Why Andhra Pradesh’s Jaganmohan Reddy Has Taken a U-Turn on NPR

Barely ten months after sweeping to power, is the YSR Congress chief’s popularity already waning?

Vijayawada: This week, Andhra Pradesh chief minister Y.S. Jaganmohan Reddy made a U-turn on the question of implementing the controversial National Population Register (NPR) in his home state, expressing his reservations over the exercise in a tweet on March 3.

“Some of the questions proposed in the NPR are causing insecurities in the minds of minorities of my state. After elaborate consultations with our party, we have decided to revert the conditions to those prevailing in 2010. To this effect we will also introduce a resolution in the upcoming Assembly session,” says the tweet.

With his tweet, the YSR Congress chief has joined NDA partner and Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar in pitching for changes to the format of the NPR.

This development is significant, considering that Jagan’s party supported the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill in the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha in December last year. Up until the point Narendra Modi did a U-turn on the subject, the CAA had been repeatedly linked by Union home minister Amit Shah to the controversial National Register of Citizens, which in turn is designed to be culled from the National Population Register. By voting for the CAA last December, Jagan, in effect, had expressed his support for this entire ‘chronology’.

Three months on, the Andhra Pradesh CM has now asked the Centre to dispense with the format introduced for the NPR – which asks people to furnish data relating to the birth and birthplaces of their ancestors as a means of ascertaining their citizenship. Why did Jagan make this U-turn now, even as he has been attempting to be in the good books of Prime Minister Narendra Modi?

Also Read: Jagan Reddy’s Flip Flop on NRC-CAA May Come at a Heavy Political Cost

Jagan’s popularity on the wane?

The YSR Congress swept the assembly and general elections in 2019, with strong support from minority communities. In less than 10 months, the popularity of Jaganmohan Reddy seems to be taking a beating ahead of elections to local bodies. The chief minister has been accused of unleashing a political vendetta against the rival Telugu Desam Party (TDP) by reversing major decisions of the previous government. Of course, many of those decisions did not go down well with the common public. Besides, ‘village volunteers’ appointed by his government to oversee welfare schemes at the village level have been accused of removing beneficiaries who are suspected to have voted for the TDP.

With local body elections around the corner, it has become incumbent upon Jaganmohan Reddy to keep his minority vote bank intact and contain his rival N. Chandrababu Naidu. A day after Jagan announced reservations about the NPR, Naidu reached out to Muslim groups, dubbing the CM’s U-turn as an “election stunt.” The TDP is also trying to earn the trust of Muslim voters, who were alienated after the party aligned with the BJP in 2014.

N. Chandrababu Naidu. Photo: Facebook

The YSR Congress is considered an outside friend of the Modi 2.0 regime and has supported the Centre’s major policy decisions. Reddy has been compelled to align with Centre to not only seek more funds, but also to settle scores with Naidu and get relief from cases filed by the CBI and ED.

In the process, he is caught between the devil and the deep blue sea on the issue of the NPR-NRC.

While his new stance on the NPR has been welcomed, Muslim groups are expecting more. The Jamaat-e-Islami, Tabliq-e-Jamaat and Jamaat-e-Ulema groups, which have been leading the protests against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), NPR and NRC, demanded that the Jagan government adopt a resolution in the assembly session rejecting the NPR. Asaduddin Owaisi of the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM), addressing a rally in Vijayawada a few days ago, asked Jagan to prove his commitment towards all sections of society by not allowing the NPR exercise to be conducted.

YSR’s social engineering  

The Andhra Pradesh’s chief minister father, Y.S. Rajasekhar Reddy, who led the state during the Congress’s regime between 2004 and 2009, built a strong coalition involving Christian and Muslim minorities and Dalits to take on the TDP, solidly backed by the Backward Classes (BCs).

