Brazil Court Rejects Bolsonaro’s Challenge to Election Results

In the ruling, head of Brazil’s electoral court Alexandre de Moraes described the challenge as “offensive” to democratic norms, adding that it sought to encourage criminal and anti-democratic movements.

Brasilia: The head of Brazil’s electoral court Alexandre de Moraes on Wednesday rejected a complaint from President Jair Bolsonaro’s allies to challenge the presidential election, which the incumbent lost by a small margin, according to a court document.

Leftist ex-President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva narrowly defeated Bolsonaro in the October 30 runoff election, marking a stunning comeback for the leftist former president and the end of Brazil’s most right-wing government in decades.

Lula’s margin of victory was by less than two percentage points.

Moraes, who serves as a Supreme Court justice, also fined the parties in Bolsonaro’s coalition to the tune of 22.9 million reais ($4.27 million) for what the court described as bad faith litigation, the document showed.

On Tuesday, Bolsonaro’s Liberal Party (PL) filed a complaint to challenge the outcome of the election claiming some of the electronic voting machines were flawed and those votes should be invalidated, an argument that election authorities met with skepticism.

Under the terms of Wednesday’s electoral court decision, political funds for the president’s coalition parties were ordered blocked until the fine is paid. The ruling also ordered an investigation into any misuse of the party’s structure and funds by PL head Valdemar da Costa Neto.

In the ruling, Moraes described the challenge as “offensive” to democratic norms, adding that it sought to encourage criminal and anti-democratic movements.

“The ballot boxes generate files that make it possible to identify precisely which equipment they were generated on. When one of these mechanisms stops working, others replace it, without affecting its traceability and the possibility of identifying ballot boxes,” according to the decision.

Election experts and political analysts blasted the election challenge from Bolsonaro allies as weak on the merits, though it could still fire up supporters who have been protesting his defeat at the polls.

(Reuters)

‘Coup in Brazil Under Bolsonaro’: Over 150 Leaders From 26 Nations Express Outrage

The Brazilian president has asked his supporters to march to the national capital, Brasilia, to launch a “necessary counter-coup” against the Supreme Court and Congress. Many find it similar to the insurrection at the US Capitol Hill.

New Delhi: Over 150 parliamentarians, ministers, former presidents and intellectuals from 26 countries in an open letter expressed outrage over Jair Bolsonaro’s attempt to launch a direct attack against the democratic institutions of Brazil through what he calls a “necessary counter-coup”.

The open letter first appeared on Progressive International. 

With Bolsonaro’s chances of getting re-elected in the January 2022 presidential reelection dimming, his allies in Congress pushed sweeping reforms to the country’s electoral system. As the country’s Supreme Court and Congress opposed those reforms, Bolsonaro has called upon his followers to take up a nationwide march and to congregate in the country’s capital, Brasilia, on September 7 to ‘save’ the country from them.

Many members of Congress see parallels between Brazil’s September 7 march and the Capitol riot of January 6, after former US president Donald Trump encouraged his supporters to “stop the steal” with false claims of electoral fraud in the 2020 presidential elections.

In his messages to his supporters, Bolsonaro has claimed that the “communist constitution” has taken away his power, and accused “the judiciary, the Left, and a whole apparatus of hidden interests” of conspiring against him.

Against this backdrop, the signatories of the open letter said, “We are gravely concerned about the imminent threat to Brazil’s democratic institutions — and we stand vigilant to defend them ahead of 7 September and after. The people of Brazil have struggled for decades to secure democracy from military rule. Bolsonaro must not be permitted to rob them of it now.”

Reproduced below are the full statement and the list of signatories

§

We, elected representatives and leaders from around the world, are sounding the alarm: On 7 September 2021, an insurrection will endanger democracy in Brazil.

Right now, President Jair Bolsonaro and his allies — including white supremacist groups, military police, and public officials at every level of government — are preparing a nation-wide march against the Supreme Court and Congress on 7 September, stoking fears of a coup in the world’s third largest democracy.

President Bolsonaro has escalated his attacks on Brazil’s democratic institutions in recent weeks. On 10 August, he directed an unprecedented military parade through the capital city of Brasília, as his allies in Congress pushed sweeping reforms to the country’s electoral system, widely considered to be one of the most trustworthy in the world. Bolsonaro and his government have threatened — several times — to cancel the 2022 presidential elections if Congress fails to approve these reforms.

Now, Bolsonaro is calling on his followers to travel to Brasília on 7 September in an act of intimidation of the country’s democratic institutions. According to a message shared by the President on 21 August, the march is preparation for a “necessary counter-coup” against the Congress and the Supreme Court. The message claimed that Brazil’s “communist constitution” has taken away Bolsonaro’s power, and accused “the Judiciary, the left, and a whole apparatus of hidden interests” of conspiring against him.

Members of Congress in Brazil have warned that the 7 September mobilization has been modeled on the insurrection at the United States Capital on 6 January 2021, when then-president Donald Trump encouraged his supporters to “stop the steal” with false claims of electoral fraud in the 2020 presidential elections.

We are gravely concerned about the imminent threat to Brazil’s democratic institutions — and we stand vigilant to defend them ahead of 7 September and after. The people of Brazil have struggled for decades to secure democracy from military rule. Bolsonaro must not be permitted to rob them of it now.

