Decarbonisation Is Nearing. India Should Brace For its Impact.

As renewable energy and innovations like carbon border taxes gather pace, the world will see global manufacturing chains redeploy themselves.

The fourth – and concluding – report in this series looks at the costs of accelerated decarbonisation in a battered economy. Read the first, second and third stories here, here and here

For the longest time, developing economies have resisted emission reduction.

That, however, is set to change. Not only are carbon border taxes coming in, global finance, wary of getting saddled with stranded assets, is fast adopting ESG (environmental, social, and corporate governance) principles.

The fallout is striking. Developed countries (and global finance) are bypassing national governments and forcing value chains to decarbonise.

As our second report showed, companies are being compelled to adopt expensive technologies like carbon capture even before the supportive policy—like carbon offsets and emission markets – come up.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s statements at COP26 have added to the pressure. By 2030, he announced at Glasgow, India will meet 50% of its energy requirements from renewable energy; and that the country’s emissions intensity will drop by 46-48% from 2005 levels.

Decarbonisation is nearing. Accordingly, the first two reports in this series have looked at India’s prospects in the energy transition. Our first report asked if India can become a supplier (if not of the technology, then of the fuels). Our second report looked at local value chains’ capacity to decarbonise.

Our third report looked at the regulatory scaffolding needed for carbon capture technologies to work.

Also read: How Carbon Taxation Can Lead To a Cost-Effective Climate Change Mitigation Strategy in India

Running deeper than coal

Talk about the energy transition and coal comes up immediately.

A number of researchers across the world are working on ‘just transition’ – to support the economies that run on fossil fuels. In India, ‘just transition’ is usually invoked in the context of coal. As its use falls, coal-producing regions will see revenues fall; sectors allied to coal will see closures and job losses.

What India is about to see with accelerating decarbonisation, however, is a bigger shock.

Units based on the fossil fuel economy will obviously come under strain, for example India’s automotive sector. As the world moves to electric vehicles, firms making internal combustion engines will be in a fix. As Tata Motors’ electric vehicle deal with TPG Rise Climate and ADQ (Abu Dhabi Developmental Holding) shows, larger firms might survive, but smaller firms will struggle. As things stand, electric vehicles need fewer parts than internal combustion engines. Firms in such supply chains will be hit.

Even industries not at risk of obsolescence will see losses. Take India’s steel sector. In a bid to retain access to export markets, bigger firms are trying to decarbonise. As the second story in our series showed, Tata Steel is mulling over hydrogen and carbon capture. Smaller companies, however, are too cash-strapped to remake themselves.

And yet, these two changes are just the proverbial tip of the iceberg. Cost of energy is a major determinant of where value chains locate themselves. Now, as renewable energy and innovations like carbon border taxes gather pace, the world will see global manufacturing chains redeploy themselves. “Till now, the West had outsourced most of its manufacturing to developing countries,” said economist Jayati Ghosh. “Most of its emissions are produced from consumption. In contrast, most of the Global South’s emissions emanate from manufacturing, not from consumption.” Now, she said, “we will have to see which of these value chains stay in the third world and which ones move back.”

These questions will touch even sectors like textiles. It will have to choose between renewables – whose prices are set to rise in India – and paying carbon border taxes. “This is like ISO,” said Ghosh. “It, too, had covered input suppliers to companies. That said, the informal economy in many of these sectors makes it almost impossible to comply.”

Also read: The Six Advantages of Imposing a Harmonised Carbon Tax

A large dislocation is coming

At the best of times, doing business in India is not easy.

To begin with, there is our erratic policy making. In coal, thermal power producers found themselves unable to compete with those who bagged discretionary captive coal block allocations – and slipped into losses. And then, after the Supreme Court deallocated those blocks, the favoured few slipped into losses as well.

In gas, cheap domestic gas was abruptly yanked from fertilisers and given to city gas distributors. The latter then found their prices capped. In solar, the rooftop sector has been brought to its knees by DISCOMs, which don’t want their most profitable customers to set up their own solar installations. The rest of the market – ground installations of solar panels – has also been hammered. Between the country’s ‘Make in India’ push, the imposition of a basic Customs duty on solar imports, and a hike in GST rates, solar equipment and tariffs are set to cost more as well. This will also push up hydrogen prices in India.