YSR, as he was popularly known, even offered 4% reservations for Muslims in education and jobs. This caste and religious coalition helped the Congress reap rich electoral dividends in the 2004 and 2009 general elections in Andhra Pradesh. Across the state, Muslims constitute 7% of the electorate, but in the Rayalaseema districts such as Kurnool, Ananthapur, Kadapa and Chittoor, their population ranges between 18-22%. This can potentially decide the fate of political parties in elections.

Also Read: Citizenship Amendment: Andhra, Telangana Parties Voted in Surprising Ways. Here’s Why.

Taking a cue from his father, Jagan chose Muslim leader Amzad Basha Shaik Bepari from his native Kadapa district as one of five deputy chief ministers. But, after coming to power, Jagan is seemingly averse to openly displaying his Christian faith, as his father and mother Vijayamma were inclined. Vijayamma was always seen with a Bible during the election campaign.

On the contrary, Jagan can be spotted visiting Hindu temples with a ‘tilak’ on his forehead. While this may be a way for him to counter allegations made by the Sangh parivar that Christians are receiving patronage during his rule, Raka Sudhakar, a Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) leader, said Jagan may be alienating Christians through his attempts to present a Hindu image.

AP Assembly to Pass Resolution Asking Centre to Revert to 2010 NPR Format

Chief minister Y.S. Jaganmohan Reddy took to Twitter on Tuesday evening to spell out the YSR Congress’ stand on the issue.

Amaravati: The Andhra Pradesh government will pass a resolution in the ensuing Budget session of the state Legislature, requesting that the Centre maintain the National Population Register (NPR) as it existed in the year 2010.

Chief minister Y.S. Jaganmohan Reddy took to Twitter on Tuesday evening to spell out the YSR Congress’ stand on the NPR issue.

“Some of the questions proposed in the NPR are causing insecurities in the minds of minorities of my state.

After elaborate consultations within our party, we have decided to request the Central Government to revert the conditions to those prevailing in 2010,” the chief minister said in the first tweet.

“To this effect, we will also introduce a resolution in the upcoming assembly session,” Jagan said in the second tweet.

The chief minister’s tweets came in the backdrop of his government’s recent order, gearing up the administrative machinery for the conduct of the NPR exercise and Housing Listing and Housing Census as part of the Census of India 2021 to be taken up for 45 days between April and September 2020.

“In view of a number of apprehensions and doubts being expressed in various quarters with respect to the conduct of NPR exercise, following clarifications are issued to all the District Collectors/ Principal Census Officers in the shape of “Frequently Asked Questions” (FAQ) for easy dissemination to all concerned,” general administration department secretary Shashi Bhushan Kumar said in the order issued on January 22.

He said people are not required to submit any document to the enumerators during the NPR exercise.

“Enumerators are just required to record whatever answers are given by the people and not to press for any further answers to any query if they do not intend to give and also not to ask for any document,” Kumar said in the order.

The GAD secretary added that all officials involved, from enumerators onwards, “have been/are being trained” to the effect that there was no requirement of submission of any document by the people during the NPR exercise, nor any requirement to insist for an answer to any query if people do not intend to answer.

The National Population Register Has No Proper Legal Backing and May Be Ultra Vires

In the entire discussion on NPR, NRC and CAA, one important point seems to have been missed out – the legal status of the NPR. Nowhere does the Citizenship Act actually mandate the creation of the population register.

Some of the state governments have declared that they will not implement the National Population Register (NPR). The Union government has allotted over Rs 3000 crore for this project to be carried out in the whole country. Project NPR is claimed to be aimed at supporting the Census operations which are likely to start shortly. But what exactly is its legal status?

Under Article 256 of the constitution, a law made by the parliament must be enforced throughout the country and the states are duty-bound to exercise their executive power to ensure compliance with that law. So the question about whether states can refuse to implement the NPR and the National Register of Citizens (NRC) – in the context of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019 (CAA) – depends on whether these registers are part of a law passed by parliament.

