative  Male

Table 2 generalises and de-identifies the information collected by the app as represented earlier in table 1 to illustrate the process of k-anonymity. If we look at the two tables together closely and compare them, the names of the individuals and their exact date of births have been omitted to attain some degree of generalisation. Only their year of birth, city, gender and COVID status is accessible now:

Table 2

Date of Birth  Name City  COVID Status Gender
XX.XX.1967 Patient 1 Mumbai COVID-19 Positive  Female
XX.XX.1976 Patient 2 New Delhi COVID-19 Negative  Male

To some (albeit a limited) extent, therefore, the information in table 1 has been de-identified in table 2. Does this mean that the data (as represented in table 2) has really been anonymised? 

Also read: Privacy Bill Will Allow Government Access to ‘Non-Personal’ Data

Back in the 1990s, a private corporation in the US fairly active in the health sector reportedly did something very similar. It decided to release a dataset in public after anonymising it using the k-anonymity process. The names of the individuals were omitted from the dataset, however, some attributes including ZIP code, gender and full date of birth remained. Even with such a limited data-set, researchers had a re-identification success rate of over 80% through publicly available registers such as voter lists which contained the same dataset, linking it back to specific individuals. 

Similarly, in table 2, while it may seem that it is not possible to identify an individual on the basis of just the year of birth, gender, city and COVID status, it is, in fact, possible to re-identify a particular individual. This could take place through the combination of other background information that the government or an organisation may possess, even though the information has undergone the process of k-anonymity. What was ostensibly non-personal data as a result of removing two identifiers (i.e. personal name and date of birth), is therefore visibly inadequate to make the data anonymised or non-personal. 

The susceptibility of various anonymization techniques (such as k-anonymity in our example above) to risks of reidentification has been recognised by the Article 29 Working Party in the European Union as well. Consistently, the Gopalakrishnan Committee Report has also acknowledged that even after anonymisation, there continues to remain a risk of re-identification

Even so, while anonymization of personal data is important to protect privacy, over-generalization through an extremely high standard of anonymization can also render the data less useful and in some instances, perhaps not useful at all. For instance, in table 2, if the ‘Year of Birth’ column is removed, generalisation could happen to a greater extent. However, it could reduce the usefulness of the data by limiting the ability to gather insights into prevalent health vulnerabilities that are present in specific age groups.

Of course, companies, organisations and governments (i.e. data fiduciaries) would likely prefer to reduce generalisation to increase usefulness of the data. At the same time, it is in the interest of the data principal to ensure that their data is generalised and not not-identifiable. In this market of competing privacy interests, an unclear standard of anonymization can create conflict between these competing interests. Accordingly, there is a strong need to develop a bright line test which delineates personal and non-personal data. A bright line test will be vital to determining whether the PDP Bill or the non-personal data framework will apply to (anonymised) personal data. Regulatory certainty about the applicable law is crucial, since non-compliance or compliance with the incorrect law could involve significant fines or penalties. 

Also read: 1.3 Billion People. One Virus. How Much Privacy?

The first step towards developing a bright line test would be for the Gopalakrishnan Committee and the Joint Parliamentary Committee to jointly deliberate upon developing indicative principles (and consequently specific rules) which guide entities handling personal data in determining the exact degree to which data needs to be anonymised. 

While developing contextually-applicable bright-line tests, the committee must carefully balance the individual’s right and interest in securing and protecting privacy and the societal and organisational interest in gleaning insights and learnings from data which is vital to unlock the digital economy in the global south. 

Samraat Basu is a technology and data protection lawyer. Siddharth Sonkar is graduating from the National University of Juridical Sciences (NUJS), Kolkata with the class of 2020 and has a strong interest in law, technology and regulatory policy. They can be reached out at @samraat_basu and @ssiddharth96 on Twitter.