Signed,

José Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, Former Prime Minister, Spain

Fernando Lugo, Fmr President, Paraguay

Adolfo Pérez Esquivel, Nobel Laureate, Argentina

Noam Chomsky, Professor, USA

Yanis Varoufakis, Member of Parliament, Greece

Ernesto Samper, Fmr President, Colombia

Jeremy Corbyn, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

Cori Bush, Member of the House of Representatives, USA

Jean-Luc Melenchon, Member of the National Assembly, France

Gustavo Petro, Senator, Colombia

Caroline Lucas, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

Golriz Gharahman, Member of Parliament, New Zealand

Larissa Waters, Senator, Australia

Helmut Scholz, Member of the European Parliament, Germany

Manon Aubry, Member of the European Parliament, France

Gonzalo Winter, Member of the Chamber of Deputies, Chile

Heinz Bierbaum, President of the Party of the European Left, Germany

Ricardo Patiño, Fmr Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ecuador

Unai Sordo, General Secretary of Comisiones Obreras (CCOO), Spain

Cornel West, Professor, USA

María José Pizarro, Member of the House of Representatives, Colombia

Juan Somavía, Fmr Director-General of the International Labour Organization, Chile

Rafael Correa, Fmr President, Ecuador

Oscar Laborde, President of Mercosur Parliament, Argentina

Carlos Ramirez-Rosa, Member of the Chicago City Council, USA

Manuel Bompard, Member of the European Parliament, France

Rafael Michelini, Senator, Uruguay

Nelson Larzabal, Member of the Chamber of Representatives, Uruguay

Celso Amorim, Fmr Minister of Foreign Relations, Brazil

Ana Isabel Prera, Fmr Ambassador, Guatemala

Hugo Yasky, Secretary-General of Central de Trabajadores de la Argentina (CTA), Argentina

Mehreen Faruqi, Senator, Australia

Thierry Bodson, President of the Fédération Générale du Travail de Belgique (FGTB), Belgium

Denis de la Reussille, Member of the National Council, Switzerland

Marco Enriquez-Ominami, Fmr Member of the Chamber of Deputies, Chile

Aída García Naranjo, Fmr Minister of Women and Social Development, Peru

Jordon Steele-John, Senator, Australia

Martín Torrijos, Fmr President, Panamá

Liliam Kechichian, Senator, Uruguay

Nicolás Viera, Member of the Chamber of Representatives, Uruguay

Zarah Sultana, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

Claudia Webbe, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

Martin Buschmann, Member of EU Parliament, Germany

Kenny MacAskill, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

Mick Whitley, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

Marion Fellows, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

Bell Ribeiro-Addy, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

Mohammad Yasin, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

Tony Lloyd, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

John McDonnell, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

Kate Osborne, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

Ian Byrne, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

Pauline Bryan, Member of the House of Lords, United Kingdom

Lloyd Russell-Moyle, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

Prem Sikka, Member of the House of Lords, United Kingdom

John Hendy, Member of the House of Lords, United Kingdom

Gerardo Pisarello, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Spain

Cecilia Britto, Member of the Mercosur Parliament, Argentina

Gabriela Rivadeneria, Fmr President of National Assembly, Ecuador

Aina Vidal, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Spain

Daisy Tourné, Senator, Uruguay

Eric Calcagno, National Deputy, Argentina

Omar Plaini, Senator, Argentina

Marcela Aguiñaga, Fmr Minister of the Environment, Ecuador

Rafael Mayoral, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Spain

Fernanda Vallejo, National Deputy, Argentina

Idoia Villanueva, Member of the European Parliament, Spain

Lucía Muñoz Dalda, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Spain

Marita Perceval, Senator, Argentina

Ricardo Oviedo, Member of the Mercosur Parliament, Argentina

Maite Mola, Vice-President of the Party of the European Left, Spain

Andres Arauz, Fmr Minister of Knowledge and Human Talent, Ecuador

Alicia Castro, Fmr Ambassador, Argentina

Adolfo Mendoza Leigue, Senator, Bolivia

Barry Gardiner, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

Jon Cruddas, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

Mary Kelly Foy, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

Apsana Begum, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

Maurizio Landini, General Secretary of Confederazione Generale Italiana del Lavoro, Italy

Kim Johnson, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

Diane Abbott, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

Tahir Ali, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

Sira Rego, Member of the European Parliament, Spain

Manu Pineda, Member of the European Parliament, Spain

Richard Burgon, Member of Parliament, United Kingdom

Iván Cepeda Castro, Senator, Colombia

Daniel Caggiani, Fmr President of the Mercosur Parliament, Uruguay

Guillaume Long, Fmr Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ecuador

José Roselli, National Deputy, Argentina

Guillermo Carmona, National Deputy, Argentina

Arlindo Chinaglia, Member of the Mercosur Parliament, Brazil

Paola Vega, Member of the Legislative Assembly, Costa Rica

Juan López de Uralde, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Spain

Monica Macha, National Deputy, Argentina

Martina Velarde, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Spain

Antònia Jover, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Spain

Daniel Martínez, Fmr Mayor of Montevideo, Uruguay

Ana Merelis, Member of the Mercosur Parliament, Bolivia

Perpétua Almeida, Member of the Mercosur Parliament, Brazil

Carlos Ominami, Fmr Senator, Chile

Hugo Martínez, Fmr Foreign Minister, El Salvador

Scott Ludlam, Fmr Senator, Australia

Leïla Chaibi, Member of the European Parliament, France

Saúl Ortega, Fmr President of the Mercosur Parliament, Venezuela

Mónica Xavier, Fmr Senator, Uruguay

Paulão, Member of the Mercosur Parliament, Brazil

Cristina Alvarez Rodríguez, National Deputy, Argentina

Lia Veronica Caliva, National Deputy, Argentina

Fotini Bakadima, Member of Parliament, Greece

Ricardo Canese, Member of the Mercosur Parliament, Paraguay

Héctor Fernández, National Deputy, Argentina

Alejandro Rusconi, International Relations Secretary of Movimiento Evita, Argentina

Amanda Della Ventura, Senator, Uruguay

Carlos López, Member of the Mercosur Parliament, Argentina

Juan Carlos Alderete, National Deputy, Argentina

Ruth Buffalo, Member of the North Dakota House of Representatives, USA

Adrien Quatennens, Member of the National Assembly, France

Cristian Bello, Member of the Mercosur Parliament, Argentina

Alberto Grillón, Fmr Senator, Paraguay

Jahiren Noriega Donoso, Member of the National Assembly, Ecuador

Carlos Sotelo, Fmr Senator, Mexico

Nanci Parrilli, Senator, Argentina

María Antonieta Saa Diaz, Member of the Chamber of Deputies, Chile

Marcia Covarrubias, Member of the Chamber of Deputies, Chile

Bettiana Díaz, Member of the Chamber of Representatives, Uruguay

Gastón Harispe, Member of the Mercosur Parliament, Argentina

Ubaldo Aíta, Member of the Chamber of Representatives, Uruguay

Carolina Yutrovic, National Deputy, Argentina

Claudia Mix, Member of the Chamber of Deputies, Chile

Clara López, Fmr Minister of Labour, Colombia

Karol Cariola, Member of the Chamber of Deputies, Chile

Roser Maestro, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Spain

Mercedes Pérez, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Spain

Victoria Donda, National Deputy, Argentina

Benoît Martin, President of the Confédération Générale du Travail-Paris (CGT-Paris), France