The question is crucial because constitutionally speaking, states cannot refuse to comply with a Central law. The Union government can even direct a state government to comply with such a law. In the event of refusal by a state government to comply with a Central direction, Article 356 empowers the president to hold that the government of such a state cannot be carried on in accordance with the constitution. This may lead to the imposition of President’s rule in the state.

Also read: As States Battle Centre on CAA, a Guide to the Issues Before the Supreme Court

However, that stage has clearly not been reached yet. First, instead of officially refusing to comply with the CAA, the state governments opposed to it have simply passed resolutions in their legislative assemblies requesting the Union government to repeal the Act. The state of Kerala was the first to pass such a resolution. Technically such resolutions may not have the sanction of the house rules. But a legislature has the power to even suspend a rule to enable it to discuss a matter or express an opinion if the rule stands in the way.

The constitutional validity of the CAA is going to be considered by the Supreme Court shortly. The court may rule either way and the issue of citizenship of persecuted ‘illegal migrants’ may get settled one way or the other. But the issue of NRC will continue to haunt the citizens for a long time. Non-implementation of the NRC, for the time being, does not eliminate the fear of detention or deportation from the minds of a section of Indians.

Despite the pending hearing in the Supreme Court, the government is going ahead with the NPR –  a project created under the Citizenship (Registration of Citizens and Issue of National Identity Cards) Rules, 2003. These rules were framed under sub-sections (1) and (3) of section 18 of the Citizenship Act, 1955. The NPR is defined under rule 2(l) of the said rules. As per the definition, NPR means the register containing details of persons usually residing in a village or rural area or town or ward or demarcated area within a ward in a town or urban area.

Sub rule (4) says that the NPR shall be prepared by collecting information relating to all persons who are usually residing within the jurisdiction of the local registrar, who is a revenue official of the state government at the village level. Sub rule (5) says that “the Local Register of Indian citizens shall contain details of persons after due verification made from the Population Register.” in Other words, inclusion of the details in the NRC will be done after due verification undertaken from the NPR.

Also Read: What Is Article 131, Under Which Kerala Has Challenged CAA?

Thus the NPR is a document which contains all the details of persons, not only citizens, who live in an area in a village. The data for the NRC will essentially consist of the data contained in the NPR. Thus, the NPR becomes very important in the context of the preparation of the NRC. The rules make it clear that the NPR and the NRC are interlinked. Although the CAA is not legally connected with the NRC, the political comments frequently made by the ruling party leaders clearly establish that linkage.

In the entire discussion on the NPR, NRC and CAA, one important point seems to have been missed out – what exactly is the legal status of the NPR?

Surprisingly, though the NPR appears for the first time in the Citizenship (Registration of Citizens and Issue of National Identity Cards) Rules framed in 2003, there is no mention of it in any of the provisions of the Citizenship Act – the parent law.

That is rather strange because these rules have been framed under clauses (1) and (3) of section 18 of the Citizenship Act. Clause (1) clearly says that rules may be made to carry out the purposes of the Act. But the Act makes no provision whatsoever for the NPR. This omission is important because rules can be made only in respect of a provision in the parent Act.

Rules are not independent provisions and they cannot provide for any substantive scheme or project unless it is already provided for in the law enacted by parliament. Such rules are ultra vires the law and can have no legal validity. The Supreme Court had, in M/s Tata Iron and steel company Ltd. Vs Workmen of M/s Tata Iron and Steel Company Ltd. observed, “The delegation of legislative power is permissible only when the legislative policy and principle are adequately laid down”

The fact is that the Citizenship Act 1955 does not provide for the National Population Register. Therefore the rules cannot provide for it. The legislature needs to lay down the policy and principle, only then can the rules provide for the details. This is the basic principle of subordinate legislation. Rules are subordinate legislation which should be subordinate to the law made by the legislature.

Also read: A Modest Proposal for Simplifying the NPR and NRC

If rules go outside the four walls of the parent law, they are struck down by the court on the ground that they are ultra vires the parent law. These rules are made by government departments which derive the authority to make them from the law made by the legislature. So if the parent law does not make any provision for a particular scheme, the government departments derive no authority to make any rules thereon.