That is not all. A clutch of states, like Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh, have reneged on power purchase contracts. “There is no sanctity of contracts,” said Sandeep Hasurkar, the author of Never Too Big To Fail, a book detailing the collapse of IL&FS.

The country is now adding technological risk to that melee. To retain access to export markets and finance, companies have to decarbonise. Compounding matters, they have to decarbonise despite being under strain. Between demonetisation (2016), the botched rollout of GST (2017), the cash crunch (2018), the first COVID-19 lockdown (2020) and the second one (2021), most companies are struggling.

The outcome is one where larger companies might make the shift – but smaller ones will struggle.

“Since domestic lending to industry has collapsed in the last half-decade with the NPA crisis and its legacies, access to foreign capital has become crucial for companies looking to grow quickly,” said Rohit Chandra, an assistant professor at IIT Delhi’s School of Public Policy. “Unfortunately, foreign capital generally comes to a very small set of Indian firms and regions.” ESG norms are likely to exacerbate this inequality, he said.

What will happen next? With only a few firms able to sell in decarbonised markets, will the rest compete in India’s domestic market? In that sense, will the world split into two markets – one green, but not the other? Or will the country see further consolidation of economic power with a few? In which case, what happens to the rest?

What does all this mean for the economy itself?

India, said Ghosh, is “teetering at the edge of a financial crisis. We are very fragile and vulnerable right now. I do not know if this will push us over the edge.”

This article was first published by CarbonCopy. Read the original here

Maruti Suzuki Reports 1.7% Increase in November Auto Sales

However, passenger vehicle sales registered a month-on-month decline last month despite expectations of demand recovery during the festive season.

New Delhi: The country’s largest carmaker Maruti Suzuki India (MSI) on Tuesday reported a 1.7% increase in sales to 1,53,223 units in November. However, passenger vehicle sales registered a month-on-month decline last month despite expectations of demand recovery during the festive season.

Maruti Suzuki sold a total of 135,775 passenger vehicles in India in November 2020, translating into a decline of 17% as compared to the 163,656 units it sold in October 2020, Times Now reported.

Domestic sales increased marginally to 144,219 units last month as against 143,686 units in November 2019, it added.

Sales of mini cars, comprising Alto and S-Presso, declined by 15.1% to 22,339 units as compared to 26,306 in the same month last year.

Similarly, sales of compact segment, including models such as Swift, Celerio, Ignis, Baleno and Dzire, declined by 1.8% to 76,630 units as against 78,013 cars in November last year.

Sales of mid-sized sedan Ciaz, however, increased by 29.1% to 1,870 units as compared with 1,448 in November 2019.

Similarly, utility vehicle sales, including Vitara Brezza, S-Cross and Ertiga, rose 2.4% to 23,753 units compared to 23,204 in the year-ago month, MSI said.

Exports in November were up 29.7% at 9,004 units as against 6,944 units in the corresponding month last year, the company said.

(With inputs from PTI.)

The Ugly Underbelly of Make in India

A shocking new report on the automotive sector questions whether manufacturing in India can ever deliver on its promises without offering a safe environment for workers.

A shocking new report on the automotive sector questions whether manufacturing in India can ever deliver on its promises without offering a safe environment for workers

23-year-old Ravi hails from Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh. He oper- ated an injection-molding machine in a small tier-3 factory that manufactures spare parts for heavy vehicles. On his fifth day on the job, there was an unexpected malfunctioning of the machine and it closed down on its own. Before he could switch off the machine, Ravi’s hand got caught in the machine and he lost four fingers and part of his left palm. The employer paid for his treatment but is now demand- ing a return of the treatment expenses. The employer also refuses to give his salary on time and is instead coercing Ravi into handing over the ESI com- pensation payment.

23-year-old Ravi hails from Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh. He operated an injection-moulding machine in a small tier-3 factory that manufactures spare parts for heavy vehicles. On his fifth day on the job, there was an unexpected malfunctioning of the machine. Ravi’s hand got caught and he lost four fingers and part of his left palm. The employer paid for his treatment but is now demanding a return of the treatment expenses. Credit: From What Can Safeguard Workers?