Marisa Saavedra, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Spain

Miguel Bustamante, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Spain

Antón Gómez-Reino, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Spain

Pedro Antonio Honrubia, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Spain

Joan Mena, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Spain

Mar García Puig, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Spain

Txema Guijarro, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Spain

Pablo Echenique, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Spain

Sofía Castañón, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Spain

Javier Sanchez, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Spain

Pilar Garrido, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Spain

Ismael Cortés, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Spain

Julio Sotelo, Member of the Mercosur Parliament, Argentina

Florence Poznanski, National Secretary Parti de Gauche, France

John Ackerman, Professor, Mexico

Karina Oliva, Fmr Gubernatorial Candidate for the Metropolitan Region of Santiago, Chile

Florence Poznanski, National Executive Secretary of the Parti de Gauche, France

Jean-Christophe Sellin, Co-coordinator of the Parti de Gauche, France

Helene Lecacheux, Co-coordinator of the Parti de Gauche, France

Camilo Lagos, President of the Partido Progresista, Chile

Gibrán Ramírez Reyes, Professor, Mexico

Katu Arkonada, Network of Intellectuals in Defense of Humanity, Mexico

Eduardo Valdes, National Deputy, Argentina

Nora Del Valle Giménez, Senator, Argentina

Minou Tabarez Miraval, National Deputy, Dominican Republic

Yves Niveaux, Direction of the PST/POP, Switzerland

Marc Botenga, Member of EU Parliament, Belgium

Felipe Carballo, Diputado Nacional, Frente Amplio, Uruguay

José Miguel Insulza, Fmr Foreign Minister, Chile

Mathilde Pannot, Member of the National Assembly, France

 

Brazil: Bolsonaro Faces Record Low Approval Ratings, Pressure From Lula

The president’s prospects have dimmed since his political nemesis, former President Lula da Silva, had his corruption convictions overturned by the Supreme Court, allowing him to run in the 2022 election.

Sao Paulo: Brazilians’ disapproval of President Jair Bolsonaro’s handling of the COVID-19 crisis is at a record high, and he may face a tough campaign for re-election next year, according to new polls, as Brazil struggles with its worst pandemic surge yet.

A Datafolha survey, released late on Tuesday, showed 54% of Brazilians regard Bolsonaro’s handling of the crisis as bad or awful. A separate poll by PoderData showed two leftist rivals could beat Bolsonaro in a potential runoff vote in October 2022.

Support for Bolsonaro has eroded as Brazil faces a brutal second wave of coronavirus cases, with a record 2,841 deaths in 24 hours reported on Tuesday and a record 90,303 new confirmed infections reported on Wednesday.

The president’s prospects have also dimmed since his political nemesis, former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, had his corruption convictions overturned this month by the Supreme Court, allowing him to run in the 2022 election.

Also read: Brazil: Lula’s Return Means There Is Finally Some Hope for Workers

Lula and leftist former lawmaker Ciro Gomes would have more support than Bolsonaro in a hypothetical runoff vote, according to the PoderData survey, which showed both of them 5 percentage points ahead of Bolsonaro in simulated match-ups.

In 2018, Bolsonaro beat Fernando Haddad, the Workers Party candidate handpicked by Lula, by 55% to 45% in the runoff vote.

The Datafolha poll of 2,023 people, carried out this week, showed a further decline in confidence in Bolsonaro over the pandemic since the previous poll on January 20-21, 2021, when 48% respondents expressed disapproval.

It also showed that 50% of Brazilians reject a potential impeachment of Bolsonaro, while 46% are in favour. In the January poll, 53% were against impeachment while 42% supported it.

The PoderData poll was carried out between March 15 and 17, 2021, and 3,500 people were polled via telephone.

(Reuters)

Brazil: Probe Ordered into Amazon Forest Land Put Up for Sale on Facebook

A Supreme Court justice said some of the areas advertised for sale on Facebook Marketplace belonged to the Uru-Eu-Wau-Wau people, who had been exposed to coronavirus by illegal land-grabbers.

Rio de Janeiro: Brazil’s top court on Tuesday ordered an investigation into how tracts of stolen land in the Amazon rainforest inhabited by indigenous tribes came to be put up for sale on Facebook.

Supreme Court Justice Luis Roberto Barroso was responding to a lawsuit filed by charities and opposition parties that accused the Brazilian government of failing to protect indigenous peoples from the coronavirus.

In his ruling, he said some of the areas advertised for sale on Marketplace, Facebook’s classified ad space, belonged to the Uru-Eu-Wau-Wau people, who had been exposed to the disease by illegal land-grabbers and left in a “critical situation”.

An undercover investigation by the BBC last month found dozens of plots of land in the Amazon occupied by indigenous groups advertised on the site. Many had been deforested.

Also read: Deforestation in Brazil’s Amazon Skyrockets to 12-Year High Under Bolsonaro

Facebook did not immediately reply to a request for comment. Last week the tech firm told the BBC it was “ready to work with local authorities” on the issue.

“The decision is based on a documentary broadcast by BBC News last week, which denounced the use of Facebook for advertising and marketing land in the Amazon,” said the Supreme Court in a statement.

Deforestation in Brazil’s Amazon surged to a 12-year high in 2020, according to government data published in November.

Environmentalists say Brazil’s President Jair Bolsonaro has weakened conservation efforts and raised hopes that new laws would legalise the claims of land-grabbers. “Invasions and land-grabbing only happen because of impunity,” said Ivaneide Bandeira, from the Association of Ethno-Environmental Protection Kaninde, a non-profit organisation that assists the Uru-Eu-Wau-Wau. “So this decision from Barroso gives us hope that something will change, that the law will work.”