The rules relating to the NPR seem to suffer from serious legal infirmities. These infirmities existed at all times ever since these rules were framed and they cannot be cured by having the rules laid before both houses of parliament. Only a suitable provision in the parent Act can cure these infirmities.

PD.T. Achary is a former secretary general of the Lok Sabha and a constitutional expert. 

As States Battle Centre on CAA, a Guide to the Issues Before the Supreme Court

The Wire explains what Article 131 is and if resolutions passed by state assemblies against the CAA are valid.

New Delhi: Do opposition-ruled states have a legal option to refuse to implement the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA) and National Population Register (NPR) even as some of them have invoked the exclusive jurisdiction of the Supreme Court in their dispute with the Centre? The Wire attempts to break the issue down in this explainer.

Q1: There is uncertainty over whether states can challenge the constitutionality of a Central law under Article 131 of the Constitution. What does the law say in this regard?

Under Article 131 of the Constitution, the Supreme Court has exclusive original jurisdiction in any dispute between the Government of India and one or more states; or between the government of India and any state or states on one side and one or more other states on the other; or between two or more states, if and insofar as the dispute involves any question (whether of law or fact) on which the existence or extent of a legal right depends. As the opposition states’ differences with the Centre on the CAA and the NPR constitute a “dispute”, and these differences are not just political, but involve legal questions, there is no bar on the states invoking Article 131 of the Constitution to resolve the same.

Q2: The uncertainty is due to the case law on the subject, which points to two different conclusions of the Supreme Court. Therefore, can states insist on a declaration of law, before the dispute is resolved one way or the other?

A dispute can be heard under Article 131 only if it is federal in nature. In State of Jharkhand v State of Bihar (2014), the Supreme Court was concerned with I.A. No.5 filed by the state of Jharkhand. In this suit, Jharkhand prayed for a declaration that the basis of “ratio of number of employees of each successor state” for apportionment of pension liability contained in Clause 4 of the Eighth Schedule to the Bihar Reorganisation Act, 2000 was ultra vires Article 14 of the Constitution, or in the alternative, to read down the aforesaid words contained in Clause 4 of the Eighth Schedule to the Bihar Reorganisation Act, 2000 to mean “population ratio”.

The Bihar Reorganisation Act, 2000 had brought into existence the State of Jharkhand by carving out certain areas from the territory of Bihar. As a necessary sequel to this bifurcation, provisions were required to be made with reference to the various aspects of the rights and liabilities of the state of Bihar as well as the newly formed state of Jharkhand. One of the provisions dealt with the apportionment of pensionary liabilities of the former employees of the original state of Bihar. I.A. No.5 was filed seeking amendments to the original suit.

When the matter was taken up before the Supreme Court in 2014, a preliminary objection was raised by Bihar to the maintainability of the suit, relying on the Court’s decision in State of Madhya Pradesh v Union of India and another (2011). The state of Bihar contended that the suit which in substance seeks an examination of the constitutionality of certain provisions of the Bihar Reorganisation Act, 2000 is not maintainable for the reason that a question of vires of an enactment could not be examined in an original suit under Article 131, but could only be examined in the proceeding under Article 226 or Article 32 of the Constitution.

Also Read: What Is Article 131, Under Which Kerala Has Challenged CAA?

In State of Madhya Pradesh v Union of India, Madhya Pradesh sought to amend the Original Suit No.6 of 2004 pending before the Court praying inter alia that certain sections of the Madhya Pradesh Reorganisation Act were violative of Article 14 of the Constitution of India.

The State of Chhattisgarh objected to this on the ground that the same is totally misconceived and untenable in law and no recourse whatsoever is permitted to challenge the validity of a Central law under the exclusive jurisdiction of the Supreme Court under Article 131.

Q3: Why did the Supreme Court agree in 2011 with Chhattisgarh in this case and rule that a state cannot challenge the validity of a law passed by Parliament under Article 131?  