New Delhi: With the Indian auto industry – which produced 23.37 million vehicles in 2014-15 and attracted FDI of $12.2 billion between 2000 and 2015 – all set to play a central role in Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s call to “Make in India’’, an alarming new report on shop floor injuries in the automotive sector has questioned whether “Make in India” can be successful without first ensuring that manufacturing is ‘safe in India’.

The report – What Can Safeguard Workers? – jointly produced by Agrasar and SafeInIndia, a new civic initiative launched by former IIM graduates, Sandeep Sachdeva, Ravi Gulati and Prabhat Agarwal, and was released in Gurgaon on Tuesday.

With an estimated workforce of 80,000, the auto industry in the Gurgaon-Manesar region near New Delhi is one of the largest automotive hubs in India. Of these, over 1,000 workers meet with serious industrial accidents every year – a rate of incidence that is testimony to the casualisation of labour, non-existent training, long working hours, poor pay and absence of basic safety in the automotive sector, and especially in ancillary units.

The report points out through 20 case studies the complete apathy of most of the companies – owners, managers and contractors – towards the plight of the injured workers, most of whom are left with permanent disabilities and a consequent loss of employment and income. “This happens despite a slew of safety laws and monitoring agencies… Such incidents are only increasing by the day,” claims the report.

The summary of the 20 case studies provided by the report makes for grim reading:

Pre-accident:

  • In almost all cases (16 out of 20), there was no training provided to 
workers
  • In 8 of 20 cases, there was no system of machine/safety regulation 
inspections in the factories. In another 5 cases, the safety inspections were 
irregular and ad-hoc.
  • No automatic safety control system was found in 14 out of 20 cases.
  • Appropriate quality safety gear/equipment was not provided in any of the 
cases.
  • Very few workers (only 8 out of 20) had ESI 
cards prior to the accident, risking their post- accident care and compensation. However, in almost all cases, workers’ knowledge of ESI processes was inadequate.
  • The age profile of accident victims varied from 18 years to 52 years; however, the majority (15 out of 20) were under 23 years of age.

Post–accident:

  • In half of the cases post accident, employers showed complete apathy, especially where the worker was easily replaceable.
  • Most workers (14 out of 20) were first treated
 at small private hospitals instead of ESI
 hospitals. The choice of hospital appeared
 to be influenced by convenience, previous 
experience of dealing with similar accidents
 at workplace, distance to the hospital, and 
availability of doctors during evenings and 
night shifts at the concerned hospital. The
 employers and employees due to ESIC’s 
time-consuming procedures and attitude saw ESI hospitals as unattractive. Though not clearly evident, preference towards private hospitals was often driven by non-compliance of employers towards ESI registration and procedures.
  • In 18 cases, the victims lost their jobs after the accidents.

Based on accidents in the automotive industry in Gurgaon, case studies and stakeholder responses, the report notes how rarely these accidents come to the attention of the national media. One such instance was in August this year when an industrial robot killed a 23-year-old employee of an automobile factory while the employee was trying to fix a metal sheet that had been dislocated. “It was subsequently reported that in this factory, 113 out of 118 robots lack sensor barriers,” the report, said pointing to the abysmal adherence to safety norms by most companies.

Worse still, the report expresses the fear that there has been a gross under-reporting of accidents in the region and indeed across India. “In 2005, the International Labor Organization published a report on work-related accidents around the world. It pointed out a strange anomaly: India had reported 222 fatal accidents that year, while the Czech Republic, with a working population of about 1 per cent of India’s, had reported 231. The ILO estimated that the “true number of fatal accidents” taking place in India every year was 40,000. However, as a result of under-reporting, the total number of fatal accidents recorded in a year is much below the actual number of accidents.”

The report said the Delhi-Gurgaon-Faridabad region is home to many Original Equipment Manufacturers (OEM) and sub-contractor manufacturers ranging from Tier-1 to Tier-3 who employ over 80,000 workers in factories across the region.