Barroso said the investigation should not be restricted to the Uru-Eu-Wau-Wau territory but should also cover “all other indigenous lands”.

(Reuters)

Bearded Women, Crocodile Fears: Bolsonaro Injects Anxiety Into Brazil As It Waits for a Vaccine

In 2020, the Brazilian president has been seen violating the quarantine rules, offering chloroquine tablets to emus and smiling to cameras at vanity projects. Now, he is busy sowing distrust and creating fear about the vaccination that can save precious lives.

Sao Paulo: On December 16, Brazil’s health minister Eduardo Pazuello appeared before the media to release a plan for vaccination against COVID-19. Mandated by the country’s Supreme Court to come up with a blueprint to vaccinate 212 million Brazilians, Pazuello, not wearing a mask, announced a vague scheme, with no fixed date for when the vaccination drive would begin and with which vaccine.

In the middle of his meandering presentation, the minister wondered why there was so much “anxiety” in the country.

Pazuello, a serving army general, just needed to look toward President Jair Bolsonaro, who was present at the event, to know why the country is in the grip of anxiety. As countries across the world, including Brazil’s neighbours like Argentina and Chile, roll out vaccination plans, Bolsonaro has been in an overdrive to delay – and spread fear about – the vaccine. A night before Pazuello’s briefing, Bolsonaro went on air to declare, “I will not take the vaccine and that’s it.”

“Is my life at risk? The problem is mine,” said the president, in an interview on Band TV. The same day, the Bolsonaro government announced that those who take the vaccine will have to “sign an undertaking” that they are doing so “at their own risk”. Bolsonaro also said he would ask the Ministry of Health to post information about the “dangers of vaccination” on its website.

Nine months since the COVID-19 virus hit Brazil, it has infected 7.5 million people and killed more than 185,000 Brazilians. In the final days of 2020, the country is facing a new spike, with roughly 50,000 daily infections and 1,000 plus fatalities every 24 hours. But Bolsonaro, who has repeatedly called the pandemic a “little flu” and said that Brazil should “stop being a country of sissies”, has been doing everything in his power to downplay the pandemic, often clashing with the Congress, Supreme Court and some state governors who have been trying to put a vaccination programme in place.

On Thursday, after several days of ranting and railing by Bolsonaro against “mandatory vaccination”, a full-bench of the Supreme Court gave a judgment, by 10 votes to 1, authorising “restrictive measures” (like not able to attend schools and use public transport) against those who refuse to take the vaccine. The court verdict, which doesn’t recommend forced vaccination, came a day after the president said he would not be vaccinated at any cost.

“Either he is an imbecile or an idiot who is saying that I set a bad example. I already had the virus. I already have antibodies. Why should I have a vaccine again?” the president said at a public event. “Nobody can force anyone to get a vaccine… I don’t want chemotherapy and I’m going to die, that’s my problem,” he said to a crowd of supporters who occasionally applauded his attacks on vaccines.

Also read: Bolsonaro’s Handling of COVID-19 Has Unleashed a Layered Crisis in Brazil

The court judgment is, in fact, a jolt to Bolsonaro. It has been the second blow to him in as many days. A day earlier, a Supreme Court judge had allowed “states and municipalities to distribute vaccines against COVID-19 even if National Health Surveillance Agency (ANVISA) does not approve them within 72 hours of application, provided the vaccine has been approved by health regulators of other countries”. Brazilian law allows automatic approval of medicines validated by health regulators of US, EU, Japan and China.

But, in his typical confrontational style, Bolsonaro spared no time to double down on the Pfizer vaccine and frighten the people with its imaginary side-effects.

“In the Pfizer contract, it’s very clear… ‘we (Pfizer) are not responsible for any side effects’. If you become an alligator, it’s your problem. If you become superhuman, if a woman starts to grow a beard or if a man starts to speak with an effeminate voice, they will not have anything to do with it,” he said at a public event.

Brazil’s ‘anti-vaxxer-in-chief’

There is nothing bizarre in Bolsonaro’s universe of imagination. Always speaking to his far-right base, which thrives on deep-seated social prejudices and conspiracy theories, which are fuelled 24×7 with fake news and claims on social media by his troll army, the president is working on a dangerous strategy of keeping the economy open by minimising the virus threat and sowing doubts about the vaccine with fear mongering.

Tragically, as Brazil’s ‘anti-vaxxer-in-chief’, Bolsonaro has succeeded somewhat in damaging people’s trust in vaccines. According to Datafolha, a top survey firm, the percentage of Brazilians willing to be vaccinated fell from 89% in August to 73% in December. In the same period, the share of people who do not want to get the vaccine grew from 9% to 22%. The resistance to vaccine is highest among the supporters of the Bolsonaro government (30%).

Though a majority (56%) of people support mandatory vaccination for all, public health experts fear the president may damage Brazil’s effort to reach herd immunity through vaccination. “It is necessary to vaccinate 70% of the population to achieve herd immunity. We already have 22% of people against it. The margin of error is just 8%. It is very worrying. We would like to have a leader who encourages people to vaccinate just as all other heads of state in the world do,” Pedro Halal, an epidemiologist and dean of the Federal University of Pelotas, said in an interview on ‘Globo News’. But Halal is hopeful that Bolsonaro may go back on his anti-vaccine position as things turn from bad to worse. “Either the Brazilian government will encourage people to get vaccinated or they will make the country live in an even greater chaos than we already are,” said Halal.

Not known for his oratory skills, Bolsonaro has a talent for making outrageous statements and – many a times – going back on his word when it is convenient. Also, with a cunning use of contradictory tones, he keeps his opponents guessing and the country in a perpetual state of anxiety – a hallmark of his far-right politics. But, coupled with the incompetence of his administration, this approach has proved to be an unmitigated disaster for Brazil as it fails to tackle the once-in-a-century pandemic.