As Article 131 envisages exclusive jurisdiction by the Supreme Court, no other forum, including the high court, can deal with a similar question being dealt by the Supreme Court under this provision. During the Emergency, by way of the 42nd Amendment, Parliament inserted Article 131-A of the Constitution to provide for exclusive jurisdiction to the Supreme Court in regard to questions as to the constitutionality of Central laws. As this was viewed as substantially curtailing the power of judicial review of the writ courts, that is, the high courts under Article 226 and the Supreme Court under Article 32, the Janata government, during the post-Emergency period, deleted 131-A through the 43rd Amendment Act, 1977.

The Supreme Court, therefore, held in 2011 that when Central laws can be challenged in the state high courts as well and also before the apex court under Article 32, normally, no recourse can be permitted to challenge the validity of a Central law under the exclusive original jurisdiction of the Supreme Court under Article 131.

Kerala has passed a resolution against CAA and challenged the law before the SC. Kerala chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan. Photo: Wikimedia Commons

Q4: Why did another Supreme Court bench in 2014 disagree with what the court had earlier decided in 2011 and rule that the validity of a Central law can indeed be challenged by a state under Article 131?

In 2014, however, the State of Jharkhand, relying on a constitution bench decision of the Supreme Court in 1964 (State of West Bengal v Union of India), argued that the question whether the vires of an enactment by parliament could be examined in an original suit under Article 131 was no more res integra, i.e. undecided. Curiously, the 1964 precedent was not brought to the notice of the Supreme Court when it was considering the objections of Chhattisgarh in 2011.

In the 1964 case, the constitutionality of the Coal Bearing Areas (Acquisition and Development) Act, 1957, passed by Parliament, was under challenge. Although the Supreme Court held the Act to be constitutionally valid, the question of whether in an original suit under Article 131 the constitutional validity of an enactment could be examined was actually not before the court in that judgment.

Noting this, the Supreme Court observed in State of Jharkhand v State of Bihar in 2014: “Perhaps nobody thought it fit to raise such an objection! (in 1964).  Therefore, the said judgment is not an authority for the proposition that this court could examine the constitutional validity of an enactment in a suit under Article 131”.

Having said that, however, the 2014 bench – comprising Justices J. Chelameswar and S.A. Bobde (currently the CJI) – nevertheless concluded that a state can indeed challenge a Central law under Article 131 and cited two reasons for this.

First, the Constitution invested the Supreme Court with both original and appellate jurisdiction in addition to the jurisdiction created under Article 32 for the enforcement of fundamental rights.

Secondly, the bench pointed out that it could be seen from the language of Article 131 that the exclusive jurisdiction of the Supreme Court extends to “any dispute between the Government of India and any one or more states and the disputes arising between two or more States in various possible combinations specified in it”.

Relying on a decision of another constitution bench of the Supreme Court in State of Karnataka v Union of India (1977), the 2014 bench underlined that the sole condition which is required to be satisfied for involving the original jurisdiction of the Supreme Court is that the dispute between the parties referred to in Article 131 must involve a question on which the existence or extent of a legal right depends.

In the 1977 judgment, Justice P.N. Bhagwati explained the rationale of Article 131 thus:

“The object of the article seems to be that since in a federal or quasi-federal structure, which the Constitution seeks to set up, disputes may arise between the Government of India and one or more States, or between two or more States, a forum should be provided for the resolution of such disputes and that forum should be the highest Court in the land, so that final adjudication of such disputes could be achieved speedily and expeditiously without either party having to embark on a long, tortuous and time-consuming journey through a hierarchy of courts.”

Justice Bhagwati added: “The dispute must be one affecting the existence or extent of a legal right and not a dispute on the political plane not involving a legal aspect.”

In State of Rajasthan v Union of India, the then Justice Y.V. Chandrachud observed: “Mere wrangles between governments have no place under the scheme of that article (131)….”