However, to keep their cost of operations low, many a times these companies overlook the aspect of safety for their employees. “Unsurprisingly, while laws regarding work place safety, post-accident care and compensation do exist, there is an absence of strong and effective institutional mechanisms to support their implementation. This had led to unnecessarily hazardous working conditions, a low level of safety consciousness and training and inadequate post-accident treatment, care, compensation and rehabilitation. Injured workers are, therefore, often left with long term psychological and physical damage, with its consequent financial implications.”

Through interviews with 20 workers who suffered serious injuries, the research has highlighted how in 80 per cent of the cases there was no training provided to workers.


Credit: What Can Safeguard Workers?

Credit: From What Can Safeguard Workers?


Consider the case of 18-year-old Suraj from Bulandshahr, Uttar Pradesh. He had just taken up his first job with a small Tier-3 manufacturing unit and was on his third day at work when due to total lack of experience he held the machine cap of the object in a wrong manner due to which the die press got stuck and his right hand was caught in the press shop machine. He lost two fingers of his right hand. Still recuperating, Suraj is now extremely scared of working in a similar environment again. He has hidden the accident from his parents and family back home for fear of upsetting them and their plans for his sister’s wedding.

Suraj’s case illustrates how without any training, young workers are often asked to operate a press shop machine, especially ones which lack any safety mechanism. Suraj’s uncle, who owned the unit, took the responsibility of treatment, but the boy has received no other support. Though a permanent employee with the factory, he did not have an ESI card and is not even aware about the scheme or its benefits.

Loss of job

The report found that workers who get injured for no fault of their own can end up losing their job and livelihood.

Surender. Credit: from

Surender. Credit: From What Can Safeguard Workers?

One such case is of 20-year-old Surender from Alwar in Rajasthan who operated a forklift machine in a Tier-2 auto component manufacturing unit Gurgaon. A new worker with no training was asked to work on a powerful machine right away and his inability to control the machine caused serious injury to Surender’s left leg. Again, the machine came with no safety mechanisms.

For Surender, a contract worker who was not on the rolls of the company, the consequences of his accident were severe. Not only did he suffer a grievous injury, in the absence of the employer helping him, he had to sell his family land to cover his treatment cost. Though the contractor initially spent Rs 4 lakh on his treatment, Surender has been bearing the subsequent expenses on his own. Surender possessed an ESI card, but the ESI hospital claimed that it was invalid even when he had got it renewed from the branch office of ESI.

The research also highlighted how there were significant shortcomings in inspections of these factories; how no automatic safety control system existed in 70 per cent of cases; quality safety gear/equipment was completely absent in all units; less than half the workers had ESI cards prior to the accident; and how nearly 75 per cent of the workers were under 23 years of age.

In most cases, the approach of the employers was found completely apathetic following the accidents. Despite India having a good legal framework in the form of the Factories Act, 1948, the Employees’ Compensation Act, 1923, Contract Labour (Regulation and Abolition) Act, 1970 and the ESI Act (and other related acts) for the protection of workers, 18 of the 20 workers lost their jobs after the accidents. With 19 of the accidents being reported in Tier-2 and Tier-3 factories, the report said it was also a pointer to shortcomings that exist in the safety protocols and infrastructure in such units.


Raja Shah story

Raja Shah. Credit: From What Can Safeguard Workers?


The research also revealed that there were “significant shortcomings in ESI facility inspections and in recruitment of doctors; lack of basic amenities and equipment at ESI designated facilities and often apathy among the ESI officials in monitoring the overall ESI service delivery process.”

In view of these findings, the report has suggested the need to “improve safety consciousness among workers as well as manufacturers” through their training; improvement in supply chain safety audit from OEM/Tier 1 manufacturers and sharing of best safety practices in the industry for long-term productivity gains.

For improvement in treatment and rehabilitation of injured workers, the report has called for better and immediate post-accident treatment, a more effective ESI process and a system to identify appropriate roles for injured workers.

It has also suggested better implementation of labour laws and safety regulations, addressing shortage of safety inspectors and revision of antiquated laws as means of improving the lot of workers.