A woman reacts during a mass burial at the Parque Taruma cemetery in Manaus, Brazil, May 26, 2020. Photo: Reuters/Bruno Kelly

As a country with the second highest death toll in the world, high infection rate and poor compliance with quarantine rules, Brazil’s challenges are enormous.

To vaccinate 80% of the Brazilian population, or about 170 million people, with two doses each, the country would need 340 million doses of vaccines, and also 340 million needles, syringes, vials, bottle caps and packaging for needles and syringes. According to researchers, none of these logistics are in place right now and it is one of the main reasons for the government’s reluctance to announce a concrete vaccination plan. Brazil is at least six months behind in its logistics planning for the roll out of a vaccine.

A parallel reality 

It seems the biggest Latin American country doesn’t have a plan to vaccinate its population. But the way things are, it seems the plan is to have no plan.

On December 7, while many Brazilians were glued to their TV screens watching the first dose of Pfizer being given to a British citizen, a smiling and cheerful Bolsonaro and his wife Michelle appeared in front of the cameras at the presidential palace to inaugurate an exhibition of the clothes that the President and the First Lady wore on January 1, 2019, the day of his inauguration. On December 10, as the Brazilian toll reached 180,00 mark and scientists warned that the situation was worsening with the surge of a second wave of infections within the first wave that never ended, Bolsonaro announced excitedly that Brasil was “at the very end of the pandemic”.

Bolsonaro has been so consistent with such theatrics that they don’t appear to be simple distractions anymore. It is a carefully-constructed parallel reality, where facts matter little and images project a different normality. As he disses on science on a daily basis, Bolsonaro has been peddling Chloroquine as a “miracle cure” for COVID-19. After spending millions of dollars, the Army’s Chemical and Pharmaceutical Laboratory is sitting with 400,000 chloroquine tablets in stock, with no demand from the states. But that has not deterred Bolsonaro from hawking this unproven drug; he even got himself photographed offering a pack of chloroquine to emus, the ostrich-like birds who live in the gardens of the Presidential Palace. The photos of the president with the birds, one of whom even pecked him, went viral on social media, with his supporters and opponents sharing them in equal number for different reasons.

Nothing appeals more —and works better – for Bolsonaro than making an issue all about himself.

On the work front, since the beginning of pandemic, Bolsonaro has been busy with firing his health ministers, packing the ministry of health with military men and asking people to violate quarantine rules. As a result, the country has failed to prepare a robust response to the virus at the federal level.

The government faltered the most on the vaccine front. For a continental-sized country spread over 8.5 million sq km and world’s fifth largest population scattered in 5,570 municipalities, Brazil needed a number of vaccines from different sources. Instead, the Bolsonaro government put all its basket in one case by banking on the University of Oxford-AstraZeneca vaccine, which is now under a cloud and will probably be delayed. Then, Brazil made another blunder as it opted to take vaccines for just 10% of its population from the WHO-led Covax vaccine even as it had the option of requesting the doses for 50% of its people.

A battle of vaccines 

People enjoy a drink outside a bar at the Mureta da Urca, amid the COVID-19 outbreak, in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, December 18, 2020. Photo: Reuters/Pilar Olivares

To make the situation worse, the Bolsonaro government has engaged in a nasty dog-fight with the Sao Paulo state governor, Joao Doria, who struck a deal with Sinovac firm of China to produce 46 million doses of a vaccine, called Coronavac, by Butantan Institute of Sao Paulo, one of the global references in vaccine manufacturing. With the preliminary tests of the vaccine showing good results, General Pazuello, the health minister, announced in October that the federal government would buy all the doses of Coronavac and it would be the “vaccine of Brazil”. But after he received a dressing down from the president, a former army captain, the general rescinded his offer.

Bolsonaro’s strong hatred for Doria is not a secret. Doria, who will be one of the main challengers of Bolsonaro in the next election in 2022, is not only pushing hard for a quick approval of Coronavac, he has already announced a plan to begin the vaccination drive in the state of Sao Paulo from January 25. With the AstraZeneca and WHO vaccines nowhere in sight, the vaccine of Butantan Institute, which is already making one million doses a day, will most probably be the first vaccine to enter the Brazilian public health system. This has made the battle of vaccines turn ugly: Bolsonaro supporters have been filling their social networks with fake news about the “communist vaccine” which can “embed a chip into the body” of those who take it.

The unrelenting anti-vaccine campaign is making an impact in Brazil. As per the Datafolha survey, more than 50% people would refuse to take a shot if it “comes from China”. That would be a huge setback to the objective of achieving the herd community through vaccination, even though the vaccine is produced, tested and distributed by a prestigious Brazilian institute.

Also read: Is Brazil the World’s New Coronavirus Hotspot?

The Butantan Institute in Sao Paulo is part of a legacy which made Brazil a great example of public vaccination campaigns. A National Immunization Programme, created in 1973 and implemented since 1975, has been a global reference point for the developing and emerging countries. But, with the rise of Bolsonaro, the anti-vaccine rhetoric now dominates the public policy, causing anxiety to the experts who know how serious the situation is. On December 8, eleven former health ministers signed a memorandum, criticizing the federal government’s conduct as “clumsy and inefficient” in the midst of the pandemic and called for “vaccines for everyone now”.

Even the Supreme Court, which has shot down all efforts by the government to scuttle the vaccination plans, has come down heavily on Bolsonaro supporters – quite vocal in social media – for rejecting vaccination in the name of individual freedom. “The Constitution does not guarantee freedom for a person to be sovereignly selfish. It is the duty of the State, through public policies, to reduce risks of diseases…,” Carmen Lucia, a Supreme Court judge, wrote in the verdict which made the vaccination obligatory for all citizens.

“Selfishness is not compatible with democracy,” the judge added.

But the harshest criticism of Bolsonaro’s behaviour came in a recent editorial of Folha de Sao Paulo, the country’s biggest newspaper, which called him a “saboteur” and the protagonist of a “homicidal neglect”. The stinging editorial commented that President Jair Bolsonaro’s “murderous stupidity in the face of the coronavirus pandemic has gone beyond all limits…”

It ended with some advice directed at the president: “It is time to set aside delinquent irresponsibility, to at least pretend the capacity and maturity to lead the nation of 212 million inhabitants in a dramatic moment of its collective trajectory”.