The 2014 bench, therefore, disagreed with the proposition that the Supreme Court cannot examine the constitutionality of a statute in exercise of its exclusive jurisdiction under Article 131.

Q5: Since the Supreme Court has given contradictory judgments, how is the question to be resolved?

The 2011 and 2014 judgments were both rendered by a bench of two judges so judicial discipline demanded that the subsequent two-judge bench in State of Jharkhand v State of Bihar in 2014 had to refer the matter for examination of the question by a larger bench of the Supreme Court.

Though the Chelameswar-Bobde bench referred the matter for consideration by a larger bench of the Supreme Court on November 25, 2014, successive chief justices of India since then have not given the priority it deserves and constituted a suitable bench for deciding the same. So the question is still pending.

Q6: In 2016, the Delhi government withdrew its original suit in the Supreme Court under Article 131, to resolve its dispute with the Centre on the question of statehood for Delhi.  Why did it do so?

The Delhi government had first challenged the Lieutenant Governor’s authority vis-a-vis the Delhi chief minister before the Delhi high court. The high court disagreed with the Delhi government stand that the issues in the case are federal in nature, and therefore, must be litigated under Article 131 before the Supreme Court. Having lost the case in the high court, the Delhi government had no option but to appeal against it in the Supreme Court. Had the Delhi government not done so, the Delhi high court judgment favouring the Centre would have attained finality. Therefore, to avoid parallel proceedings on the same subject, the Delhi government withdrew the original suit under Article 131 against the Centre. The Supreme Court had no problem with that, and it finally heard the Delhi government’s appeal against the high court’s judgment on the subject and delivered a judgment through a constitution bench.

Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal challenged then-Lt. Governor Najeeb Jung’s orders. Credit: PTI

Q7: Can the states refuse to implement the CAA and the NPR in view of their dispute with the Centre on the issue?

A dispute between the Centre and the states on any issue is clearly envisaged by the Constitution. Therefore, the states can well ask the Supreme Court to decide whether they can refuse to implement the CAA and NPR during the pendency of the case in the Supreme Court. Needless to add, the Supreme Court’s decision on this will be binding on the states as well as the Centre.

Q8: The Supreme Court has refused to stay the CAA. What does this mean for the states challenging the law, and the Centre?

On January 22, the Supreme Court declined a stay on the CAA and the states thus have no option not to implement it. But if they refuse to implement the CAA because it is pending before the SC, the issue will have to be tested by the Centre before the SC for its interim directions. During pendency, even without a stay, the court will expect the Centre not to implement the CAA on its own. In the NJAC matter, the bench didn’t stay the law, but the then CJI refrained from participating in the meetings in view of the pendency, and the Centre could not misuse the lack of stay in its favour.

A stay requires assessment of irreversible damage to either side as on date.  The Supreme Court didn’t think there is a likelihood of irreversible damage, but the propriety is implied. When there was a challenge to imposition of President’s rule, the court expected the Centre not to lift it and facilitate the installation of a puppet regime during the pendency, even though there was no restraint on the Centre.

Q9: Can state assemblies pass resolutions against CAA and NPR? Will they be valid, in view of the suits being filed under Article 131 by the same states in the Supreme Court?

State assemblies can pass resolutions on any subject, to express the collective opinion of their members.  But they will be bound by what the Supreme Court eventually decides on the matter. The resolutions are perfectly valid, but they will have no effect if the Supreme Court favours the Centre, after hearing the petitions filed by the states on the subject.

The CAA has attracted several writ petitions under Article 32 of the Constitution. Therefore, what do the states gain by opting to challenge it under Article 131 if the issues in these petitions are similar?

Article 131, by implication, requires the Supreme Court to hear the case on priority, as it impinges on federalism, a basic feature of the Constitution. That is the reason why the Supreme Court is endowed with exclusive jurisdiction, so that precious time is not wasted in high courts which could delay conclusion of the dispute.

It is another matter, however, that cases under Article 131 have been pending in the Supreme Court for years without resolution.