Florencia Costa and Shobhan Saxena are independent journalists based in Sao Paulo, Brazil.

Brazil Supreme Court Ruling Could Free Corruption Convicts, Including Lula

A 7-4 decision in favour of allowing defendants the right to a full appeals process before they are imprisoned is expected.

Brasilia: Brazil’s Supreme Court began debating on Thursday whether to overturn a three-year-old rule that convicted criminals must go to prison right after losing their first appeal and not wait until they have exhausted their appeal options.

The rule contributed to the success of Brazil’s biggest corruption investigation, the so-called Car Wash operation that put dozens of company executives and politicians in jail for bribes and kickbacks, including former leftist President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva.

The prospect of serving immediate prison time after losing a first appeal encouraged suspects to negotiate plea deals with prosecutors, providing them with information that helped unravel the biggest graft scheme in Brazil’s history.

Lula and many others convicted of corruption in the Car Wash investigation could be released from prison if the top court reverses the rule, as expected, when the justices vote on Oct. 24.

Also Read: Brazilian Mayor’s Attempts to Ban Comic Book Over Gay Kiss Foiled

Justice Marco Aurelio de Mello, the second-longest-serving justice on the 11-member court, told Reuters on Wednesday he would vote for a return to the original rule that all appeals must be exhausted before a convicted defendant goes to prison.

Mello rejected criticism that the debate was geared to benefit Lula, who went to jail in July 2018 for 8 years and 10 months for receiving bribes from engineering companies in return for government contracts.

Mello told reporters at the court on Thursday that he expects a 7-4 decision in favour of allowing defendants the right to a full appeals process before they are imprisoned.

Former judge Sergio Moro, who handled most of the Car Wash trials and is now justice minister in the government of right-wing President Jair Bolsonaro, said such a decision would be a big setback for Brazil’s fight against corruption.

In Thursday’s session, lawyers for political parties opposed to the rule and the Brazilian Bar Association argued that it violated the constitution, which establishes the presumption of innocence of a defendant throughout the appeals process.

“Whether we like it or not, whether we disagree with the Constitution or find it out of date, the fact is that this is what the Constitution says,” said Jose Eduardo Cardozo, a former justice minister.

The top public prosecutor and the government’s solicitor general, who have both defended the current rule, will have the closing arguments before the justices cast their votes.

According to the National Council of Justice, some 4,895 convicts could potentially benefit from the rule change.

(Reuters)

Lula Can Be Jailed, Rules Brazil’s Top Court

Lula is the front-runner in all opinion polls for the presidential election in October, but his conviction will likely bar him from running.

Brasilia: Brazil’s Supreme Court early on Thursday rejected former president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva’s plea to avoid prison while he appeals a corruption conviction, in a vote that likely ends his political career and deepens divisions in the country.

The pivotal vote was cast by Justice Rosa Weber against Lula‘s request to avoid jail and begin serving his 12-year sentence for accepting bribes. Weber was seen as the only swing vote and her decision sealed Lula‘s fate. He may be jailed within a week.

Lula is still Brazil’s most popular politician, despite his conviction and six separate pending corruption trials. He is the front-runner in all opinion polls for the presidential election in October, but his conviction will likely bar him from running.

The decision against Lula is a serious blow to the political survival of Brazil’s first working-class president whose career from a factory shop floor to high office is sinking in the corruption scandals that have rocked the political establishment and especially his Workers Party, which held power from 2003 until mid-2016.

Brazilian society remains deeply divided after Lula‘s successor, President Dilma Rousseff, was impeached and removed from office amid a corruption scandal and economic crisis.

Lula‘s conviction was upheld on a first appeal. Under Brazilian electoral law, a candidate is forbidden from running for elected office for eight years after being found guilty of a crime. Some exemptions have been made in the past, and the ultimate decision in Lula‘s case would be made by the top electoral court if and when Lula officially files to be a candidate.

Lower court judges, the country’s top prosecutor and business groups urged the court to abide by its own 2016 ruling that defendants can be jailed if a conviction is upheld on a first appeal, as Lula‘s was earlier this year.

Before that ruling, appeals in Brazil’s complex and badly backlogged legal system could stretched out for several years, guaranteeing impunity for those rich enough to afford lawyers who could launch countless technical appeals.

Military weighs in 

Tensions increased on Tuesday when the commander of Brazil’s army weighed in with tweets calling on the court to stand guard against impunity. That rattled nerves across Brazil, which endured a 1964-85 military dictatorships and has a long history of coups interrupting democratic regimes.

General Eduardo Villas Boas wrote that the army along with “all good citizens, repudiates impunity and respects the Constitution, social peace and democracy.”

Villas Boas wrote that the army would stick to its constitutional role. But retired officers have warned that the military would not take lightly to the Supreme Court, which has rejected nearly all similar appeals in the past two years, ruling that Lula could remain free on appeal.

Army reserve general Luiz Lessa told the Estado de S.Paulo newspaper on Tuesday the military would have to intervene if Lula was allowed to become a candidate in the election. The army said that was his personal opinion.

Lula oversaw years of robust growth and falling inequality during a commodity boom and has said he wants to run again for the presidency in October.

His supporters see the conviction as a ploy to stop him returning to power. The Workers Party said the Army commander’s comments widely reported by Brazilian media had brought undue pressure to bear on the Supreme Court to rule against him.

Lula was found guilty in August and sentenced to 10 years in prison for accepting bribes worth 3.7 million reais ($1 million) from engineering firm OAS, the amount of money prosecutors said OAS spent refurbishing a beach apartment for Lula in return for his help winning contracts with state-run oil company Petroleo Brasileiro.

In January, an appeals court unanimously upheld his conviction and increased the prison sentence to 12 years.

(Reuters)

Charges Against President Temer Forwarded From Brazil SC Justice to Congress

Under Brazilian law, it is now up to the Legislative House of Deputies to vote on whether to allow the Supreme Court to try President Temer for graft.

Brazilian President Michel Temer speaks during press statement, at Planalto Palace in Brasilia, Brazil June 27, 2017. Credit: Reuters/Ueslei Marcelino

Brasilia: A Brazilian Supreme Court justice sent a corruption charge against President Michel Temer to Congress on Wednesday, advancing the process under which the centre-right leader could be removed from office to face trial for graft.

The justice, Edson Fachin, rejected an argument made by Brazil’s top federal prosecutor that the Supreme Court should hear preliminary arguments on the charge and its merits for 15 days, before deciding whether to send it to the lower house of Congress.

Under Brazilian law, it is now up to the House of Deputies to decide whether to allow the Supreme Court to try Temer, who replaced impeached leftist President Dilma Rousseff last year. Two-thirds of the lower house must vote against Temer for his trial to occur.

The president was charged this week with arranging to receive 38 million reais ($11.55 million) in bribes from executives at JBS SA, the world’s largest meat processor.

Temer branded the charge a “fiction” in a nationally televised address on Tuesday, even as he acknowledged that it could hurt the economy and hamper his government’s plans for far-reaching reforms to help lift Latin America’s biggest country out of a historic recession.

The Brazilian leader has repeatedly said he is innocent of any wrongdoing and has rejected calls from the opposition to resign.. He is caught up in a three-year anti-graft push by investigators that has revealed stunning levels of corruption in Latin America’s largest country.

The schemes involve businesses paying billions of dollars in bribes to politicians and executives at state-run companies in return for winning contracts and various political favours.

Temer, one-third of his cabinet, four past presidents and dozens of lawmakers are either on trial, facing charges or under investigation for corruption. Over 90 people have been found guilty so far.

More corruption charges are expected to be made against Temer by Prosecutor General Rodrigo Janot in the coming weeks. Each of those charges will require a vote by the full lower house on whether or not the president should face trial.

A vote on the first charge against Temer is expected to take place in three to four weeks.

If less than two-thirds of the house were to vote against the charge, it would be shelved. If two-thirds approved it, it would then go back to the Supreme Court, to decide whether it will take up the case.

Temer would immediately be suspended from office for 180 days if the court accepts the case, during which time House Speaker Rodrigo Maia would take the presidency.

Were Temer to be found guilty, Congress would appoint a caretaker president to serve out his term, which ends on Jan. 1, 2019.

(Reuters)

‘I Won’t Resign. Oust Me If You Want’, Says Brazil’s Temer

He said he would not step down even if he was formally indicted in the corruption scandal by the Supreme Court, because to do so would be to admit to guilt.

Brazil’s President Michel Temer speaks at Planalto Palace in Brasilia, Brazil, May 20, 2017. Credit: Reuters/Ueslei Marcelino

Brasilia: Brazilian President Michel Temer, facing growing calls for his resignation over a corruption scandal, said he would not step down even if he was formally indicted by the Supreme Court.

“I will not resign. Oust me if you want, but if I stepped down, I would be admitting guilt,” Temer told Folha de S.Paulo, Brazil‘s biggest newspaper, in an interview published on Monday.

Brazilians who have become inured to a massive, three-year corruption investigation were shocked last week by the disclosure of a recording that appeared to show Temer condoning the payment of hush money to a jailed lawmaker.

The scandal has threatened to tear apart Temer‘s coalition in Congress and leave Latin America’s largest economy adrift as the president fights for his political survival, just a year after the impeachment of his predecessor.

The Supreme Court has opened an investigation into the revelations that were part of plea bargain testimony by the billionaire owners of meatpacking giant JBS SA.

The court had been expected to decide this week whether to suspend the investigation at Temer‘s request until it could be determined if the recording of his March conversation with JBS chairman Joesley Batista was doctored to implicate the leader.

But Chief Justice Carmen Lucia ruled on Monday, May 22, that the court would not take up the recording issue until Brazil‘s federal police finished their examination of the tape and determined if it had been edited, possibly making it inadmissible as evidence in the investigation.

Shortly after, Temer‘s lawyers said they had dropped their request that the investigation be suspended, given the court’s decision that the tape must be evaluated.

Ricardo Molina, a private expert Temer‘s team hired to examine the tape, told reporters on Monday that the recording had clearly been edited and should not be accepted as evidence.

The investigator said he had found at least 70 points of “irregularities” in the 38-minute recording, such as moments where the audio was “clipped,” or when the voice of Temer was unintelligible.

Regardless, the head of Brazil‘s powerful national bar association, which is calling for Temer‘s impeachment, said plea-bargain testimony by JBS executives included more evidence against the president than just the recording. Claudio Lamachia told reporters that even Temer‘s meeting with Batista, who was under corruption investigations, was unacceptable.

The Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB), Temer‘s biggest ally in the governing coalition, put off a meeting on Sunday to decide whether to continue supporting the beleaguered president.

Party officials said on Monday the PSDB would wait until the Supreme Court ruled on whether to continue an investigation of Temer.

People hold up signs during a protest against corruption and Brazilian conglomerate Odebrecht SA, in Azua, Dominican Republic, May 21, 2017. Credit: Reuters/Ricardo Rojas

‘I am not doomed’

The president, who took office a year ago after the ouster of former running mate Dilma Rousseff, has come under unrelenting pressure to step down and let Congress elect a new president for the remainder of his term.

Still, Temer maintained a confident outlook, telling Folha he was “absolutely” sure he was capable of finishing his term through the end of 2018 without giving up on his legislative agenda, which includes an ambitious overhaul of the country’s labour and social security regulations.

His coalition had already been struggling to muster the votes for the unpopular social security reform. Financial markets, which had largely anticipated approval of the reforms, slumped last week when the scandal broke.

S&P Global Ratings threatened to downgrade Brazil‘s rating further into junk territory over the next three months if political turmoil hampered the advance of economic reforms.

The Brazilian real extended losses on Monday morning, weakening more than 1%. Yields on interest rate futures were up, indicating a deep rate cut by the central bank at the end of this month has become less likely as uncertainty grows.

“I will demonstrate political strength in coming weeks precisely by putting important bills to vote [in Congress],” Temer told Folha. “I am not doomed.”

Temer said the recording was not proof of wrongdoing and he did not report the vague references to bribery of officials because he did not believe them. “Joesley is a loudmouth,” Temer said.

“I have shown, with relative success, that what that businessman did was to induce a conversation,” the president told Folha, acknowledging that he had been wrong to make no record of hismeeting with the businessman in the official ledger of visitors.

(Reuters)

Brazilian President’s Refusal to Resign Risks Prolonging Recession

President Temer’s fight to continue as president will drain resources and delay Brazil’s efforts to stabilise its economy.

Demonstrators take part in a protest against Brazil’s President Michel Temer in Sao Paulo, Brazil, May 18, 2017. The banner reads “Out Temer.” Credit: Reuters/Nacho Doce

Brasilia: Brazilian President Michel Temer’s refusal to resign in the face of a Supreme Court investigation raises the prospect of a drawn-out fight for survival by an unpopular leader that would stall reforms, deter investors and leave Latin America’s largest economy adrift.

Legal experts and some of Temer’s political allies said his determination to fight corruption allegations could prolong a political crisis for months. That could halt congressional passage of measures needed to pull Brazil from its worst-ever recession, including moves to ease labour regulations and raise the pension age.

The prospect of Brazil tumbling back into political paralysis just a year after the impeachment of former President Dilma Rousseff sent the benchmark Bovespa stock index toppling 9% on Thursday, its biggest daily decline since the 2008 financial crisis.

Details of a plea bargain deal by executives of the world’s largest meatpacking company JBS released on Friday showed Temer is accused of attempts to obstruct a sweeping corruption investigation and of receiving $4.6 million in bribes – shocking even Brazilians inured to three years of the graft probe.

In a strongly worded televised address on Saturday, a defiant Temer said a secret recording by JBS Chairman Joesley Batista had been edited to deliberately incriminate him. He asked the Supreme Court to suspend its investigation until the recording’s integrity could be verified.

Brazil will not be derailed. I will continue to lead the government,” Temer said from the podium in the presidential palace, denouncing Batista as a ‘criminal’ who fled to New York before the storm surrounding his plea deal broke. Batista was not available for comment.

In addition to the Supreme Court investigation, Temer faces growing calls for his impeachment and a legal battle over the alleged illegal funding of his 2014 campaign, when he ran as the vice presidential candidate to Rousseff.

Protests in several Brazilian cities this week were relatively small. But analysts said the possibility of an increasingly isolated, lameduck president clinging to power could bring hundreds of thousands of angry Brazilians onto the streets, as was the case last year.

With more than 14 million Brazilians unemployed and many frustrated by the government’s austerity agenda, Temer’s popularity is languishing near single figures.

Some allies have already abandoned his coalition and the coming days will determine whether he has enough support in Congress to weather the storm.

“Temer should only stay on if he is able to get his coalition to approve the reforms. If not, he has to step down,” said José Anibal, a leading member of the Brazilian Social Democrat Party (PSDB), the president’s main ally.

Opponents seeking Temer’s ouster filed eight separate impeachment requests on Thursday. Any impeachment would take at least six months, generating further uncertainty that could smother an incipient recovery in Brazil‘s $2 trillion economy, according to economists, government officials and lawmakers.

Temer and his most trusted aides, including finance minister Henrique Meirelles, worked the phones furiously over the last two days to convince politicians and investors to back him amid what some analysts are calling the worst crisis since Brazil returned to democracy in 1985.

“We need to convince the political class that there is no better option for Brazil at this moment,” said a presidential aide who asked for anonymity to speak freely. “This is not about Temer but is about investment, generating new jobs and improving the lives of Brazilians.”

Protracted fight

Temer’s critics argue he is not fit to govern after meeting in the presidential residence with Batista and allegedly endorsing – or at least not reporting – his efforts to derail the Operation Car Wash investigation into political kickbacks and bribery at state-run companies, particularly oil firm Petrobras.

Batista handed a recording of the conversation to prosecutors as part of a plea bargain deal. Testimony by JBS executives released on Friday also accused former Presidents Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and Rousseff of accepting tens of millions of dollars in bribes and named scores of other politicians.

Lawyers for Lula said he was innocent. Rousseff denied any wrongdoing in a statement.

Brazil‘s securities regulator is probing JBS and other companies controlled by the Batista family for possible insider trading of foreign exchange futures and shares ahead of the announcement. JBS said in a statement the trades were part of its dollar hedging strategy.

The Supreme Court investigation would normally take months if not years but given the political climate, justices are expected to expedite a decision on whether Temer should be tried. Legal experts said the evidence in the case appeared to be strong.

“The Supreme Court investigation could take a long time, but it starts off with strong evidence, the recording of the Batista meeting and a series of other videos,” said Rafael Mafei, a law professor at the University of Sao Paulo. “This would be the quickest way out of this crisis.”

If the Supreme Court accepts charges of obstruction of justice and corruption against Temer, the lower house of Congress would have to authorise his trial. That, like impeachment, would require approval by two-thirds of the chamber.

The president would be suspended immediately pending trial and may be forced to quit.

The fate of his presidency could also be sealed by Brazil‘s Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) if it decides to annul the Rousseff-Temer ticket’s victory in the 2014 election because it received illegal campaign donations.

The case, due to open on June 6, was expected to last months, but the crisis will speed up proceedings. However, Temer can appeal any adverse ruling.

If Temer is removed, the speaker of the lower house would take over for up to 30 days while Congress picks a new president to serve the rest of the presidential term until the end of 2018.

Potential candidates floated by politicians include Temer’s economic chief, Meirelles–a favorite of investors–and the head of the Supreme Court, Chief Justice Carmen Lucia Rocha.

Any leader picked by lawmakers, however, would likely lack the legitimacy to pursue the unpopular pension and labor reforms before the general elections in late 2018.

“That leader would be weak given how discredited this Congress is,” said Senator Ronaldo Caiado, a member of Temer’s alliance who has called for his resignation. “Only someone with the backing of the ballot could carry out the reforms we need.”

($1 = 3.2550 reais)

(Reuters)